[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 32 (Thursday, February 27, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2904-S2906]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Homeland Security
Mr. REID. Mr. President, there have been a number of statements over
the past many months about the fact that we should have been spending
more money on homeland security.
For example, this week, I had a woman come to me from Las Vegas, who
is in charge of the 9-1-1 center at the Metropolitan Police Department,
a very large police department, with hundreds and hundreds of police
officers representing that urban area of some 1.5 to 1.7 million
people.
She indicated to me there is a real problem. If you have a telephone
call coming from a standard telephone, that person can be identified.
They know the location of that telephone. Or if it is a pay phone, they
know the location of that pay phone. But today a lot of people are
getting rid of their standard telephones, as we know them, and are
using computers, and millions and millions of people are using cell
phones.
She said that for virtually every place in the United States,
including the Las Vegas area, if you call 9-1-1 from a cell phone, they
have no idea who is making the phone call or where it is coming from.
And, of course, with the computer, that is absolutely the case also.
She was lamenting the fact that the technology is there. It is easy
to do what needs to be done to make sure that 9-1-1 calls that come
from cell phones can be located.
People have lost their lives and have been injured and harm caused to
them as a result of 9-1-1 not being able to identify when the emergency
call comes in. This is only one example of how technology could handle
the problem.
Why isn't it being done in Las Vegas and other places? There isn't
enough money. With what happened on September 11, there is tremendous
need for more money to be spent for homeland security. This was
certainly the opinion of the Governors who were in town this week. They
are having all kinds of problems.
So, Mr. President, I would like to refer again to the New York Times.
I have talked about an editorial, as did my friend from Idaho, in the
New York Times. I want to refer to a news story from the New York
Times, dated today, February 27, 2003, written by one Philip Shenon,
entitled ``White House Concedes That Counterterror Budget Is Meager.''
In effect, what this news article says is the White House now
recognizes that there isn't enough money to take care of the problems
of homeland security.
In this article, among other things, the President blames the
leadership of the House and the Senate. And, of course, that does not
include the Democratic leadership, because everyone knows, including
the President, that we have been crying for more money for more than a
year.
There are just a couple things from this news article I would like to
point out to the Senate:
. . . the long delayed Government spending plan for the
year does not provide enough money to protect against
terrorist attacks on American soil.
Mr. President, this is a statement from this administration. This is
not a statement from the Senator from West Virginia, the senior member
of the Appropriations Committee, who has spoken for hours and hours on
the need for more money. This is not a statement from Senator Daschle,
the Democratic leader. This is coming from the administration: White
House concedes that counterterror budget is meager.
The article goes on to say:
. . . because it had failed to provide adequate money for
local counterterrorism programs.
Mr. President, throughout America today you can't have police
agencies talking with each other. In Las Vegas, as an example, you have
the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department, the city of Henderson,
and Boulder City, and they can't talk to each other in an emergency.
The technology is there. They can do that. But these governments simply
don't have the money to do that. Fire departments can't talk to police
departments all over America. It is not only a problem in Nevada.
We have been asking that the President help with these moneys, and he
has been unwilling to do so. He, in effect, vetoed a multibillion
dollar proposal we had in a bill just a short time ago. In the bill we
had, the big omnibus bill, we asked for a small amount of money for all
the demands in here. We asked for $3.5 billion, but it contains only,
as this article indicates, about $1.3 billion in counterterrorism money
for local governments.
Now, these remarks struck some of the audiences unusually sharp,
given that ``both Houses of Congress are controlled by the President's
party,'' as the article indicates.
Now, there is more in this article, and the day is late, and the snow
is falling, but I do want to read this to make sure the picture is
plain.
This is a quote from Governor Gary Locke of Washington, which is in
the article:
We have a lot of police agencies in the state that were
assured by the administration, repeatedly, that this money
was on the way.
Still quoting from the article:
He said that many police and fire departments had bought
[for example] hazardous-materials protective suits and other
counterterrorism equipment in the expectation that they would
be reimbursed by the federal government.
``And now,'' Governor Locke said, ``they're going to have
to scramble to terminate other programs in order to cover
those costs.''
