[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 40 (Wednesday, March 12, 2003)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E429-E430]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




          HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA ON TIBETAN UPRISING DAY

                                 ______
                                 

                         HON. MARK STEVEN KIRK

                              of illinois

                    in the house of representatives

                        Tuesday, March 11, 2003

  Mr. KIRK. Mr. Speaker, I request the attached copy of the annual 
statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama marking March 10, 2003 as the 
44th anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising of 1959 be included in the 
Congressional Record.
  On March 10, 1959, the people of the Tibetan capitol of Lhasa 
surrounded the summer home of the Dalai Lama in a brave effort to 
protect him from the Peoples' Liberation Army's guns that were trained 
on his compound from across the river. These heroic Tibetans refused to 
leave even after the Chinese artillery fire began failing. The Dalai 
Lama eventually fled into exile in a futile effort to protect them; 
thousands died during the Chinese assault on the city, and thousands 
more died as the PLA moved to suppress a nationwide uprising against 
their increasingly repressive occupation of Tibet.
  Under the leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Tibetan people 
inside and outside Tibet continue their non-violent struggle to 
preserve their unique cultural, linguistic and religious heritage. I am 
proud that the U.S. Congress is a beacon of support for the Tibetan 
struggle. I hope that His Holiness' statement will inspire all of us to 
re-double our efforts in support of a peaceful resolution to this 
tragic situation. As the lead sponsor of the Tibetan Policy Act, I was 
pleased to see the Congress come together last year in support of a 
dynamic U.S. policy on Tibet. This year, as we implement this landmark 
legislation, we must continue our historic support for a movement that 
embodies the values of our nation and our time: freedom of speech, 
freedom of religion, freedom from tyranny, equality, liberty, self-
determination, and democratic self-government.

                          March 10th Statement

       Our sincere greetings to our fellow Tibetans in Tibet and 
     in exile and to our friends and supporters all over the world 
     on the occasion of the 44th anniversary of the Tibetan 
     People's Uprising of 1959. While there were positive 
     developments on the overall issue of Tibet, we remain 
     concerned about the continuing marginalization of Tibetans in 
     their own country and Chinese actions on the human rights and 
     religious freedom of the Tibetan people in the past year.
       The 16th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party ushered a 
     new era in China by smoothly transferring the leadership from 
     the third to the fourth generation. This is a sign of 
     political maturity and adaptability. The reforms, initiated 
     by Deng Xiaoping and continued under President Jiang Zemin, 
     have brought about great changes in China, especially in the 
     fields of economy, trade and in the conduct of international 
     relations. I welcome this development since I have always 
     drawn attention to the need to bring China into the 
     mainstream of the world community and have spoken against any 
     idea of isolating and containing China. Unfortunately, in 
     sharp contrast to these positive aspects, such a pragmatic 
     and flexible approach has been lacking when it comes to 
     upholding the basic civil and political rights and freedoms 
     of its citizens, especially with regard to those of the so-
     called minorities within the People's Republic of China.
       We were encouraged by the release of several Tibetan and 
     Chinese political prisoners of conscience during the past 
     year, Among them Tibetan prisoners such as Takna Jigme Sangpo 
     and Ani Ngawang Sangdrol who spent years in prison solely for 
     daring to express their views on Chinese policies in Tibet 
     and in particular on Tibetan history and who represent the 
     courage and determination of the Tibetan people inside Tibet.
       I was pleased that the Chinese government made it possible 
     for my envoys to visit Beijing to re-establish direct contact 
     with the Chinese leadership and to also visit Tibet to 
     interact with the leading local Tibetan officials. The visit 
     of my envoys last September to Beijing provided the 
     opportunities to explain to the Chinese leadership our views 
     on the issue of Tibet. I was encouraged that the exchanges of 
     views were friendly and meaningful.
       I had instructed my envoys to make every effort to pursue a 
     course of dialogue with the leadership in Beijing and to 
     seize every opportunity to dispel existing misunderstandings 
     and misconceptions in Beijing about our views and positions. 
     This is the only sensible, intelligent and human way to 
     resolve differences and establish understanding. It will not 
     be an easy task nor can it be accomplished within a short 
     period of time. However, it provides the Tibetan and Chinese 
     peoples a unique and crucial opportunity to put behind them 
     decades of bitterness, distrust and resentment and to form a 
     new relationship based on equality, friendship and mutual 
     benefit.
       Successive Chinese leaders have acknowledged and promised 
     to respect with understanding and tolerance Tibet's distinct 
     culture, history and identity. In reality, whenever Tibetans 
     demonstrate allegiance and

