[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 36 (Thursday, March 6, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3207-S3208]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
WAR IN IRAQ
Mr. BENNETT. Madam President, seeing no one else here and being
prepared to yield as soon as someone comes with a desire to speak, I
will take advantage of this opportunity to make a few comments with
respect to the pending situation in Iraq.
Since I returned from last weekend in Utah, I have become
increasingly aware of how anxious people are about Iraq and the
possibility of war in Iraq. This anxiousness comes from those who are
supporters of the President as well as those who are detractors of the
President. Some who have faith in the President's judgment and in his
instincts say, we will back him but we are very concerned about the
possibility of going to war. Those who do not have faith in the
President's political judgment are almost beside themselves with anger
and anxiety that he would go ahead in the face of what they consider to
be serious worldwide opposition to the war.
As I look out at the situation, as best I can I have tried to explain
to them
[[Page S3208]]
what I see to help them understand that which the Washington Post
editorial said last week; that is, the risks of not going to war in the
present circumstances are probably greater than the risks of going to
war. Those who are looking to the United States to exercise leadership
in this part of the world--indeed, to free them from the tyranny of
Saddam Hussein--are just as desperate that perhaps we might back down
as are those who fear that war will come.
War is never an easy decision, and I assure all of my constituents
that this President is not given to war simply as something to do. That
which we hear in the press about this possibility is clearly wrong;
that is, the suggestion that perhaps the President is going to war in
order to secure more oil for America. I point out that if oil were our
motivation, war would be our last option. We could simply turn to
Saddam Hussein, remove the sanctions, make accommodations with him, and
say, go ahead and produce all the oil you want and we will take
advantage of that and the impact of that on the world oil market.
Nor does it have anything to do, as some have suggested in the press,
with the desire on the part of this President to somehow redeem the
pledge that was made by his father. All of this rewrites history.
George W. Bush--or George Bush, the first, if I might use that term--
was operating under a series of resolutions from the United Nations
that did not authorize him to invade Iraq or go into Baghdad to remove
Saddam Hussein. The decision was made, after examining the
circumstances on the battlefield, that the mandate laid down by both
the Congress and the U.N. had been fulfilled when the first George W.
Bush had succeeded in liberating Kuwait.
We can look back through the lens of history and say that was a
mistake in terms of what happened in the area, but by no means was it a
circumstance where we could say that the present President Bush feels a
need to somehow revenge his father or atone for his father. At the
time, the decision was made on the basis of the legal situation and the
best information available from the battlefield. In hindsight, we might
say it was the wrong decision, but under no circumstances can we say
that the first President Bush should be criticized for having made it.
No, the reason we are going forward in Iraq has to do with much more
of the American spirit and the American tradition. America is not an
imperial power, in spite of the statements by some of the people in the
European press. America does not seek Roman-type domination over other
nations. When America moves forward in war, it is for one purpose only,
and that is to advance the cause of freedom. Usually, it is to advance
the cause of freedom in America; that is, to preserve our citizens from
attack. That is an aspect of the current situation.
Those who say, no, Iraq has never attacked us are being blind to the
interconnections throughout the world of the Middle East with respect
to terror. They say, we do not have a smoking gun to prove absolutely
that al-Qaida, when they attacked the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon, was receiving aid from Iraq. Those who are waiting for that
kind of absolute certainty before they move ahead are not cognizant of
the intelligence information that is available not only to those who
have attended classified briefings but, frankly, to the whole world
based on the presentations made by Secretary Powell at the U.N. and in
other circumstances.
There can be no doubt that America has been attacked, has been
attacked by those who have received sanctuary in Iraq, and has been
attacked by those who will, if not stopped, come back at us again and
again and again. It is their clear desire to drive the Americans out of
the Middle East through military--if necessary, terrorist--tactics, to
see to it that we leave. When we leave, what will be the legacy of that
decision? If we back out of our military threat against Iraq, what will
we leave behind? Will we leave stability? Will we leave freedom? Will
we leave prosperity? No. If we back out of the region now, we will
leave behind us continued warfare, continued death, continued poverty,
and continued torture. That is not the American tradition, to turn our
back on those circumstances and walk away when there is an opportunity
to advance freedom, liberty, prosperity, and peace.
I do not envy the President the challenge of the decision he must
make, but I recognize America has traditionally, when aroused, stood on
the side of moving ahead to protect liberty wherever we can. If we do
go ahead with military action in Iraq in the face of Saddam Hussein's
continuing refusal to disarm, what, then, will be the legacy we will
leave behind when the entire operation is finished? We can only look at
other American circumstances to try to find the parallel. When we moved
into imperial Japan at the end of the second world war, defeated the
Japanese military, what did we find? A feudal system where women were
not only not allowed to vote but in many cases were treated like
property and chattel, where slavery existed throughout the empire,
where property rights were not available to any except those who had
been born to them--a feudal society firmly mired in circumstances of
centuries before.
What did we leave behind when we departed? A free nation that had
women's suffrage, where slavery was abolished, where property rights
were available to all, where the rule of law existed in a democratic
society. We saw the Japanese rise to a level of prosperity thereafter
that made them the second strongest economy in the world. That was the
legacy we left behind when we achieved military victory.
When we won the Second World War, we not only liberated those people
who considered themselves under the yoke of foreign domination--the
Dutch, the French, the Belgians, et cetera--we also liberated the
Germans, who were our enemies, and the Japanese, who were our enemies.
After the Second World War, those who had been our adversaries had a
greater degree of freedom, a greater degree of prosperity, and a peace
and calm in their circumstances they did not have under their previous
regimes. They did not live under American domination or American
legions left there as the Romans would do. They lived there in freedom
and peace and were protected by American military might from those who
would have attacked that peace.
It is that history in America that gives me confidence that President
Bush will do the right thing in Iraq. If war becomes necessary because
of Saddam Hussein's continued refusal to disarm and his continued
refusal to step down and turn his country to freedom, if war becomes
necessary, the American tradition says the legacy we will leave behind
will be one that our children can be proud of and in which Iraqi
children can rejoice.
Let us not shrink from our responsibility to be the protectors of
freedom and liberty throughout the world. And let us not shrink from
our responsibility to protect America from those who would attack us if
we do not move ahead.
I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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