It is not only Democratic Governors complaining. Republican Governors
are complaining. Governor Bob Taft, a Republican, said lawmakers did
not appropriate the amount that was recommended and earmarked for what
they appropriated. So it is very clear there are things we need to do
on this Senate floor that deal with more than the employment of one
man, Miguel Estrada, a man who today, I am sure, is billing big hours
down at his plush office here in Washington, a man who makes hundreds
of thousands of dollars a year.
There have been statements made on this floor that it is extremely
important that we shift from this man's employment, one man's
employment, to the millions of people who are unemployed, and millions
who are underemployed, people who have no health insurance and are
underinsured and the many other problems we face.
Unanimous Consent Request--S. 466
Based upon the New York Times article and the fact that the President
of the United States has now acknowledged that the counterterror budget
is meager, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate return to
legislative session and then proceed to the immediate consideration of
S. 466, a bill to provide $5 billion for first responders, introduced
today by Senator Daschle.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. CRAPO. Mr. President, I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, this is no surprise. I hope that people will
understand the need to go to other legislation. When we have our own
President who, for more than a year, has said we have enough money,
there is money in the pipeline, now agreeing that we have a problem,
that we don't have enough money. The State of Nevada, I spoke to the
State legislature there a week ago last Tuesday, 10 days ago, 9 days
ago. I told the legislature there, which is like 45 other State
legislatures around America today, they have a State that is in red
ink. I told them there are a number of reasons they are
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in red ink. One is we have passed a bill called Leave No Child Behind,
and we are leaving lots of children behind because we passed on to the
State of Nevada and other States unfunded mandates that create
financial problems for the States.
I also told the State legislature that what we have done in passing
different measures dealing with terrorism, we have passed on to the
State and local governments unfunded mandates, costing the State of
Nevada and local governments millions of dollars, causing their budgets
to be in the red significantly.
The President is wrong. He must help us address the problem. Senator
Daschle's bill for $5 billion for first responders is not enough, but
it is a step in the right direction.
We are fighting. We have now here the former chairman of the Armed
Services Committee, now ranking member. As we speak, American forces
are in a war in Afghanistan. People every day are being wounded and
killed in Afghanistan. But that has been overwhelmed by what is going
on in Iraq, or what soon will go on in Iraq.
We have lots of problems. We have problems in North Korea, which is a
real serious one. They have started their second reactor there in the
last few days. I was present at a briefing the other day with somebody
from the administration who should know about how much the war is going
to cost, and they don't know. The war in Iraq, they don't know. But we
know we have a war going on here at home to fight terrorism, and we are
not spending enough money to protect American people.
We have interests in the Middle East. We have interests in
Afghanistan. We have interests on the Korean peninsula. We have
interests here, and they are being neglected. The President
acknowledges that. What are we doing here, spending 3 weeks dealing
with Miguel Estrada. It is wrong. I am not surprised this unanimous
consent request was objected to, but even though I am not surprised, it
doesn't take away from the significance and really how depressed I am
as a result of not having the adequate resources we need to take care
of the problems dealing with homeland security.
Mr. LEVIN. I wonder if the Senator will yield for one question?
Mr. REID. I am happy to yield to my friend.
Mr. LEVIN. We have heard now with some regularity from the
administration that they have no idea, no estimate as to what the cost
of the war with Iraq will be, nor what the aftermath would cost; in
other words, assuming there is a war, assuming that we occupy Iraq with
or without others. According to General Shinseki, that could actually
involve up to 100,000 troops there for some unlimited period of time.
But even if they disagree with that, which apparently some members of
the Pentagon do, we have not been able to obtain--and they claim there
is none--an estimate of the cost of the aftermath of a war with Iraq at
the same time that they are asking us to put in place an additional tax
cut.
Does it not strike my good friend from Nevada as being irresponsible
to put into place tax cuts with huge costs to the Treasury when we are
likely on the verge of a war which has no particular estimated cost,
and then the aftermath of that war, which could last years, in turn
also has no estimated cost? Does it not strike the Senator from Nevada
as simply not being the responsible thing to do to be imposing or
putting into place tax reductions which means losses to the Treasury,
when we are right on the verge of potential expenditures which could be
literally hundreds of billions of dollars over a reasonably short
period of time?