[[Page E430]]

     concern for their own people the Chinese authorities resort 
     to their usual ``policy of merciless repression'', whereby 
     they are labelled as ``splittists'' and as a result arrested 
     and imprisoned. They have no opportunity to speak out the 
     truth. The recent execution of Lobsang Dhondup and the death 
     sentence given to Tulku Tenzin Delek without due process of 
     law are clear examples of this policy, which cannot resolve 
     the problem and therefore must be changed.
       It is my sincere hope that the Chinese leadership will find 
     the courage, vision and wisdom for new openings to solve the 
     Tibetan issue through dialogue. Looking around the world we 
     cannot fail to notice how unattended conflicts with ethnic 
     roots can erupt in ways that make them extremely difficult to 
     solve. It is, therefore, in the interest of the People's 
     Republic of China to address such issues. A new creative 
     initiative to resolve the issue of Tibet would serve as a 
     very convincing sign that China is changing, maturing and 
     becoming more receptive to assuming a greater role on the 
     global stage as a reliable and forward-looking power. A 
     constructive approach to the issue of Tibet provides 
     important opportunities to create a political climate of 
     trust, confidence and openness, both domestically and 
     internationally. Such an expression of Chinese leadership 
     during this time of deep anxiety over international 
     conflicts, terrorism and ethnic strife in the world will go a 
     long way to impressing and reassuring the world.
       It is necessary to recognize that the Tibetan freedom 
     struggle is not about my personal position or well being. As 
     early as in 1969 I made it clear that it is up to the Tibetan 
     people to decide whether the centuries-old institution of the 
     Dalai Lama should continue or not. In 1992 in a formal 
     announcement I stated clearly that when we return to Tibet 
     with a certain degree of freedom. I would not hold any office 
     in the Tibetan government nor any other political position. 
     However, as I often state, till my last day I will remain 
     committed to the promotion of human values and religious 
     harmony, I also announced then that the Tibetan 
     Administration-in-Exile should be dissolved and that the 
     Tibetans in Tibet must shoulder the main responsibility of 
     running the Tibetan government. I have always believed that 
     in the future Tibet should follow a secular and democratic 
     system of governance. It is, therefore, baseless to allege 
     that our efforts are aimed at the restoration of Tibet's old 
     social system. No Tibetan, whether in exile or in Tibet, has 
     any desire to restore old Tibet's outdated social order. On 
     the contrary, the democratisation of the Tibetan community 
     started soon upon our arrival in exile. This culminated in 
     the direct election of our political leadership in 2001. We 
     are committed to continue to take vigorous actions to further 
     promote democratic values among the ordinary Tibetans.
       As far back as the early seventies in consultation with 
     senior Tibetan officials I made a decision to seek a solution 
     to the Tibetan problem through a ``Middle Way Approach''. 
     This framework does not call for independence and separation 
     of Tibet. At the same time it provides genuine autonomy for 
     the six million men and women who consider themselves 
     Tibetans to preserve their distinctive identity, to promote 
     their religious and cultural heritage that is based on a 
     centuries-old philosophy which is of benefit even in the 21st 
     century, and to protect the delicate environment of the 
     Tibetan plateau. This approach will contribute to the overall 
     stability and unity of the People's Republic of China. I 
     remain committed to this realistic and pragmatic approach and 
     will continue to make every effort to reach a mutually 
     acceptable solution.
       The reality today is that we are all interdependent and we 
     have to co-exist on this small planet. Therefore, the only 
     sensible and intelligent way of resolving differences, 
     whether between individuals, peoples or nations, is through a 
     political culture of non-violence and dialogue. Since our 
     struggle is based on truth, justice and non-violence and is 
     not directed against China, we have been fortunate to receive 
     increasing worldwide sympathy and support, including from 
     amongst the Chinese. I express my appreciation and gratitude 
     for this consistent solidarity. I would also like to express 
     once again on behalf of the Tibetans our appreciation and 
     immense gratitude to the. people and the Government of India 
     for their unwavering and unmatched generosity and support.
       With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet who have 
     died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to 
     the suffering of our people.
     The Dalai Lama.

                          ____________________