[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 7 (Wednesday, January 15, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S843-S844]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ILLINOIS GOVERNOR GEORGE RYAN'S CLEMENCY DECISION
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to give my perspective on
the recent decision by Illinois Governor George Ryan to pardon four
death row inmates and to commute the death sentences of 167 other death
row inmates. His action effectively clears Illinois' death row, the
eighth largest death row in the Nation. It is the broadest clemency of
death row inmates ever granted by a Governor.
I understand that there are some, particularly, State prosecutors and
victims' families, who are unhappy with Governor Ryan's decision. I
understand that victims' families who support capital punishment have,
justifiably, very strong feelings.
But these 167 inmates are not walking free. They won't be executed,
but almost all of them will spend the rest of their lives behind bars
without the possibility of parole. But it also means that if, in fact,
it is shown in the near future they did not commit murder, they still
have the chance to be set free.
Many murderers do not receive the death penalty, even in Illinois.
Indeed, the Illinois Governor's Commission on Capital Punishment found
that decisions to put these particular individuals on death row, while
sparing others, were not made by a system that meets basic standards of
fairness and justice.
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Fairness and justice, those are the principles that should guide our
criminal justice system, especially the administration of the death
penalty.
Regardless of whether one agrees or disagrees with Governor Ryan's
clemency decision, most Americans should be able to agree that the
current system is broken. Even some State prosecutors in Illinois, who
disagreed with Ryan's clemency decision, acknowledged that the people
of Illinois must debate whether they want a death penalty at all,
before debating what kinds of reforms the State should adopt. I think
it is important to take a moment to review how Illinois reached this
point because I think Congress and the Nation can learn a valuable
lesson from Illinois' remarkable experience.
Three years ago, Governor Ryan, a death penalty supporter, first made
national headlines when he was the first Governor in the Nation to
place a moratorium on executions. He did so after seeing irrefutable
evidence that the system in Illinois risks executing the innocent.
Since the death penalty was reinstated in Illinois in 1977, Illinois
had executed 12 people. But, during this same time, another 13 death
row inmates were found to be innocent and to have been wrongfully
sentenced to death.
I believe that Governor Ryan has showed uncommon courage. He
acknowledged that the system is broken. But he did not stop there. He
took steps to address the flaws in his State's death penalty system.
First, he took the reasonable and necessary step of placing a
moratorium on executions. He then created a blue ribbon commission,
including former U.S. Attorney Thomas Sullivan, one of our former
colleagues, Senator Paul Simon, and lawyer and novelist, Scott Turow.
The Commission included both death penalty proponents and opponents.
Governor Ryan instructed the Commission to review the State's death
penalty system and to advise him on how to reduce the risk of executing
the innocent and to ensure fairness in the system. After a 2-year long
study, the Commission issued a comprehensive report and set forth 85
recommendations for reform of the Illinois death penalty system. These
recommendations address difficult issues like inadequate defense
counsel, executions of the mentally retarded, coerced confessions, and
the problem of wrongful convictions based solely on the testimony of a
jailhouse snitch or a single eyewitness. The Commission's work is the
first, and, so far, only, comprehensive review of a death penalty
system undertaken by a State or Federal Government in the modern death
penalty era.
When the Commission released its report last April, Governor Ryan
again acted decisively. He supported its recommendations and urged the
Illinois State legislature to implement the necessary reforms of the
system. Unfortunately, the legislative session ended without the
legislature passing even a single one of the Commission's 85
recommendations.
Faced with the legislature's failure to act to fix the system and the
fact that the fate of over 160 death row inmates remained in the
balance, Governor Ryan took yet another bold, but reasonable step. He
conducted clemency hearings and reviewed the records of each person on
death row. He heard from victims' families, from prosecutors, from
defense counsel, and from the families of death row inmates. After this
careful and painstaking review, he pardoned four men whom he believed
had compelling claims of innocence. Unable to conclude that the
remaining sentences were not tainted by the problems with the system
catalogued by the Commission, he decided to commute them to life in
prison without parole.
Governor Ryan's leadership on this issue is a model for the Nation, a
legacy that I am convinced will live on long after he leaves office.
He now joins Americans like former Supreme Court Justices Lewis
Powell and Harry Blackmun, who supported capital punishment but later
in their lives came to re-think their position on the issue.
When the Supreme Court struck down the death penalty as a form of
cruel and unusual punishment in 1972 in Furman v. Georgia, Justice
Powell dissented from the majority position. He supported capital
punishment. In fact, he later wrote the decision in McCleskey v. Kemp
in 1987, which denied a challenge to the death penalty on the grounds
that it was applied in a discriminatory manner against African
Americans. In 1991, however, Justice Powell told his biographer that he
had decided that capital punishment should be abolished.
Late in his career on the Court, Justice Blackmun penned the
following eloquent, frequently quoted dissent, in 1994:
From this day forward, I no longer shall tinker with the
machinery of death. For more than 20 years I have
endeavored--indeed, I have struggled--along with a majority
of this Court, to develop procedural and substantive rules
that would lend more than the mere appearance of fairness to
the death penalty endeavor. Rather than continue to coddle
the Court's delusion that the desired level of fairness has
been achieved and the need for regulation eviscerated, I feel
morally and intellectually obligated simply to concede that
the death penalty experiment has failed.
Like Justice Powell, Justice Blackmun, and now Governor Ryan, it is
my hope that other judges and public officials will take the time to
reexamine the ultimate punishment our society imposes.
Governor Ryan acted only after a lengthy study and a consideration of
all the alternatives. In a civilized country committed to equal
justice, I hope that other public officials, including my colleagues
here in the Congress, can be strong enough to take the steps that
Governor Ryan took to reconsider the flawed death penalty system in
this country.
Last week, the University of Maryland released a study showing
significant racial and geographic disparities in the Maryland death
penalty system. While this study is not a comprehensive review of the
entire Maryland death penalty system, its disturbing findings should be
reason enough to continue the moratorium on executions until the
concerns raised by the study are addressed.
More importantly, we know that the Illinois and Maryland experiences
are not unique. With over 100 innocent people on death row across the
Nation later exonerated in the modern death penalty era, some just days
before they were scheduled to be executed, we know that the
administration of the death penalty nationwide is seriously flawed.
It is past time for Congress to meet its responsibility of ensuring
fairness and justice in our criminal justice system, especially
concerning the administration of the death penalty. Congress should
place a moratorium on Federal executions and urge the States to do the
same, while a National Commission on the Death Penalty reviews the
fairness of the death penalty systems at the Federal and State levels.
I urge my colleagues to support my bill, S. 132, the National Death
Penalty Moratorium Act.
Congress has an important responsibility to ensure that innocent
people are not executed and that constitutional protections are
respected in the administration of capital punishment across the
country. Congress should not shirk this responsibility. It is time to
take a timeout on executions and to conduct a thorough, top-to-bottom
review of the death penalty, not only in Illinois or Maryland, but
nationwide.
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