Mr. REID. Even though I would disagree with what the administration
would do if they had the information and wouldn't give it to us, I
wouldn't like that, but I would at least feel more comfortable that
they were on top of their game. But for them to come to us and say, we
don't know, that says it all. If they don't know and have no estimates
as to the cost of what post-Iraq is going to be, we should all be
concerned. If the general is 50 percent wrong, and it is only 100,000
troops, that is a lot of troops to keep there for a period of time.
They don't know whether it is 2 days, 2 years or 2 decades.
Mr. LEVIN. And the answer we get is there is no way to know with
certainty. These specifics are simply not available. There are too many
imponderables. That is true, there are clearly some uncertainties. But
it seems obvious to me the planners at the Pentagon must have some
range of time or else there is no exit strategy, or else it is forever.
Previous administrations have been criticized for not having exit
strategies, not having estimates in time, for making their estimate too
short: They will be home by Christmas. But that is no excuse for not
having some range--that we will be there from 1 to 3 years according to
the best estimate. The worst case scenario is X number of years, best
case scenario is such and such. The best case scenario is we won't have
problems with the Kurds or the Shia will not be attacking the Sunni.
The worst case scenario is we will have those kinds of civil wars.
There are best case and worst case scenarios which allow planners who
are working actually on estimated costs and exit strategies to come up
with some kind of an estimate upon which we can base future resources
and expenditures of this Nation.
Mr. REID. People in the administration who try to be candid with
Congress get in trouble. Larry Lindsey, the chief economic adviser to
the President, told us the war would cost $100 billion. He lost his
job. I don't know if that is the only reason, but the general, a couple
days ago, said: We will have to have 200,000 troops. There was a mad
rush to that poor man to get him to change his opinion, and he changed
his opinion and said: Maybe I was wrong, maybe it will be--and he
mumbled around a little bit, but he gave an honest answer.
Mr. LEVIN. He did.
Mr. REID. Let's hope he doesn't lose his job. Let me also say this.
We have all been impressed with this movie ``A Beautiful Mind,'' which
a year ago won the Academy Award. The principle of that movie and the
book that I read, written by a woman named Nasar, was that this
brilliant man, Nash, figured out what was called the game theory. This
doesn't necessarily mean playing checkers.
He was able to determine through this brilliant mind that he had what
would happen if more than two people were engaged in an activity and,
as a result of the work he did, that is what much of the cold war
planning was based upon--his theory, his game theory.
Now, for me to be told that this mighty Nation, the United States of
America, with 260 million people, with the finest educational
institutions in the world--there are about 121 great universities in
the world, and we have about 112 of them; basically they are all in
America. So for someone to tell me that we don't know what it is going
to cost postwar, that simply is not being candid. They know. There are
different scenarios and they have them all in those computers, and they
know what the different costs are going to be.
I say to my friend from Michigan that, through mathematics, through
computer modeling, you can figure about anything out. As most everybody
knows, my last election was real close. I won election night by 401
votes. By the time it was over, I picked up 27 more votes. But on
election night, I had a computer man who worked with me for many years.
He was a fine man. He had run a number of different models for the 17
counties in Nevada and he told me after the vote was out of Clark
County: You cannot lose. I have run every model there is and you cannot
lose. It will be close, but you cannot lose. He figured out with
mathematical certainty that I could not lose. Now, I didn't believe
him, but he knew because he believes math doesn't lie.
So without belaboring the point to the Senator from Michigan,
somebody knows in this administration, but they are not going to tell
us because they are afraid the American people are going to lose more
confidence. As reported yesterday, the Wall Street Journal reports that
soaring energy costs, the threat of terrorism, and a stagnant job
market has sent consumer spirits plunging to levels only seen in
recessions. That was from yesterday. That is why they are not telling
us.
I have given the Senator a very long answer to a short question, but
I believe the administration knows and
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they are afraid to fess up to the Congress and to the American people
what this war is going to cost.
Mr. LEVIN. Just to add one further thought, it seems to me it would
be absolutely irresponsible not to have a range or an estimate of what
the cost of a war would be in the best and worst case scenarios.
Mr. REID. Or middle case.
