[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 26 (Wednesday, February 12, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H419-H420]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IN SUPPORT OF MIGUEL ESTRADA'S CONFIRMATION
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Speaker, the history of our Nation was forged in the
balmy summer of 1787 in what was at the time the statehouse of
Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. There the geniuses who created the
Constitution of the United States created three separate branches of
government and a system of checks and balances within that government
that would provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare,
and ensure the blessings of liberty for not only themselves but we,
their posterity.
Central to that balance of power, Mr. Speaker, was the notion of an
independent judiciary, which, at the level of the Federal Court, would
be governed by the appointment of the President of the United States.
But again it was not without checks and balances, Mr. Speaker, because
the Senate itself, under the Constitution, was given the authority to
review the qualifications of individuals that the chief executive would
appoint for the judiciary.
And so our Nation proceeded from the basement home of the Supreme
Court, which is still in this building today, back when it met just off
the House Chamber for one day a year, to the august building and the
awesome legacy of the U.S. Supreme Court today. And yet, Mr. Speaker,
somewhere along the way, about the time of my youth, our Supreme Court
seems, as it has done at different times in its history, the Dred Scott
case comes to mind, the Supreme Court seems to
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have gotten out of step with the American people, banning innocuous
voluntary prayer in the schools in the 1960s; and, as a pro-life
American, striking down the laws against abortions in all 50 States in
1973.
Many, and me included, Mr. Speaker, believe that we have a judiciary
that has begun to move left when America stayed as a center-right
Nation in its philosophies. But we counted on the checks and balances,
Mr. Speaker. We counted on the ability, through elections, to correct
that imbalance for these lifetime-appointed jurists. When 1980 came
along, a center-right majority elected Ronald Reagan President of the
United States, and that President nominated to the Court individuals
who reflected that philosophy, that center-right majority philosophy in
America.
And that is when we all heard of Judge Bork. Because that was at a
time, it seems to me, Mr. Speaker, and we are seeing it lived out again
at the other end of this building this very night, when the Senate of
the United States as an institution departed from its historic role of
evaluating the qualifications of appointees to the Court to evaluating
their thoughts, evaluating their ideology. Before, throughout American
history, the ideology or the views of appointees to the Court were
decided in elections. The President's values would no doubt be
reflected in his appointees to all parts of the government. But
beginning in the 1980s, with Judge Bork's defeat as a Supreme Court
nominee, we saw a different impact on the process, an activist Senate
joining with an activist Court.
This plays out again today in the nomination of an extraordinary man,
Miguel Estrada, President Bush's nominee to the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia, without a doubt the second most powerful
court in the United States of America. This young man, an immigrant
born and raised in Honduras, law degree, magna cum laude from Harvard
Law, is an American success story, no less than my own immigrant
grandfather was, who came to these shores, worked hard, and lived the
American Dream. Miguel Estrada is an extraordinary example of the
American Dream.
I rise today, Mr. Speaker, to, however impolite, simply urge his
confirmation in the Senate and his expeditious review by our
colleagues.
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