[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 137 (Thursday, October 17, 2002)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1884-E1885]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




     AUTHORIZING THE USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES AGAINST IRAQ

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. TIM ROEMER

                               of indiana

                    in the house of representatives

                      Wednesday, October 16, 2002

  Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Speaker, I rise as a cosponsor of H.J. Res. 114, 
authorizing the potential use of United States Armed Forces against 
Iraq. This will be one of my final votes in Congress, and it is the 
most solemn duty since I cast one of my first votes in the House on the 
Gulf War Resolution nearly twelve years ago.
  Last month, President Bush described the Iraqi regime as ``a grave 
and gathering danger'' in his speech before the United Nations General 
Assembly. I generally agree with this characterization, and therefore 
support this resolution's objective to provide the President with the 
authority he needs as Commander-in-Chief to curb the threat of 
terrorism and defend the United States. However, much more time and 
emphasis should be centered on multilateral efforts to exhaust our 
diplomatic means to resolve the situation and build a coalition.
  The situation in Iraq reflects our most dire and serious concerns 
about the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their 
potential use against the United States, neighboring countries, our 
allies, and U.S. troops in the region. There is no question that Saddam 
Hussein possesses and has used chemical and biological weapons of mass 
destruction. We know that he has tortured and gassed his own people. 
His continuing defiance of United Nations disarmament demands including 
weapons inspections has frustrated the international community for more 
than a decade.
  Whether Saddam Hussein represents an imminent threat to the United 
States is the most important question we have answered. After examining 
the evidence and meeting with key members of the Pentagon and the 
intelligence community, I have concluded that there is ample evidence 
indicating that Saddam Hussein represents a clear, grave, and growing 
threat to the United States. While I do not agree with Administration 
statements about Iraqi connections, at this point, on the September 11 
terrorist attacks or the accusations of firm and provable al Qaeda 
links, the lynch pin for me is weapons of mass destruction. He is 
seeking to build a nuclear device launched by ballistic missiles with a 
likely range of hundreds of miles, far enough to strike Saudi Arabia, 
Israel, Turkey, and other nations in a region where more than 135,000 
American civilians and service members live and work.
  Earlier this week, the American public learned from the President 
that Iraq has a growing number of aircraft that could deliver weapons 
of mass destruction, including a fleet of unmanned aerial vehicles 
potentially seeking to deliver biological and chemical weapons to 
target cities in the United States. While it is nearly impossible to 
determine the status of Iraq's nuclear weapons development, it is clear 
that Saddam Hussein is reconstituting his nuclear weapons program and 
will not allow weapons inspectors in to monitor this situation. In 
fact, recent satellite photographs unclassified by the Administration 
indicate how extensively a crucial Iraqi nuclear facility had been 
rebuilt since the United States bombed it in 1998.
  Again, notwithstanding this evidence, the United States must 
thoroughly exhaust every diplomatic and non-military option before 
resorting to war. That means working with the United Nations to ensure 
that we build a strong coalition of international support and pressure 
on Iraq to adhere to a new UN resolution. Should these efforts fail, 
however, we must be assured the option to use force. This leverage 
might indeed be the only tool to force Iraq to open up unconditional 
inspection. We

[[Page E1885]]

must insist that Saddam Hussein provide unconditional access to his 
weapons of mass destruction. But facing clear evidence or peril, the 
United States cannot wait for the final proof that Saddam Hussein can 
unleash terror and destruction. We have a duty now to prevent this from 
being accomplished.
  Importantly, this resolution contains a preamble setting out 
important milestones in the recent Iraqi defiance of international law 
and other matters relating to the United States response to it and to 
the realities of our global war on terrorism. The resolution also 
affirms the importance of working in concert with other nations, gives 
preference to diplomacy over a military solution, and focuses attention 
where it should be on disarming Saddam Hussein. It also signals our 
Nation's seriousness of purpose and its willingness to use force, which 
may yet persuade Iraq to meet its international obligations. I firmly 
believe that this is the best way to persuade members of the UN 
Security Council and others in the international community to join us 
in bringing pressure on Iraq or, if required, in using armed force 
against it to eliminate these biological and chemical weapons.
  Moreover, this resolution seeks to assure we will not be diverted 
from the war on terrorism and provides for the ongoing and 
constitutional role of Congress to declare war. I agree with the 
President that confronting the threat posed by Iraq is crucial to 
winning the war on terror. However, we must not lose sight that there 
are many other urgent threats that already represent a ``clear and 
present danger,'' such as the growing number of al Qaeda terrorist 
cells in Yemen, the Philippines and Indonesia.
  I am pleased that the congressional leadership and the executive 
branch have been able to work together to negotiate a joint resolution 
that appears to have strong bipartisan and bicameral support. I would 
have preferred that the resolution include the Biden-Lugar language 
that I believe would have further limited the scope to removing weapons 
of mass destruction and possibly ensuring greater international support 
for our objectives. That is why I supported an amendment offered by 
Representatives Jim Davis, Bob Menendez and Ben Cardin to require the 
President to report back to Congress on the ``grave'' danger posed by 
Iraq before triggering military force. Unfortunately, however, this 
amendment was rejected by the Committee on Rules and will not be 
considered by the full House.
  Still, Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a product of good-faith 
efforts on the part of Congress and the Administration to unite the 
Nation in response to the Iraqi threat, and I will vote for it. This 
sends an important signal to the American public and the international 
community that we support this mission and that our troops will have 
every resource they require to defend our freedom, diminish the threat 
of terrorism, and achieve broad worldwide support. I urge my colleagues 
to support this resolution and pray for the rapid return of our brave 
men and women in uniform, should they be deployed, to their homes and 
families.

                          ____________________