[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 34 (Tuesday, March 4, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H1474-H1475]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY TAX GAP ACT
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of
January 7, 2003, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett) is recognized
during morning hour debates for 5 minutes.
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Speaker, an old maxim ``the more you know, the
better
[[Page H1475]]
your decision,'' underlies my introduction of the ``Corporate
Accountability Tax Gap Act.'' We need this legislation because of the
growing gap between what corporate America claims as giant profits to
lure investors--called ``book'' profits and what it reports as little
income to the Internal Revenue Service--called ``tax'' profits.
While not compelling closure of this gap, this bill would require
publicly traded corporations to report, and in some cases, to explain
the discrepancy. Like the canary in the coal mine, a little bit of
transparency in accounting would be a ``WorldCom,'' ``Enron,'' and all
those other corporate scandals ``early warning system'' to avoid a
repeat of this past three long years of stock market losses and to root
out abusive tax shelter schemes.
To those who say ``what you don't know can't hurt you,'' I submit as
Exhibit A a new 2,800-page report on the Enron scandal that has been
reviewed before the Senate Finance Committee.
Those 2,800 pages represent essentially about 2,800 reasons why
``trust'' is no longer a substitute for ``verify'' when it comes to
corporate income. This report on Enron's financial and tax shenanigans
is longer than any Charles Dickens novel but no less bleak.
This report released by the Joint Committee on Taxation documents
that in four years Enron glowingly bragged of $2.3 billion in income to
its shareholders, while at the same time it was reporting $3 billion in
losses, not income, to the IRS.
The $5 billion Enron credibility gap is not unique. In the last year
for which we have data, there was an estimated $159 billion gap between
book earnings that corporations report to investors and taxable
earnings reported to the IRS.
Too often investors read a rosy earnings report, while at tax time,
Uncle Sam hears only regrets written in red ink. In the words of Wall
Street Journal columnist Alan Murray, ``it's increasingly clear that
lying to shareholders and lying to the IRS are just opposite sides of
the same coin.''
The ``Crooked E'' had many enablers, but ultimately much of the blame
belongs right here in this Congress, which was unwilling to make the
changes necessary to prevent Enron-type debacles. Last year, the Senate
Finance Committee demanded the Enron report and held hearings. In the
House, unfortunately, the Committee on Ways and Means washed its hands
of the entire matter. It was not interested in inspecting the Enron
reports. It refused to hold a hearing, much less report a bill out of
committee. The Republican leadership feared that if we lifted that rock
just a little, the public would be outraged by what crawled out
concerning corporate misconduct.
I ask today that my colleagues help me lift the rock, just a little,
by supporting the ``Corporate Accountability Tax Gap Act.''
In this Enron report, one tax promoter touts itself as an ``Architect
of value.'' This architect, though, only built facades, created only
virtual value to defraud investors and the government alike.
{time} 1245
This report shows that Enron patterned some of its tricks after what
other corporations were doing. Indeed, in only the last few days we
have had a spate of corporate scandals, including the grocer Ahold and
the phone company Sprint, which indicates that much more work remains
to be done.
Certainly not all of the book/tax gap comes from accounting gains,
but a Harvard Business School study last year determined that more than
half of the gap could not be explained by common tax deductions. Tricky
leasing games and off-balance sheet transactions can hide financial
difficulties while artificially inflating earnings.
If a corporation's biggest profit center is its tax department, the
investors need to know it.
Under my bill, publicly-traded companies would disclose the bottom-
line net income tax that they paid as well as the federal income tax
expense they reported to the Securities and Exchange Commission. The
gap between the two would be exposed for all to see and to explore.
Continued secrecy is not in the public interest. A host of Enron
executives have demonstrated the truth of former Chief Justice Earl
Warren's remark that ``it would be difficult to name a more efficient
ally of corruption than secrecy.''
Finally, my bill would commit the Treasury Department, working
together with Congress, to report promptly on a study of this troubling
book/tax gap and recommend further appropriate changes. The scope of
the problem and the harm it can inflict on hard-working investors,
especially seniors with limited retirement income, have motivated
strong public interest and an endorsement from Citizens Works and
Taxpayers for Common Sense.
Allowing a few to dodge their fair share of support for our national
security and other needs means increasing the burden on honest
Americans. Restoring investors' confidence in the market means arming
them with more than glossy, self-serving, shareholder reports.
Protecting hard-working Americans' investments means approving the
``Corporate Accountability Tax Gap Act'' to assist the public in
deciding whether financial reports are based on facts or fairy tales.
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