[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 119 (Thursday, September 19, 2002)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8891-S8892]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
VIOLENCE IN THE MIDEAST
Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, in the past 24 hours the world awakened
again to another tragic incident causing great damage, death, harm, and
destruction to the people of Israel. There are now news reports that,
understandably, the Israelis are positioning their forces such that
they, first and foremost, have to defend their sovereignty and the
people of their nation, but that could again result in injury and death
to others.
Regrettably, this has gone on for a very long time. Speaking for this
one Senator, I feel it as an obligation on me, and I share that
obligation with my colleagues, to address this subject and to put forth
our own ideas as best we can fashion them. I am about to do that again.
For the fourth time I have taken this floor and spoken about a concept
I have had. I once again share it with my colleagues in hopes, if they
have a better idea, if this administration has a better idea, then put
it forward.
My thoughts were expressed on the floor on May 2 of this year in the
Congressional Record, page 3812; June 21, Congressional Record, page
5891; July 24, Congressional Record, page 7299.
On August 2, roughly 6 weeks ago, I wrote the President of the United
States. Copies were sent to his principal Cabinet officials having
responsibilities in these areas. I am going to read that letter because
it embraces my thoughts. Even though it was 6 weeks ago, I still
steadfastly believe this is one approach to this tragic situation that
deserves consideration.
I fully understand our President and his Cabinet are heavily engaged
with regard to critical considerations on Iraq and the United Nations.
But I believe there is a connection between the ongoing crisis and the
unsettled situation and the death and destruction in this tragic
conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people.
Six weeks ago I wrote to the President. This is the first time, of
course, I have made public this letter. I respect the President of the
United States of whichever party. In these 24 years I have been
privileged to be in the U.S. Senate, I have written on occasion, as
each of us do, to our Presidents. But I try not to write the letter and
within the same day or days release it. So this is the first time I
have released this letter. It was 6 weeks ago, August 2 of this year:
Dear Mr. President, the Nation recently celebrated our
traditional 4th of July holiday--normally a time of joyful
reflection about our history and patriotism. Thankfully, it
was a peaceful day for America, but we entered that holiday
period confronted with yet more warnings off possible
terrorist attack. It is, indeed, prudent that our citizens be
warned of such threats, even when specifics are lacking.
However, if these warnings continue indefinitely, our people
will begin to wonder what is the root cause of this hatred
toward America and what is our government doing about it.
For the first time in the over 200 year history of our
Republic we, under your leadership, are establishing a
Department of Homeland Security and designating a new
military command, U.S. Northern Command, to protect the fifty
states. We've taken bold steps at home; others must join us
in taking bold steps abroad.
As we all know, the scourge of terrorism in our 21st
Century world is a complex, multi-faceted problem. There is
not a single cause, but many, including: disparate economic
development around the world; lack of political and economic
opportunity in many regions; the alarming spread of radical,
fundamentalist religious dogma's--especially Islam--amongst
those feeling disenfranchised from the mainstream; and, the
parallel rise in ethnic conflict after decades of oppression
by Communist and other tyrannical regimes.
In this environment of perceived hopelessness and despair
for many of the world's youth, certain seemingly unsolvable
events continue to fan the flames of anger and hatred that
lead to irrational acts. This is manifested in the individual
acts of terror we witness almost daily on the streets of
Israel and in the recruitment of angry young men and women
into radical terror organizations that encourage them to vent
their anger in the most destructive, often suicidal, of ways.
Finding solutions for the conditions that have bred this
hate and total disregard for peaceful solutions will be
complex, but it must be systematically addressed. Clearly,
you and key members of your Administration have shown, and
continue to show leadership in this area.
But, we must ask the question, can more be done by others?
The prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict contributes, in
part, to the unrest and anger in the Arab world. How much it
contributes cannot be quantified, but it is a significant and
growing factor. This conflict, often presented in a distorted
and biased manner to citizens of Arab nations, must be
confronted, if we are ever to meaningfully address the
disaffection and dissatisfaction felt by the people of this
region.
Each act of violence by either side in this unending
conflict further erodes hope for a peaceful future for the
people of Israel, the people of Palestine and others
throughout the Middle East. In fact, each act of senseless
violence in the Middle East further erodes hope that someday
we can feel secure from terrorism here at home. All
reasonable options to bring about an end to this violence and
indiscriminate loss of life must be considered. We can never
abandon hope. We must act in a way to renew hope in this land
of faith, and we must continue to consider all options.
May I respectfully submit the following concept for your
consideration concerning the use of NATO peacekeepers. My
recommendation would be for you to request that the North
Atlantic Council (NAC) formally consider a proposal to use
NATO forces as peacekeepers. If the concept is acceptable to
the NAC they could commence to draw up a plan for
peacekeeping. Once consensus had been achieved within the
NAC, the NAC would so advise the Government of Israel and the
Palestinian Authority, making it clear NATO would assist,
only if the two sides establish a genuine cease fire, and
both sides accept NATO's plan. Further, both sides must
commit to cooperate in preventing further hostilities until
negotiations have been successful to the point that NATO
forces could be withdrawn and a substitute security plan has
been put in place. Obviously, these steps are and will be
very challenging, but they are achievable, especially in
light of the bold, balanced vision you have articulated for a
resolution of this conflict.