Mr. LEVIN. Yes, or at least a range on what is the worst case
scenario and what is the best case scenario. I cannot believe the
planners at the Pentagon and the OMB do not have a range. If they don't
have a range, it would be irresponsible because how in heaven's name
can the administration then say that we can afford a tax cut of the
size they are proposing, when we have an impending demand for resources
in a war that could be lengthy, costly, and then the aftermath could be
lengthy and costly? It borders on the reckless, in terms of an economy,
to say we don't have an estimate, we don't know whether or not it is
going to be $20 billion, $40 billion, $100 billion--we don't have a
range; yet they are trying to persuade a majority of the Congress that
we ought to shrink the resources coming into the Government at the same
time we are on the verge of war and the aftermath of a war, which
doesn't have any estimated length, any estimated cost, and no troop
estimate. We were given about a 200,000 estimate. Well, that is too
high. OK, what is the ceiling that is more realistic to the people
who say 200,000 is too high? We are completely devoid of that.
What we are not devoid of, though, is the effort to shrink resources
to this Government through a tax cut, which has a number of problems to
it. One of them is that when we are facing what we are in terms of
expenditures, it is not the responsible thing to do.
Mr. REID. I would like to respond, not in a very direct way, but to
point out problems the Senator has outlined in his statement to me. Is
the Senator aware that yesterday I talked about a Pew Research Center
poll? It is a nonpartisan organization. They are not for Democrats or
Republicans. This was a real big poll, where 1,254 adults were
contacted between February 12 and 18. For the first time in this
administration, the American people do not approve of the way George W.
Bush is handling the economy; 48 percent of the people disapprove. Is
the Senator aware of that?
Mr. LEVIN. I wasn't aware of the Senator's remarks, but I was aware
of the poll.
Mr. REID. And the Senator talked about tax policy. This same poll
says that 44 percent of the American people disagree of George W.
Bush's handling of tax policy. So the Senator said it all. I appreciate
his asking me a question.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I am going to speak about the very budget
document that the Senator from Nevada and I have been discussing,
perhaps in an indirect way. I wish to share some thoughts with the
Senate about the proposed budget for 2004, which the President has now
sent to Congress.
As always, I wanted to see where the President's priorities were--not
in sound bites, but the actual nitty-gritty numbers in the budget
document. While every budget request is important, with the economy
sputtering the way it is and with huge Federal deficits looming and
critical domestic and international issues unresolved, particularly
when we are facing the potential of a war and a very lengthy and
complicated, expensive aftermath to that war, this budget requires
special attention.
I have been keenly disappointed by what this attention revealed. The
President's budget would do exactly what he recently said he did not
want to do, which was to pass our problems along to the next
generation. The President made a very eloquent statement in the State
of the Union Address, saying that we are not going to pass our problems
along to the next generation. But when you look at the details of the
budget, that is precisely what this budget request does.
By the administration's own calculations, this budget would have us
run a deficit of over a trillion dollars for the next 5 years,
including record-setting deficits of over $300 billion for this year
and next.
Now, the contrast here between this projection of deficit and the
$5.5 trillion 10-year surplus that was projected in January of 2001 is
simply stunning. That contrast between just what 2 years ago was
projected for our economy--a $5.5 trillion surplus--now there are
projections of deficits upon deficits upon deficits--a projected
deficit of over a trillion dollars over the next 5 years.
The administration's plan estimates a non-Social Security deficit
totaling over $2.5 trillion to the year 2008, which would leave us with
an additional debt of $5 trillion in 2008, which is 150 times greater
than what was projected just in the year 2001.
Why such dire fiscal predictions? First, while the tax cut in the
year 2001 played a huge part in putting us into the current deficit
ditch, the President's call for an additional $1.5 trillion in new tax
cuts--most of which disproportionately benefits upper income folks--
will help ensure that we not only stay in the deficit ditch, which we
are back into, but that it will be a deep deficit ditch.
Even Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan recognized the danger of
such cuts when he spoke of the importance of curbing the deficit, not
increasing it.
That perhaps came as a surprise to some people in the administration
who were looking to Alan Greenspan to give support to the tax cut
proposal and minimize, they hoped, the impact of deficits on future
economies. That is not what Chairman Greenspan did. He
straightforwardly recognized the danger of the tax cuts when he spoke
of the importance of reducing deficits and not increasing deficits.
Mr. President, I see the Democratic leader is in the Chamber. I
withhold the remainder of my comments at this time because he has a
very important message relative to North Korea, and I wish to
participate with him in a colloquy and presentation. So I withhold the
remainder of my comments relative to the President's budget at this
time.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader.