[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 34 (Tuesday, March 4, 2003)]
[House]
[Page H1492]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ACTING UNILATERALLY NOT IN BEST INTEREST OF UNITED STATES
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Hoeffel) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to state that
unilateral military action by the United States against Iraq at this
time is not in our best national interest.
Certainly Saddam Hussein must be disarmed and Iraq must be rid of
weapons of mass destruction. Equally clear is our power to act
unilaterally and successfully against Iraq, or any other country for
that matter. I am proud we have that power, and we must sustain it. But
the question is not whether we will prevail against Iraq. We will, with
or without help. The real question is whether it is in our best
national interest to unilaterally use our awesome power against Iraq. I
believe it is not.
We may not need help to win a war, but we will need help the day
after the war is won, and that help must come from a multinational or a
United Nations effort. We need our friends to help with peacekeeping,
with rebuilding and with international credibility, and that support
will be absent if we take unilateral action.
This is not about winning United Nations permission to protect
ourselves. We do not need that permission. This is about winning United
Nations support to protect all civilized countries from the Iraqi
threat. President Bush must forge a strong coalition through continued
diplomacy before using American military power. If he does not, we will
be isolated and less secure, and that is not in our national interest.
President Bush very skillfully won unanimous Security Council support
last fall to restart the arms inspections, and he deserves great credit
for that. After the initial success, however, the administration has
not been able to maintain that unity and cannot even muster unity today
among the five permanent nations of the Security Council.
What is the problem here? We are talking about an isolated country
with a fourth-rate military and a leader who is a murderous tyrant that
has no support and no friends in the United Nations. Yet the Security
Council is split. Why is that? I believe it is because of the inept,
bungled, cowboy diplomacy of the President of the United States and his
senior advisers.
Six months ago, after a great deal of soul searching, I voted to give
the President military authority to use force to rid Iraq of the
weapons of mass destruction. The President asked for that authority and
said he would exhaust all diplomatic options before using it. And his
strategy worked. The inspections were restarted.
I am convinced that while those inspections have not been met with
enough cooperation, the inspectors' presence in Iraq has made Saddam
Hussein less dangerous for the time being.
The administration has had much less success since then, and the root
cause is simple: cowboy diplomacy from this administration. Every
diplomatic thrust has been met with rhetoric that belies and often
contradicts the diplomatic efforts. Administration spokesmen speak
nearly every day with rhetoric that implies we are bent on war, with or
without U.N. support, with or without our traditional and closest
allies. The implication is that diplomacy is just something to take up
time and distract attention until all of our troops are in place.
The Bush administration spent much of its pre-9-11 days acting
unilaterally on a variety of fronts, the environment, the ABM Treaty
and many other ways, even though promising a new foreign policy run
with humility during the 2002 election campaign.
{time} 1930
In that broader sense, it comes as no surprise that so many of our
allies are not joining us now.
Then last week, in the middle of this diplomatic standoff, the
administration released its plans for a post-Saddam Iraq, which
included the possibility of a civilian American government. I think
that is a great mistake. It will certainly be necessary, if we invade
Iraq, for there to be military occupation to keep people from murdering
each other for a time. That occupation will be essential; but we should
not impose an American civil government.
We should be looking for a multinational or a United Nations program
to provide an interim civil government, and certainly our goal has to
be to establish a representative and stable Iraqi government itself.
The Bush plan smacks of colonialism, and could give ammunition to those
who question our motives in seeking to disarm Hussein in the first
place.
It is dangerous to conduct a unilateral invasion of Iraq. It will
undermine our credibility and legitimacy that this country has built up
over decades of global leadership. We must realize that when we
question the motives of countries like Germany and France, they
question ours. We must work with them.
I call on the Bush administration to renew its efforts to secure a
broad multinational coalition or U.N. mandate to disarm Iraq.
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