The basic thoughts in this letter have been stated by me
previously in speeches on the floor of the Senate, and in my
remarks to a recent gathering of NATO ambassadors on Capitol
Hill, and in open hearings of the Senate Armed Services
Committee with the Secretary of Defense present. Time is of
the essence. I am concerned that recent events in the region,
including the unfortunate Israeli attack that killed women
and children as Israeli forces pursued Palestinian terrorists
and the subsequent terrorist attack on Hebrew University,
will further delay meaningful progress toward peace.
I strongly encourage you to explore this option with our
NATO allies, and determine if they are willing to consider
such a proposal. The time for discussion and consensus
building is now. When the conditions for a cease fire and
negotiations are right, we must be able to act quickly and
decisively with a credible peacekeeping force.
I believe a NATO force would be credible for the reason
that Europe is perceived as being more sympathetic to
Palestinian views and the U.S. as more sympathetic to Israeli
views. NATO can bond these viewpoints to act as one with
peace as its unifying goal, and dispel these perceived
biases. NATO troops are trained and ``ready to roll'' on
short notice. NATO is an established coalition of nations
with a proven record of successful peacekeeping in the
Balkans. Clearly, there are risks, but NATO peacekeepers
can--with the cooperation of Israel and the Palestinian
people--bring stability to this troubled region; stability
that will allow for meaningful negotiations that have a
chance to end the violence.
This is not a conclusion that I have reached lightly. Some
of my colleagues in the Senate, as well as noted journalists
and others, have discussed with me the broad issues
associated with this proposal. Mine has been one of the many
voices calling for well-defined principles and restraint in
the employment of U.S. forces around the world. I fully
recognize the risks to U.S. forces and our alliance partners.
I strongly feel this is one of those unique circumstances
that demand every resource and idea we can bring
[[Page S8892]]
to bear. If the opportunity arises, we must be prepared to
give peace and hope a chance.
I respectfully submit these thoughts as you forge ahead and
lead the world's efforts to find a path to peace for this
important region of our global community, and in so doing,
enhance the security of our people here at home. It is my
fervent hope that by the time we pause to celebrate our
nation's next birthday, the fledgling ideas we are
collectively considering today will have blossomed into
substantial progress toward freedom from the senseless
violence we are witnessing today.
With kind regards, I am respectfully.--John Warner.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Sept. 14, 2002]
Never Mind, Mr. Sharon
Most of three months has passed since President Bush laid
out his vision for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, and still there has been next to no follow-up by
his administration. No. Cabinet-level officials have visited
the region since the president's speech; despite pleas from
the Arab leaders Mr. Bush asked for support, no details have
been offered on how to move from the present situation to Mr.
Bush's vision of side-by-side Israeli and Palestinian states.
On the contrary: Despite Mr. Bush's announcement of an
international effort to reconstruct Palestinian security
forces, the CIA has taken only token steps to train new
officers; despite the president's clarion call for
Palestinian democracy, the administration has quietly joined
Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in opposing the holding
of Palestinian national elections anytime in the near future.
In effect, what the president cast on June 24 as a major
initiative for Middle East peace has all but vanished; in its
place is a suddenly all-consuming campaign against Iraq that
could soon lead to a new Middle East war. Vice President
Cheney, among others, is arguing that overturning the regime
of Saddam Hussein will make an Israeli-Palestinian settlement
easier, but even if that is true, what is not clear is how a
conflict that has cost more than 2,000 lives in the past two
years, and is a primary source of Muslim grievance against
the United States, can be contained between now and then.
In the now familiar absence of Bush administration
engagement, halting progress has been made by the parties on
the ground. There have been no major Palestinian suicide
attacks against Israelis in six weeks, despite several
attempts; both the Israeli army and the Palestinian
administration claim credit, and both probably had something
to do with it. Attempts by Palestinian political and military
leaders to change the direction of their self-destructive
uprising against Israel, and to force Palestinian leader
Yasser Arafat to yield most of his power, continue in spite
of Mr. Arafat's strong resistance; this week the legislative
body of the Palestinian Authority delivered an unprecedented
rebuff, forcing the resignation of Mr. Arafat's cabinet. The
more moderate Labor Party ministers in Mr. Sharon's cabinet
have been trying to negotiate incremental security agreements
with the Palestinians, and there are signs of revival in the
long-moribund Israeli peace camp.
But Israeli troops occupy six major West Bank towns and
significant parts of the Gaza Strip, imposing curfews and
other restrictions on movement that aid agencies say are
breeding a mounting humanitarian crisis. Israeli forces
killed more than a dozen innocent Palestinian civilians in
the past two weeks, including several children; a hasty
official investigation cleared the soldiers of any
wrongdoing. Israeli settlement-building in the territories
continues; Mr. Sharon refuses to rein it in, just as he
rejects any discussion of Palestinian statehood or any
negotiations--even with a post-Arafat leadership--about a
permanent peace. For his part, Mr. Bush clearly remains
unwilling to do or say anything that would cross Mr. Sharon.
That reluctance largely explains his administration's failure
to act on his broad promises of last June; in the coming
months, it could also prove a serious impediment to building
a coalition against Iraq.
Mr. WARNER. I yield the floor.
Mr. CONRAD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CONRAD. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Stabenow). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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