[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 118 (Wednesday, September 18, 2002)]
[House]
[Pages H6318-H6342]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONSUMER RENTAL PURCHASE AGREEMENT ACT
Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 528 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 528
Resolved, That at any time after the adoption of this
resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule
XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of
the bill (H.R. 1701) to amend the Consumer Credit Protection
Act to assure meaningful disclosures of the terms of rental-
purchase agreements, including disclosures of all costs to
consumers under such agreements, to provide certain
substantive rights to consumers under such agreements, and
for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be
dispensed with. General debate shall be confined to the bill
and shall not exceed one hour, with 50 minutes equally
divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Financial Services and 10 minutes
equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking
minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary. After
general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the five-minute rule. It shall be in order to consider
as an original bill for the purpose of amendment under the
five-minute rule the amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Financial Services, as
amended by the amendment recommended by the Committee on the
Judiciary, now printed in the bill. The committee amendment
in the nature of a substitute shall be considered as read. No
amendment to the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be in order except those printed in the
report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only in the
order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall
be debatable for the time specified in the report equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent,
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question in the House or in
the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against such
amendment are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of
the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been
adopted. Any Member may demand a separate vote in the House
on any amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole to the
bill or to the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute. The previous question shall be considered as
ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to final passage
without intervening motion except one motion to recommit with
or without instructions.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Linder) is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings),
pending which I yield myself such time as I might consume. During
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose
of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, the resolution before us is a fair, structured rule
providing for the consideration of H.R. 1701, the Consumer Rental
Purchase Agreement Act.
H. Res. 528 provides 1 hour of general debate, with 50 minutes
equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Financial Services and 10 minutes equally
divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of
the Committee on the Judiciary.
The rule provides that the amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Financial Services, as amended by the
amendment recommended by the Committee on the Judiciary, now printed in
the bill, shall be considered as an original bill for the purpose of
amendment and shall be considered as read.
H. Res. 528 makes in order only those amendments printed in the
Committee on Rules report accompanying this resolution. It provides
that the amendments printed in the report shall be considered only in
the order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall be
debatable for the time specified in the report equally divided and
controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be subject to
amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division of the
question in the House or in the Committee of the Whole. This rule
waives all points of order against the amendments printed in the
report.
Finally, H. Res. 528 provides for one motion to recommit, with or
without instructions.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join
me in support of this fair rule, which would enable the House to work
its will on H.R. 1701, and two separate amendments, one offered by the
gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce) and another offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
In summary, H.R. 1701 seeks to create uniform national disclosure
standards for the rent-to-own industry. It provides greater cost
information to consumers who are considering rental purchase
agreements.
I would like to commend the work of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Oxley), my friend and colleague of the Committee on Financial Services,
in bringing this legislation to the House floor, which I was pleased to
cosponsor earlier this year. I also want to commend the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Jones) for being the primary author of this
measure.
Again, in closing, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this
[[Page H6319]]
fair rule so that the House can proceed to consider the underlying
legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this rule and to the
underlying bill, H.R. 1701, a bill to amend the Consumer Credit
Protection Act to establish Federal disclosure requirements for rental
purchase businesses.
Traditionally, rent-to-own businesses cater to low- and moderate-
income individuals who either do not have the money or do not have the
credit to purchase goods for their homes. These individuals turn to
businesses such as Rent-A-Center or RentWay with the idea that renting
is a reasonable alternative to purchasing their household goods; and
although this may be true in some instances, that is not always the
case.
Mr. Speaker, to quote the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters),
who will speak on her own measures that she offered, one of which was
accepted, three that were categorically rejected, she said this is
special-interest legislation at its worst. For a number of reasons,
this legislation fails to protect those consumers who depend on rental
purchase businesses from being taken for a ride. And while the measure
does implement necessary contracts, store tag, and advertising
disclosure, it fails by preempting existing State consumer protection
laws that treat rent-to-own transactions as credit sales and,
therefore, require the disclosure of the cost of credit and annual
percentage rates. A footnote right there, Mr. Speaker: in some of these
failed disclosure situations, triple digit interest rates are being
charged to people.
This bill might have had a chance of being a great piece of
legislation, had the four amendments of my good friend and colleague,
the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), and the second amendment
of the gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce) been accepted; and I was
in full and complete support of both being allowed. As a result, this
legislation in my judgment is not worth the paper it is drafted on. It
is not curative. When the question was put yesterday to the relevant
subcommittee chairman, who I am sure will speak and thus speak
passionately regarding this matter, when the question was put to him
whether or not it was curative, he stated that it was ``helpful.''
Worse yet, the Committee on the Judiciary chairman, the gentleman
from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), is quoted as saying, ``The bill is
unnecessary and unwise and is a misguided attempt to preempt the
existing law of virtually every State.''
The regulation of the rent-to-own industry is a State issue and all
those who disagree, in my opinion, are misguided too.
How can H.R. 1701 fulfill its stated purpose to protect consumers
against unfair rental purchase agreements and predator financial
services if it does not require rent-to-own businesses to disclose the
interest rates in the leasing contract? Would any of us accept a bank
loan without the APR being stated in the contract?
Mr. Speaker, one of our duties as Members of Congress is to make
accessible the highest quality of life for all those who live within
our great country's borders. H.R. 1701 would work against that
continuous goal, if passed as is; and I urge my colleagues to vote
against H.R. 1701 and against this closed rule.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Waters).
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Hastings) for the attention that he paid to this
particular piece of legislation in the Committee on Rules. I thank him
for taking the time to understand it and to try and help me to make it
a better bill with the amendments that I presented at the Committee on
Rules.
I had four amendments in the Committee on Rules to H.R. 1701; only
one was accepted and, of course, I thank the members for that. However,
I think I was thrown a bone, a bone to say, well, we did something; but
certainly, this does not cure what is wrong with this bill.
Let me tell my colleagues about the other amendments that I proposed
that were not accepted. One of the amendments that I had was a very
simple amendment. The sponsors of the bill had indicated that they
wanted this bill to be a floor rather than a ceiling when it comes to
State laws, and my amendment would simply strike a single subsection
that would have accomplished that goal. Let me just share with my
colleagues that 52 of the State Attorneys General earlier signed on to
a letter objecting to this bill and, specifically, the preemption
section. The Attorneys General stated: ``Any State law that affords
consumers the benefit of disclosures in rent-to-own agreements beyond
those required by H.R. 1701 would be invalidated.''
This is simply about State preemption. I am surprised that those who
are advocating State preemption would do so when oftentimes we find
they are standing up to protect States' rights and the State to protect
its ability to make public policy in the interest of that State.
As initially considered in committee, the bill would have preempted
all inconsistent Federal and State laws, regardless of whether they
provided greater or less protection for consumers. This has been
revised to preempt only those State laws or regulations that treat
rent-to-own transactions as credit sales and apply credit-like
regulation, including disclosure of annual percentage rates and cost
limits based on APRs. This would provide for automatic preemption of
the laws of four States: Wisconsin, New Jersey, Minnesota, and Vermont,
which currently apply credit statutes and regulations to rent-to-own
transactions. It would also preempt all States from imposing credit-
like restrictions on rent-to-own transactions in the future.
A letter written to the Committee on Financial Services by 52 State
and territorial Attorneys General expressed strong opposition to any
language which ``expressly preempts any State law that regulates a
rent-to-own transaction as a credit sale or similar arrangement that
requires the disclosure to consumers of an effective interest, annual
percentage, or singular rate.''
This is outrageous, and we should be ashamed that a bill like this
could get this far in the Congress of the United States. Most of those
people out there as consumers expect us to protect them. Why would we
fight to keep this industry from disclosing the interest rates on rent-
to-own contracts? I think I know why. Why would we not want to treat
them like credit sales? I think I know why. But it is unconscionable
and unreasonable that Members of the Congress of the United States of
America would use their power to work against consumers in this way
with an industry that has some really questionable practices.
Let me tell my colleagues about the third amendment that they
rejected. It would have added a new subsection to prohibit any unfair
or deceptive acts or practices and abusive collection by the rental
purchase industry.
{time} 1130
Mr. Speaker, for years the industry has resisted it being classified
as a sale so that it would not be subject to protections governing
credit sales transactions. At the same time, it has also resisted
coming under protections offered by the Consumer Leasing Act. I think
it is unconscionable that a Federal law purporting to regulate this
industry would fail to include basic protections against unfair or
deceptive practices.
Let me tell Members a little bit about this industry. Some of the
more outrageous examples include rent-to-own employees struggling with
the customer in the home over the possession of the television set, and
picking up a nearby object and smashing the set. This happened in
Maryland in 1983.
An employee was breaking and entering a customer's home, only to be
shot and killed as a result, in Nebraska in 1980.
In a number of instances, rent-to-own dealers have been found liable
for tort claims such as assault, battery, and trespass.
In 1985, a Texas jury returned a verdict of nearly $130,000 against a
rental company for injuries to a customer which occurred during an
attempted repossession.
[[Page H6320]]
Many rent-to-own dealers, when faced with an incident of wrongful
repossession, will attempt to accuse the employee of unforeseen
misconduct. It goes on and on and on, but my attempts to clean up the
legislation were rejected.
Lastly, let me tell the Members about the fourth amendment, which was
so reasonable. It would have placed a cap on total price.
Twelve States currently require an early purchase option in rent-to-
own contracts: California, Connecticut, Delaware, Iowa, Maine,
Michigan, Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and
West Virginia. All of these States employ a formula to determine how
much equity is acquired in the product over time, and the difference
between the figure and the cash price.
Six States impose substantive limits on rental purchase prices:
Connecticut, Iowa, Michigan, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. My
amendment is based on the New York law.
I would ask that we reject this rule because it has done nothing to
make this a credible bill.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
I would like to add emphasis, in closing, to what the gentlewoman
said. She had one amendment that brought to the attention of this body
that when a person that is renting pays 133 percent of the total
purchase price that they would own the property. Now, any of us that
pay 133 percent of something ought to at least own 75 percent of
something by the time that we do that. For us not to have made that
amendment in order, in my judgment, is a mistake.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. LINDER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would just like to point out that if one is buying a
house, in the typical payment, one is paying roughly 200 percent of the
cost of the house after it is over. Most people are not complaining.
And to the gentlewoman from California, who said twice she has a list
of 52 attorneys general writing in against this, I would love to see
that list.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Dan Miller of Florida). The question is
on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the
ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a
quorum is not present.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 238,
nays 178, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 391]
YEAS--238
Aderholt
Akin
Armey
Bachus
Baker
Ballenger
Barcia
Barr
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bereuter
Biggert
Bilirakis
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Boozman
Boyd
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Clement
Coble
Collins
Combest
Cooksey
Cox
Crane
Crenshaw
Cubin
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal
DeLay
DeMint
Diaz-Balart
Doolittle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Ferguson
Flake
Fletcher
Foley
Forbes
Fossella
Frelinghuysen
Frost
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goode
Goodlatte
Goss
Graham
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hooley
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Isakson
Issa
Istook
Jenkins
John
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kerns
Kildee
King (NY)
Kirk
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Lampson
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Manzullo
Matheson
McCrery
McHugh
McInnis
McIntyre
McKeon
Mica
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Miller, Jeff
Moran (KS)
Morella
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nussle
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Oxley
Paul
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Pombo
Portman
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reynolds
Riley
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Sandlin
Saxton
Schaffer
Schrock
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Shuster
Simpson
Skeen
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Spratt
Stearns
Sullivan
Sununu
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauzin
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thornberry
Thune
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Toomey
Towns
Turner
Upton
Vitter
Walden
Walsh
Wamp
Watkins (OK)
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
NAYS--178
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Baird
Baldacci
Baldwin
Barrett
Becerra
Bentsen
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop
Blumenauer
Borski
Boswell
Boucher
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carson (IN)
Carson (OK)
Clayton
Clyburn
Condit
Conyers
Costello
Coyne
Cramer
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Dooley
Doyle
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Ford
Frank
Gephardt
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green (TX)
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hill
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hoeffel
Holt
Honda
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kilpatrick
Kind (WI)
Kleczka
Kucinich
LaFalce
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Lynch
Maloney (CT)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Mollohan
Moore
Moran (VA)
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Phelps
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rivers
Rodriguez
Roemer
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sawyer
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott
Serrano
Sherman
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Stark
Stenholm
Strickland
Stupak
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thurman
Tierney
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Visclosky
Waters
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
NOT VOTING--16
Blagojevich
Bonior
Brown (FL)
Bryant
Clay
Hilleary
Kingston
Leach
Miller, George
Mink
Myrick
Roukema
Simmons
Stump
Velazquez
Young (FL)
{time} 1220
Mr. McNULTY, Ms. ESHOO and Mr. DAVIS of Florida changed their vote
from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Mr. HOYER and Mr. DOOLITTLE changed their vote from ``nay'' to
``yea.''
The resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Dan Miller of Florida). Pursuant to
House Resolution 528 and rule XVIII, the Chair declares the House in
the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the
consideration of the bill, H.R. 1701.
{time} 1222
in the committee of the whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 1701) to amend the Consumer Credit Protection Act to assure
meaningful disclosures of the terms and rental-purchase agreements,
including disclosures of all costs to consumers under such agreements,
to provide certain substantive
[[Page H6321]]
rights to consumers under such agreements, and for other purposes, with
Mr. Isakson in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered as having
been read the first time.
Under the rule, the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) and the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) each will control 25 minutes
for the Committee on Financial Services, and the gentleman from
Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) and the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Waters) each will control 5 minutes for the Committee on the Judiciary.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus).
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to myself to speak in
support of this legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I speak to the whole House when I say that the subject
of the legislation we find ourselves debating on the floor here today
is the rent-to-own industry and the need to have some floor of
regulations over that industry.
There are 15 million citizens who annually use rent-to-own stores.
There has been an exhaustive study, a survey of rent-to-own by the
Federal Trade Commission. In fact, they made several suggestions and
proposals. They outlined abuses in the industry.
Let me speak to that industry. That industry is an industry, like
many others, that people, their only connection with it is they drive
by a store, and we see more and more rent-to-own stores in their
neighborhood or in their city, but they do not know much about it. What
the survey found is that people of all educational levels apparently
are using rent-to-own. The number of people that have graduate school
degrees, a good percentage of those people are using these stores.
Sometimes people go in and they rent equipment, rent furniture for as
little as a month or 2 months, or even 2 weeks. I recently talked to
someone that said they had gone in a rent-to-own store, and their
explanation was that they were going to be in a city for 2 months and
they simply did not want to get a U-Haul. They checked on the U-Haul
rate, and it was $900 out and $900 back, and so they made a decision to
spend $1,500 on furniture.
Many Members, such as the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Jones)
and the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Maloney), felt there ought to
be some protection for consumers. There are State laws in 40 percent of
the States that have protections; but this will establish in all 50
States a floor of protection. With the floor of protection we do not,
and I want to repeat this, we do not preempt State consumer laws. We do
not preempt State consumer laws. So there will be 15 States, if we
enact this legislation, that will have stronger laws than this
legislation. There will be approximately 35 that have weaker laws. In
fact, there are States that have no laws. There are a number of States
that have no laws. They will suddenly have laws regulating this
industry. In fact, the worse abuses were in those States with no laws.
The abuses identified in this report, they are addressed in this
legislation. There will be significant provisions in this legislation
to stop those abuses. There are States with very strong laws. We do not
preempt those laws.
Do we preempt anything? Yes, we do. If we pass this law, there will
be four States in which there is today an existing law, none which have
been passed by the legislature, but four courts in four States have
found that these are credit sales, and 46 States say they are leases.
And those four States which say these are credit sales, we ought to
give people disclosure like it was a credit sale, and we ought to show
them the annual percentage rate.
Well, the IRS has looked at this and they say this is not a credit
sale, this is a lease. This is not a credit sale. The Federal Trade
Commission and the Federal Reserve, we brought them in. We had them
testify. Is this a credit sale or is it a lease-purchase or a lease?
They both said it is actually misleading and confusing to consumers to
have them sign, have them give an APR disclosure of the annual
percentage rate. It is a confusing thing. It will add nothing. That is
what the Federal Trade Commission and the Federal Reserve have said.
And I think legitimately there are Members among us, and they have
every right to their opinion, saying that the law in these four States,
we do not want to preempt the four States that have said it is a credit
sale. Well, the alternative is not to strengthen the law in 36 States.
That is the choice we have.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I would like the Members of this House of
Representatives and the public to pay special attention to H.R. 1701,
the bill we are debating on the floor today. For those Members who have
been outraged about what they have learned about Enron and Global
Crossing and Qwest and WorldCom and all of those major corporations
which have been found to game the system, who have been ripping off the
investors, who have been putting their pensioners at risk, if Members
think that is bad, they ought to pay attention to this one.
{time} 1230
This is special interest legislation at its worst, because the people
who will be ripped off in these schemes are little people. They are
poor people. They are working people. They are people without very much
money.
We talk a lot about trying to do something about predatory lending.
That is, some of us. But, Mr. Chairman, this rent-to-own industry falls
in the category of the check cashers and the payday lenders and even
the tax preparers that are ripping off the most vulnerable of our
society.
Let me tell you more about this rent-to-own industry. The bill is
falsely presented by its industry proponents as pro-consumer, as not
preemptive of State law. That is absolutely not true. The bill has one
purpose and one purpose only, to circumvent stronger consumer
protections in the Federal Truth in Lending Act and in statutes of a
handful of States that the rent-to-own industry had not been able to
overturn.
As originally introduced, H.R. 1701 sought to preempt all
inconsistent State laws. This included all current or future State laws
that attempt to regulate rent-to-own transactions as credit or
installment sales as well as industry-enacted State rent-to-own
statutes that provide stronger, but inconsistent, protections for its
consumers. Although the amended committee bill has narrowed the scope
of the bill's preemption somewhat, the bill would still preempt the
best of the State laws in New Jersey, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Vermont
that seek to provide meaningful protections against unfair predatory
practices; and it would still prevent these and other States from
strengthening consumer protections in the future by treating rent-to-
own transactions as credit sales.
If the industry had any good intentions, they would have supported my
amendments in the Committee on Rules. I went in there and I asked for
four simple amendments that I talked about during the debate on the
rule. I suppose the worst of these is this preemption. Why would the
Congress of the United States of America wish to preempt State laws
that give strong protection to their people against this rip-off
industry? The stories about what happens in this rent-to-own industry
are absolutely outrageous and unconscionable. The idea that you could
go in and rent a television that cost about $169, we checked this out,
and end up paying $800 or $900 for that television set through one of
these contracts, and on top of it, be forced to pay insurance that
would protect the company from any damages that they may have caused in
addition to what you may have caused is just simply outrageous.
Let me just say this. We are elected to come here to do a number of
things. The least of that is to protect poor people and working people
and voters and our constituents from being ripped off by industries
that we know are ripping them off. We know what this is all about.
Consumers must ask the question, Why would my Representative not
protect me from this kind of rip-off? I want the consumers to ask that
question.
Mr. Chairman, we have a lot of Members here, some Members here, who
want to add their voices to try to protect consumers.
[[Page H6322]]
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this bill. There is no
overriding national need, no overriding public policy purpose, no
overriding crisis that requires the Congress to federalize the
regulation of the rent-to-own industry. The rent-to-own industry
supports this legislation, and it is understandable why they do so. The
fiscal note that is contained in the report of the Committee on the
Judiciary says that the Federal Trade Commission intends to hire five
new attorneys and investigators to investigate and enforce violations
of this bill. That is five people nationwide looking into violations of
the rent-to-own provisions that are contained in H.R. 1701.
That makes enforcement a joke. Because if you only have five cops
regulating this pugnacious industry nationwide, you know that the law
is not going to be enforced. So we are passing a piece of paper here
supposedly in the name of consumer protection that the enforcing agency
says that they will be able to enforce with just five people in the
entire United States of America. I think that blows the cover on this
being consumer protection legislation.
Let me tell you what this bill does to the Wisconsin Consumer Act.
The Wisconsin Consumer Act by judicial construction has said that a
rent-to-own contract is a credit transaction. This bill overrides that
definition, and says it is a lease transaction and that eviscerates the
enforcement by the Wisconsin attorney general's office of the rent-to-
own industry. That is where the preemption is particularly harmful to
consumers not only in my State but also in New Jersey, Minnesota, North
Carolina, and Vermont.
Let us look at what enforcement has done in the States that have this
preemption: $16 million worth of recoveries in Wisconsin, $30 million
in Minnesota, and $60 million in New Jersey. So the rent-to-own
industry knows that it is going to get a get-out-of-jail-free card
should this legislation be passed. Furthermore, the Wisconsin
legislature has been lobbied incessantly by this industry to pass an
exemption, and they got it in as a budget amendment in this last budget
cycle. Republican Governor Scott McCallum vetoed this exemption as
being special interest legislation. So opposition to moving these
transactions from credit to lease transactions in my State is
bipartisan.
We have done a good job in regulating this industry in our State, and
I think that has been the case in most of the other States. We should
not do away with this. And if a State has lower consumer protections
than this bill provides, then I think it is the business of that State
legislature to look at their law and see if it is adequate and to make
whatever amendments might be necessary. We should not have a Federal
preemption even of a small amount in this legislation. I would urge the
legislation to be defeated.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me simply respond to some of the arguments that we have heard
here today and let me stress why I do not think those arguments have a
lot of validity. They sound good. The gentleman from Wisconsin has
said, ``We don't think there's a national problem,'' but the
gentlewoman from California stood up and talked about all sorts of
abuses in all sorts of States. The Federal Trade Commission outlined
abuses in several States. We have almost 20 States that have no
regulation. The gentleman from Wisconsin says that this is up to the
States, that the States ought to do something about this. When it came
to homeowners, when it came to people that transact business with
financial institutions, with Fair Debt Collection Practice Act, the
Equal Credit Opportunity Act, Truth in Lending Act, Consumer Lease Act,
Electronic Funds Transfer Act, we felt like the American consumer, the
American customer, was entitled to some Federal protection. There is no
Federal protection.
The gentleman did say that Wisconsin has acted, and acted in a tough
way. Let me submit something to you. If we pass this legislation, there
is nothing, nothing that prevents New Jersey, there is nothing that
prevents Wisconsin, there is nothing that prevents Minnesota, there is
nothing that prevents any of these States from banning these
transactions. They can outlaw them. They can pass any type of tough
legislation.
The gentlewoman from California is going to offer an amendment to
basically put the California law as the law of all 50 States because
she says California has this really tough provision and we want it in
this bill. It will still be the law after we pass this legislation. It
will still be the law in California. But to get enough support to pass
this legislation, we have set a floor.
The gentlewoman from California talks about the attorney generals,
that they wrote, all 50 of them, she said. But what you did not hear is
that was to an original proposal before it came to the committee that I
chair. When it came to the committee that I chair, we put in a
provision that it does not preempt tougher consumer protection laws in
those States that have it. In fact, my own attorney general who signed
that letter wrote me September 13 and now says this legislation before
us today will offer important new consumer protections for the citizens
of my State. I do not have any protections now. The people of my State
do not have any protections.
The gentlewoman from California, and I applaud her, and another
gentlewoman from California and one of the gentlemen from Florida said,
``In 40 States, you walk in these stores and there is not even a price
tag on there. There is not even a disclosure as to the price.'' That is
true. What did we do? We added a provision in this legislation that we
are considering which, if it passes today, will require that in all 50
States, something that two of the States of the four that call this a
credit sale do not even have today. And important, they said one of the
most important protections a consumer ought to have. They will have
that even in two of these States, including North Carolina.
Several things that North Carolina does not have if this law passes,
they will have a much stronger law. Yes, we are overruling a judge in
four States because we have to have a national standard. This does not
work. You have to either call it a lease if you are going to have a
Federal statute, or you have to call it a credit sale. Forty-six
legislatures have said it is a credit sale. Those States, not
legislatures, 46 States, including the majority of legislatures who
have looked at it, well, all the legislatures that have looked at it
say it is a lease. None of the legislatures have said it is a credit
sale. Four judges sitting in four courts in four States have said it is
a credit sale. The FTC, the Federal Reserve said this could be
confusing. The IRS says it is not, that it is a lease. That is how we
have come down. We have come down on the side of every legislature that
has looked at this, the two Federal agencies that have looked at this,
we have come down on that side. We have disagreed with four judges
sitting in four courtrooms across the country because we have to come
down on one side or the other because we strengthen the protections in
36 States, and we absolutely do not preempt any law that California has
on the books today or other States, the 15 that have stronger laws
except the credit sales thing.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. LaFalce).
(Mr. LaFALCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. LaFALCE. Mr. Chairman, I regret that I must come to the well of
the House to oppose the bill that is before us today. Even if the
amendments, the two amendments that have been permitted by the
Committee on Rules, should pass, I would still have to vote against it
as inadequate. I do this with some mixed emotions, however, because I
believe it is very, very important for us to pass additional consumer
protections for rent-to-own transactions. I do this not opposed to the
concept of a rent-to-own transaction whatsoever. For certain
individuals at certain times, they can be valuable. But before we pass
a Federal law, it should meet a very solid standard. This bill simply
does not do that.
[[Page H6323]]
We have a delicate balance that we have to reach whenever we pass
Federal legislation given the dual sovereignty under which we exist. We
have to have, it seems to me, minimal Federal standards, but permit
States to be even more protective, not less, so that we could have
competition for the best standard rather than a lowering of the
standards.
{time} 1245
This bill just does not do this.
Now, the gentleman from Alabama has said there are approximately 20
states that do not have any protections and that this bill would,
therefore, be an improvement for them. I think the gentleman is right,
and that is one side of the coin.
The other side of the coin, though, is that we do preempt things that
the gentleman says we do not preempt, and we ought not to. The
amendment that I proposed to the Committee on Rules which would deal
with the preemption issue in a very good manner was simply not
permitted by them, so we cannot bring it to the floor so we could have
a debate on it. I think the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters)
will be offering a motion to recommit with her own preemption
provision. It will differ a little from mine. We will see.
But who is for this bill and who is against it? First of all, it is
called consumer rent-to-own. I think that is a misnomer, because no
consumer groups support this bill. As a matter of fact, they all oppose
it. The group Consumer Action opposes it, the Consumer Federation of
America opposes it, Consumers League of New Jersey opposes it, the
Consumers Union opposes it, the National Association of Consumer
Advocates opposes it, the National Consumer Law Center opposes it, the
U.S. Public Interest Research Group opposes it.
Who favors it? It is the rent-to-own industry, that has put the word
``consumer'' in the front of the bill. So I think this is a little bit
deceptive in its marketing and its advertising.
Now, what about the attorneys general of the various States? I do
know that the original bill as introduced was opposed by every single
attorney general of every single State.
The bill has been amended and it has been improved, there is no
question about that. But I know of no attorney general who has
privately or publicly changed his or her opinion. Maybe you do. But all
I do know is that at least with respect to the original bill, every
single attorney general opposed it. So I think that is of some
relevance, too, as we determine whether we want to pass a bill,
especially if that bill will be preemptive.
Now, the question is, is the bill preemptive or not? You have
differences of opinion, so let us go to the language of the bill. As I
read it, it sounds pretty preemptive to me. On page 33, line 21, (b),
``State laws relating to characterization of transaction.
Notwithstanding the provisions of subsection (a), this title shall
supersede any state law that, (1) regulates a rental purchase agreement
as a security interest, credit sale, retail installment sale,
conditional sale or any other form of consumer credit, or that imputes
to a rental-purchase agreement the creation of a debt or extension of
credit, or, (2) requires the disclosure of a percentage rate
calculation, including a time-price differential, an annual percentage
rate, or an effective annual percentage rate.''
The States that have that will be superseded, and every single State
in the Union will be precluded from doing that in the future. I say to
the gentleman from Alabama, if that is not preemption, I do not know
what it is.
Now, there are a lot of other difficulties, too, other than the issue
of preemption. The issue of cash price is one of them. There have been
studies done about the percentage of individuals who do not really
rent, but ultimately wind up owning. The studies can be interpreted
differently and they differ, but, suffice to say, a significant number
do wind up owning it.
The fact of the matter is, if they were to go to some department
store, they might be able to buy a TV set for $200, and, unfortunately,
they wind up paying closer to $800 or $1,000 for it, and they think
they are getting a good deal. They need to be protected. Some States
attempt to protect them, and we would preclude that, and we certainly
would apply that to all the States.
If we are going to have Federal legislation, we must deal with that
cash-price issue. We must deal with what the total cost of ownership
would be, because too many individuals across America are being taken
to the cleaners right now.
We have an important business in our society, the rent-to-own
business. It should exist and it can serve a valuable function for
certain clients, but only if we legislate consumer protections. We
probably could get there through a process of negotiation, but we have
not as of today.
Mr. Chairman, I urge everyone to oppose final passage of this bill.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Jones), one of the sponsors of the
legislation. North Carolina has been mentioned as one of the four
States, and there are sponsors of this legislation from the State of
North Carolina.
Mr. JONES of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, since we have been talking
about attorneys general around the United States, I must tell you one
of my very best friends whom I served with for 10 years in the North
Carolina House of Representatives is the Attorney General of North
Carolina. His name is Roy Cooper. We have talked about a couple of
other issues, but never did this come up. Maybe the other 49 are very
concerned, but he has not shared that concern with me.
Let me tell just briefly the history of this issue as it relates to
legislation dealing with the rent-to-own business. This goes back to a
bill that was introduced 10 years ago by Congressman LoRocco from the
West. That was 10 years ago, and, finally, after 10 years, right or
wrong, we have brought this legislation to the floor. I certainly
respect my friends on the other side of this issue, and I mean that
most sincerely.
This consumer rent-to-own purchase agreement act, I do want to
restate, represents the largest category of consumer transactions
currently unregulated by the Federal Government. I mention that because
we held hearings in the subcommittee of the gentleman from Alabama (Mr.
Bachus). I do not know if we had three or four, but I know there were
several discussions. The gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) was
very proactive. I disagree, but I respect her ability and her positions
on this issue.
I think that the rent-to-own business, quite frankly, has wanted to
work with the Congress on this legislation. Does it go far enough?
Maybe not, but is it a step in the right direction? I think it is.
Several comments have been made about the rent-to-own industry and just
how bad some people think it is, and I would like to read just a couple
of survey comments from the Federal Trade Commission, survey of rent-
to-own customers, and this is April of 2000. I believe that the Clinton
administration was the administration in the year 2000.
Let me read, in a couple of minutes, some of their surveys of those
people who do rent the rent-to-own equipment. Sixty-seven percent of
consumers intended to purchase the merchandise when they began the
rent-to-own transaction, and 87 percent of the customers intending to
purchase actually did purchase. So that sounds like to me a satisfied
customer. I cannot imagine anyone not satisfied that would buy the
product. Seventy-five percent of rent-to-own customers were satisfied
with their experience with rent-to-own transactions. Seventy-five
percent.
They also state that nearly half of all rent-to-own customers have
been late making a payment. Sixty-four percent of late customers
reported that the treatment they received from the store when they were
late was either very good or good, and another percent, 20 percent,
reported that the treatment was fair. So, Mr. Chairman, in that case 84
percent of the people that were late in their payments said that they
had an experience with the business that was very positive.
I want to close with this minute by reading a letter from four of my
colleagues from the Democratic side that I think would rate with anyone
as being a friend of the consumer in this country. It is the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Towns), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), the
gentleman
[[Page H6324]]
from Maryland (Mr. Wynn), the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Jefferson)
and the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn). They sent a letter
out on September 17. That is this week, obviously. I want to read, in
closing, one paragraph:
``H.R. 1701 will help consumers in several ways. Most importantly,
like the Truth in Lending Act and the Consumer Leasing Act, the bill
improves disclosures so that consumers can understand the full costs of
this transaction and make better decisions about spending their money.
For example, about 30 states do not require any price tag disclosures
of total costs, and H.R. 1701 will fix that. It prohibits mandatory
purchase of insurance from merchants and other unfair charges. It
forbids abusive collection practices. It provides moderate or
substantial expansion of reinstatement rights in about 40 states. It
authorizes enforcement by the FTC and State attorneys general.''
And they close by saying this, the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Towns), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), the gentleman from
Louisiana (Mr. Jefferson), and the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr.
Clyburn) close this way, by saying to their colleagues, ``We urge you
to consider the merits of H.R. 1701 carefully, and we seek your support
for its passage.''
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
Mrs. JONES of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman from
California for yielding me this time.
I have prepared comments, but before I get to them let me say that it
is really wonderful that the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn), the
gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Jefferson), the gentleman from South
Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) and
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Towns) would write a letter, but I am
the gentlewoman from Ohio and there is the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Waters) and the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) and the
gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce) and a number of great Members of
this Congress who oppose this legislation.
Secondly, I do not care what a survey said about 67 percent intending
to purchase or 87 percent did purchase. They are consumers, and as a
Member of Congress, I am here to protect the consumers from the State
of Ohio, California, New York, and anywhere else, and just because they
responded to a survey as such does not mean they are being protected.
A few days ago, Mr. Chairman, I stopped by one of those fancy coffee
shops that serve enough coffee variations for nearly everybody's
peculiar tastes. Instead of going with my usual black with two sugars,
I decided to be a bit more adventuresome and ordered a double-decaf-
triple-blend-nondairy-double-latte-hazelnut-cappuccino. But when I got
my customized drink, I had to sift through a thick layer of fluffy foam
in order to get to a few sips of coffee that were actually in my cup.
All in all, my coffee adventure was a big letdown, just like H.R. 1701
is also a letdown, and once you sift through the fluff, it is clear
that this bill advances the interests of the rent-to-own industry while
leaving its customer in a haze of disinformation.
The gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) and the gentleman from
New York (Mr. LaFalce), my esteemed colleagues, have offered several
amendments that would address the abuses in what can rightfully be
classified as legal loanshark rates. Without their amendments, the
rent-to-own industry becomes a form of debt slavery where customers pay
and pay and pay but in the end they may never get anything for their
money.
We have heard the horror stories about the rent-to-own customers
ultimately paying up to five times an item's actual cost before they
can own it. Some in the industry have tried to skirt the issue of
interest rates by claiming that these are not actually credit sales.
But those claims conveniently ignore the ultimate goal of most rent-to-
own customers, to own the product. The fundamental issue comes down to
disclosure and H.R. 1701's advocates have tried to paint a picture of
the excessive burdens that will come with disclosing some basic facts
and answering simple questions about these transactions. But what is so
burdensome about answering questions, as many of our amendments would
do, such as what is the cash price if I buy today? Is that burdensome?
Or what is my early purchase option? Or what is the effective interest
rate if I make my weekly or monthly payment until I own the item? It is
almost like those insurance policies that people of color used to buy
in Alabama and they come by every day and pay 25 cents a week and month
after month after month for 30 years and when they die they cannot even
be put in the ground. What about what is the cost of any insurance of
the services I pay? Or what about what are the guarantees in effect
while I am still paying under a rent-to-own and after I purchase the
item? Simple questions that we all want an answer to. The answers to
these questions will allow customers to make better informed decisions
when they are choosing between using a rent-to-own service or to buy an
item outright. Where is the burden in that?
While I recognize the rent-to-own industry may serve a legitimate
purpose by allowing customers to have an item for only short periods of
time or consider alternatives when deciding whether to purchase, H.R.
1701 as it stands right now only serves to advance the special
interests of many of the economic scavengers in the rent-to-own
industry who are looking to have a feast on unwitting consumers.
{time} 1300
I urge my colleagues to vote against this legislation.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee).
Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my colleague, the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Waters), for yielding me this time and also for
her clarity in leading the charge against this special interest,
anticonsumer legislation. Her hard work and clear understanding of this
legislation has really brought focus to this debate and to this very
deceitful bill. I also want to thank our ranking member on the
committee, the gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce), for his
leadership and his dedication to really try to fix this very badly
broken bill.
Now, when our committee considered this bill, I supported numerous
amendments to improve it, but, of course, to no avail. Last night
Members sought an opportunity to offer several meaningful amendments to
the bill here today, but the Committee on Rules only allowed two. So
what are we left with? A bad, broken bill that is in desperate need of
repairs.
That is why I rise today in strong opposition to the underlying bill,
the so-called rent-to-own bill, and in strong support of the Waters and
LaFalce amendments. A more accurate name for the bill in its present
state might be rent-at-your-own-risk or rent-until-you-could-have-
owned-it-three-times-over, because this bill fails to provide real
consumer protections against unscrupulous operators who charge
exorbitant rates to low-income people for items really that a wealthy
person could buy with their credit card for a mere fraction of the
price.
Concerns over the business practices of the rent-to-own industry are
very real. These merchants entice vulnerable low- and moderate-income
consumers to acquire household goods with no credit checks, no
qualification, and low payments, and disguise the true cost of the
transaction.
Here are just a few of the enticements commonly used; we have no
doubt heard them before: ``Bad credit? No problem''; ``Need a TV? Come
on down''; ``Get it today, enjoy it tonight''; ``The sooner you come
in, the more money you will save.''
Well, perhaps on the other hand, if you do not live in a minority
neighborhood, you may have never heard these ads.
These aggressive and alluring ads stress affordability and immediate
rewards, only while completely ignoring the actual cost of acquiring
the merchandise over the contract's term, which usually ends up being
significantly higher than the cost of buying the merchandise through
credit cards or more conventional means.
Though much of this bill merely duplicates existing weak rent-to-own
[[Page H6325]]
laws in many States, it really has an insidious core. At the heart of
this bill lies preemption language that would kill stronger State laws
in four States, Minnesota, New Jersey, Wisconsin, and Vermont, that
still treat rent-to-own as a credit transaction. So if this bill is
enacted, all States would be required to treat rent-to-own sales as if
they were leases subject to minimum disclosures, and the few remaining
consumer protections in those four States would actually be lost.
No wonder this bill is opposed by all of the consumer groups,
including Consumers Union, Consumers Federation of America, National
Consumer Law Center, ACORN, U.S. PIRG, and others. No wonder all 52
State attorneys general oppose this bill.
Congress should really be working for true consumer protections for
all Americans in rent-to-own transactions, not assaulting the laws of
four States and creating a Federal ceiling on the regulation of the
industry.
Frankly, this bill is simply another in the long line of well-titled,
good-sounding, anti-consumer bills that the majority deems appropriate
to spend our time discussing when the end of the fiscal year is right
around the corner and the majority of this Chamber's work on
appropriations has yet to be done.
So I urge all Members to stand up for consumers today by voting for
the Waters and LaFalce amendments and oppose this sham industry bill.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, this legislation passed out of the
Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit, which I
chair, on a vote of 24 to four.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Connecticut (Mr. Maloney), my Democratic colleague on the full
committee.
Mr. MALONEY of Connecticut. Mr. Chairman, I rise to urge my
colleagues to support the Consumer Rental Purchase Agreement Act, H.R.
1701. The bill before us is the product of many months of hard work by
many Members. I especially want to thank the gentleman from North
Carolina (Mr. Jones) and my Committee on Financial Services colleagues
on both sides of the aisle for their constructive input in producing a
bipartisan, consumer-friendly piece of legislation.
Let me be clear. This bill establishes a Federal floor for rent-to-
own disclosures and consumer rights, and preserves States' options to
regulate costs and other disclosures. That is, States can still apply
further economic and substantive safeguards such as regulating maximum
rental costs, allowable fees, and fair collection practices, should
they decide to do so.
In April of 2000, the Federal Trade Commission issued a staff report
that addresses many of the issues surrounding the rent-to-own industry.
Generally speaking, the FTC report concluded that clear and
comprehensive disclosures of the rental-purchase transaction would
benefit both the industry and consumers. That is what this bill does.
Additionally, the FTC made some recommendations regarding the types
of disclosures that would benefit the consumer the Consumer Rental
Purchase Agreement Act before us today begins to implement those
recommendations. Let me quote or cite a few examples.
Again, H.R. 1701 establishes a Federal floor, assuring that more
protective State laws continue in force and can be enacted in the
future. Secondly, the bill expands and assures that the consumer's
acquisition rights will be preserved after a missed payment if the
consumer acts to reinstate the lease within a specified period of time.
The bill prohibits mandatory charges for damage waiver. It requires
price tags and labels and clarifies what should be included on those
price tags and labels. It requires more accurate cost disclosures, and
it requires the disclosure of whether or not the equipment is new or
used.
The bill prohibits merchants from imposing a balloon payment or any
other special fee to acquire ownership, and it prohibits abusive
practices and provides stringent liability and enforcement mechanisms.
The bill gives enforcement power to both the FTC and to the State
attorneys general, and the bill ties criminal and civil liabilities and
penalties for violations to the requirements for the Truth in Lending
Act and the Consumer Leasing Act.
My good friends who oppose this legislation are simply wrong. This
legislation creates a Federal floor. For all of the good things that
they would like to achieve, in addition to what this bill does, can in
fact be done at the State level; and I would submit to them that right
now there is no Federal structure for the regulation of this industry.
What this bill does is create the Federal structure for the regulation
of this industry, for the benefit of the consumer, and creates an
opportunity in the future to add additional protections as those
protections are argued successfully through the congressional process.
So this is a great opportunity for the consumer that we offer here
today in this legislation.
Is this bill good for industry? Of course it is good for industry,
because it creates that mandatory minimum Federal floor which helps
create the national marketplace in which this activity can take place.
That is the benefit of a continental market. But is it good for the
consumer? Of course it is good for the consumer, because it establishes
rights that consumers do not have now, takes no rights away, and gives
the opportunity for additional rights, either to be granted by the
States or to be granted by the Congress of the United States.
Mr. Chairman, this is a very important step forward for consumers in
this country, as well as a step forward for our economy.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to correct a few things. My colleague, the
gentleman from Alabama, listed the FTC and cited the FTC report I think
as support for the legislation. The FTC responded that they did not
support a need for Federal legislation at this time. I just wanted to
clear the record of that.
Also, I want to clear up some statements that were made by my
colleague relative to preemption. We have a letter from the State of
Wisconsin that says that this proposal would block all future State
efforts to protect rent-to-own customers within the context of consumer
credit regulation. They also go on to say that the substitute's
approach to preemption is in conflict with the fundamental principle
underlying the attorneys general letter of September 5, 2001.
So I do not want the Members of Congress to believe that somehow
preemption is not a question. It certainly is still a question and,
certainly, there is preemption.
Mr. Chairman, I want to share with my colleagues that some of the
amendments that I attempted have been alluded to by other Members who
have talked about this bill. I want to share with my colleagues that I
tried to amend this legislation that would basically place a cap on
total price. My amendment was based on New York and Iowa, law which
requires that a percentage of the periodic payment be devoted to
equity. My amendment would have provided that 75 percent of each
payment would count as an ownership interest in the property, and that
the customer would acquire full ownership of the property when he or
she had paid an amount equal to 133 percent of the cash price.
Well, that was opposed; and that is what some of my colleagues were
talking about when they talked about the exorbitant prices.
Also, I would like to point out that I tried desperately to do
something about the abusive practices with an amendment, and I cited
some of the things that happened with these repossessions. Many of the
rent-to-own contracts have clauses which attempt to sanction the entry
into the customer's residence when the customer is not even at home.
The contract currently used by a large company provides, and I quote,
that ``the lessor shall have the right forthwith and without prior
notice to enter any premises where said property is located and take
immediate possession of said property without the necessity of any
legal or judicial process,'' and ``the lessee shall be obligated to
reimburse the lessor for any and all expenses related to any reasonable
effort to repossess the property, including reasonable attorneys'
fees.''
This industry is unconscionable.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
LaFalce).
[[Page H6326]]
Mr. LaFALCE. Mr. Chairman, there are a number of difficulties with
this bill. We could deal with those difficulties if we had more time
and willingness, and if we were negotiating it, rather than an attempt
to negotiate it with the industry. If we just proceed with this bill, I
think it is dead for this Congress. I do not think it will see the
light of day in the Senate.
What are some of the issues? Well, first of all, preemption is an
issue. I read off the specific provisions of the bill that preclude
preemption. The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), the
chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, wrote an excellent opinion
explaining the difficulties he has because of preemption. These are not
make-believe arguments; they are consumer protections that are
preempted. States cannot do it. State laws are superseded. We need to
deal with that issue.
Now, I actually do not think that those are the primary concerns of
the rent-to-own industry. What are their primary concerns which
probably only a handful of Members, at best, would even be aware of?
{time} 1315
First, it is not so much the APR consumer protections, it is the
treatment, the tax treatment of the rent-to-own contract. It is not
that the IRS has said this is a lease to be written off for 3 years, it
is that the rent-to-own industry got Congress to put a provision in the
Tax Code that says a rent-to-own contract shall, by definition, be a
lease, and shall be allowed a 3-year write-off. They are afraid that
some provision of the Federal or State law might alter that treatment.
We can deal with that.
They are also concerned, too, about if it is considered to be a
credit sale, it might not be considered an asset of theirs. If it is
not an asset of theirs, they might not have the security that is
available to obtain cash flow financing from financial institutions. So
that is another concern. I think that is something that could be dealt
with, too.
In other words, we could deal with their business problems while
still having good Federal standards for consumer protection and
allowing the States to go further. This bill does not do it.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
New York (Mrs. Kelly).
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Alabama (Mr.
Bachus) for yielding time to me.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1701. This is
bipartisan legislation which would create a nationwide floor for rent-
to-own contracts. In turn, this floor would create greater
opportunities and flexibility for consumers to choose from when
acquiring new products.
What kind of flexibility? Rent-to-own consumers do not need to commit
to any specified amount of time to use these products. One example
would be consumers who like to test out different products before
deciding which product they will purchase. Rent-to-own gives them an
opportunity to do that by just allowing the consumers to determine
which of these products best suits their needs before purchasing that
product.
In addition, rent-to-own allows consumers to obtain products they may
only need for a short time. For instance, a consumer may want a giant
screen TV for just the fall football season. They could engage in a
rent-to-own contract for the fall, and at the end, simply return the
TV, no questions asked, and end the agreement right on the spot.
Another example is particularly helpful for parents of children
interested in taking music lessons on an instrument. These parents can
obtain the instrument the child is interested in with a rent-to-own
agreement. If the child loses interest, parents can simply return the
instrument and stop making payments. Many school districts in the
United States of America have this sort of thing in place.
Rent-to-own represents a viable and simple alternative for many
Americans not looking to purchase a product. However, rent-to-own also
represents an option for many Americans who lack credit or who do not
have the funds to purchase a product they otherwise would be unable to
obtain, so they do it slowly, with a rent-to-own contract.
In essence, this legislation is about ensuring greater options for
consumers. As a body, I believe it is our mission to create more and
not limit choices and opportunities for consumers.
Those opposed to this legislation claim the bill would override State
law and harm consumers. That is a gross distortion. While this
legislation would create a new floor for consumer protections in the
States, in no way would the bill change any State law which is stronger
than the standards written in the bill, nor would this bill prevent any
State from enacting even stronger consumer protections for these
leasehold agreements. What the bill does is create a floor of strong
consumer protections from which States can work to help consumers who
want to take advantage of rent-to-purchase opportunities.
I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join us in support
for this legislation to give all consumers better protections in these
contracts, and a lot more options in the market.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, what is behind this bill? Not a desire to create a
Federal floor of consumer protections for rent-to-own customers, as the
majority views allege. If Members really believe that the rent-to-own
people are in here doing all of this fighting because they want to
provide consumer protection for the people that they have been
literally ripping off and abusing all of these years, then I guess I do
have a bridge I want to sell them.
This is an effort to avoid hundreds of millions of dollars in legal
penalties imposed by courts from precisely those States whose laws it
would preempt. Since 1997, legal actions responding to State consumer
law violations have produced legal judgments and settlements against
the Nation's largest rent-to-own chain, Rent-a-Center, Incorporated,
amounting to $30 million in Minnesota, $16 million in Wisconsin, and
more than $60 million in New Jersey.
Unable to win under these State laws, or to overturn them at the
State level, the rent-to-own industry is simply calling on Congress to
preempt them. All of the national consumer organizations oppose H.R.
1701, as has been indicated, as an inadequate standard to protect
vulnerable consumers from misleading lease arrangements that really
mask installment sales at exorbitant rates of interest. That is what
this is all about.
If Members travel through Washington, D.C. in the poorest areas, or
any of these cities, Members will see the check cashing industry, the
payday loan industry, the rent-to-own industry, where they put their
operations, where people are the poorest and most vulnerable, people
who are desperate, who do not ask the questions, and who are willing to
do everything they can to make those weekly payments without asking,
what is the bottom line? What do they add up to?
Mr. Chairman, we cannot allow the Congress of the United States to be
used to shield these rip-off rent-to-own dealers. We cannot allow this
industry, I do not care how powerful they think they are, how much
money they think they have, to come in here and use the Congress of the
United States to keep ripping off people who expect some protection
from us.
If we cannot stop this legislation on the floor of Congress, we are
not worth our salt. I would simply say to the Members of Congress, it
is preemption, it is abusive, it is exorbitant. This is the worst of
the worst.
Again, for all people who went home and said to their constituents,
forgive me about Enron, I did not know any better; forgive me about
WorldCom, I did not know any better; yes, I am going to be about
corporate responsibility; no, I will not allow the rip-off of the
citizens of the country anymore, what are they going to tell their
consumers and their citizens and their constituents when they go home
after they have voted for this?
We are not going to let Members forget it. This is an area that some
of us are going to have to spend priority time on: predatory lending.
Everybody that falls under that banner, they have had free rein in
America for too long, and people are suffering from it.
[[Page H6327]]
The assets, the hopes, and aspirations are being drained out of poor
communities. They will never catch up. They will never be able to have
a savings account. They will never have money to pay down on a home
because they have been ripped off, dribble by dribble, buck by buck.
I do not care whether it is Democrats or Republicans, this is not a
bipartisan bill. Do not give me the name of any Democrats who support
it, because they are just as bad as those on the opposite side of the
aisle who support this. I do not care what color they are, I do not
care where they come from. As a matter of fact, I intend to expose
every legislator, black, green, purple, I do not care what they are,
that supports this kind of legislation. They have too much power. The
people have invested too much in the Members of Congress for them to
take their power and use it in this fashion. Not only is it
unconscionable, but I daresay it is criminal to do so.
So they can name all the people who they want to name who supposedly
support it, they can fashion their arguments in any way they want to
call preemption, nonpreemption. They do not even try to defend against
the abuses. They do not even try to defend against the exorbitant price
because they cannot. It is just that bad.
Shame on us if we allow this legislation to get out of here. Shame on
us who are elected by the people of this country, expecting us to give
them some minimal protection. Many of them do not know about all of the
fancy, highfalutin corporate relationships we have around here, but
many of them do know that on a day-to-day basis they have to go to
these little businesses because they think they have no place else to
go to get a little help. They think we are looking out for them. I ask
the Members of Congress to reject this legislation.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I am not sure whether I am sort of tan or yellow or
whatever I am, but whatever I am, I want to agree with the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Waters) about one thing. She has outlined a number
of abuses. She has argued about a number of people that are being
ripped off. I agree. But what she is saying has nothing to do with this
bill, because this bill absolutely increases consumer protection.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Sandlin) to close, one of 24 Members of the Committee, after 4 days of
hearings and markup, who voted overwhelmingly for this bill.
Mr. SANDLIN. Mr. Chairman, I am glad that the House is finally
considering this bipartisan legislation to establish Federal oversight
of the rent-to-own industry. Contrary to what we have heard today, many
of my poor constituents, my consumers, have absolutely no access to
consumer products without the rent-to-own industry.
As we have all heard today, currently there is no Federal oversight
or regulation of the rental purchase industry. The lack of a Federal
consumer protection statute for this growing industry is inexcusable;
it is unconscionable.
While H.R. 1701 may not be a perfect piece of legislation, it
represents a vast improvement over the inadequate status quo that has
been referred to today.
According to an April 2000 Federal Trade Commission staff report, the
rent-to-own industry serves approximately 3 million Americans and
generates nearly $4.5 billion in revenues. It is time for Congress to
enact a Federal statute governing this growing industry that will
subject rent-to-own merchants to Federal oversight and reasonable
minimum standards for contracts and point-of-rental disclosures.
By establishing a Federal floor for rental purchase agreements, H.R.
1701 will strengthen consumer protections in 32 States, including the
State that I am from in Texas.
At the same time, I have read this measure and this measure does not
preempt State statutes that provide consumers with even tougher
protections for consumers, including disclosures intended to give
rental purchase consumers all the information necessary to make
intelligent decisions. They can make those intelligent decisions, and
they do have more protections. This is pro-consumer in Texas and across
the country.
Ironically, the opponents of a uniform Federal standard for the rent-
to-own industry, which would regulate the industry under the Truth in
Lending Act, are usually the most forceful advocates of Federal
protection for consumers. Far from being a weakening of consumer
protections, as some opponents of this measure contend, H.R. 1701
merely codifies rulings by both the Federal Reserve Board and the
Internal Revenue Service that treat rental purchase tax credits as
lease sales.
This is pro-consumer, it is pro-protection. It increases the ability
of consumers to have information to make intelligent decisions about
the purchases they have, and it gives the poor, the disadvantaged, the
unfortunate the opportunity to have access to consumer products that
they could get absolutely no other way.
I urge my colleagues to pass this long overdue measure. Let us get
some regulation in this industry. Let us help our consumers.
Mr. Chairman, as an original cosponsor of the Consumer Rental
Purchase Agreement Act, I am glad that the House is finally considering
this bipartisan legislation to establish federal oversight of the rent-
to-own industry.
As we have all heard today currently there is no federal oversight or
regulation of the rental purchase industry. The lack, of a federal
consumer protection statute for this growing industry is inexcusable,
and while H.R. 1701 may not be a perfect piece of legislation, it
represents a vast improvement over the inadequate status quo.
According to an April 2000 Federal Trade Commission staff report, the
rent-to-own industry serves approximately 3 million Americans and
generates nearly $4.5 billion in annual revenues.
In Texas alone, the rent-to-own industry generates nearly $500
million in annual revenues and employees 7,500 people. It is time for
Congress to enact a federal statute governing this growing industry
that will subject rent-to-own merchants to federal oversight and
reasonable minimum standards for contract and point-of-rental
disclosures.
By establishing a federal floor for rental purchase agreements, H.R.
1701 will strengthen consumer protections in 32 states, including
Texas, that currently afford consumers weaker safeguards than those
contained in the Consumer Rental Purchase Agreement Act. At the same
time, this measure does not preempt state statues that provide
consumers with even tougher protections for consumers, including
disclosures intended to give rental purchase customers all the
information necessary to make intelligent decisions.
Ironically, opponents of a uniform, federal standard for the rent-to-
own industry, which would regulate the industry under the Truth-in-
Lending Act, are usually the most forceful advocates of federal
protections for consumers. Far from being a radical weakening of
consumer protections, as some opponents of this measure contend, H.R.
1701 merely codifies rulings by both the Federal Reserve Board and
Internal Revenue Service that treat rental-purchase transactions as
lease sales.
I urge my colleagues to pass this long-overdue measure on behalf of
rental-purchase consumers across the country.
Mr. STARK. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 1701, the
so-called Consumer Rental Purchase Agreement Act.
This bill has nothing to do with protecting consumers. It doesn't
help the most financially vulnerable Americans that often rely on rent-
to-own agreements just to afford some of the most basic necessities for
their families.
This bill is more about letting the $5 billion dollar a year rent-to-
own industry get out from under strict consumer protection standards in
force in several states. This shouldn't come to anyone's surprise
considering the Republican leadership's track record of giving
corporate interests a free ride at the expense of America's working
families.
Proponents of this bill are right in pointing out that rent-to-own
agreements are not subject to any federal standard. But, their effort
to create a new national standard is severely misguided. Not only does
it overturn tougher consumer protection laws already in place in most
states. But, it will also prevent some states from regulating these
transactions altogether.
In addition, this bill doesn't include important disclosure
requirements mandating that rent-to-own businesses inform consumers of
the total cost of entering into these agreements. This undermines the
basic principle of a free market by barring Americans from shopping
competitively and making informed choices.
We should do more to demand accountability from the rent-to-own
industry. This bill simply gives them a shelter to play games with
financing gimmicks and impose hidden fees on vulnerable consumers.
I think Congress owes more to America's working families than to
conspire in another
[[Page H6328]]
corporate scam. I urge my colleagues to stand up for consumers and vote
down this misguided bill.
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Chairman, today I rise in strong opposition to
H.R. 1701. I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this anti-
consumer legislation. I want to thank Representative Waters for her
tireless work on behalf of consumers. Every national consumer rights
organization and 52 state and extraterritorial Attorney Generals oppose
this bill. I should also note that there is bipartisan opposition to
this bill. The Judiciary Committee Chairman has stated that ``H.R. 1701
is a misguided attempt to preempt the existing laws of virtually every
state.'' I could not agree more.
This legislation sacrifices consumer protections for the sake of a
politically connected industry that is notorious for exploiting
consumers. We should not preempt strong consumer protection laws in
Minnesota, New Jersey, Wisconsin, and Vermont. This bill would also
effectively stop states from passing strong consumer protections in the
future.
The $5 billion a year rent to own industry offers goods and services
to people who do not have the credit or money to buy goods at the
regular sales price. I should note that this industry that already
receives special treatment by the IRS. The IRS grants the Rent to Own
Industry a three-year depreciation schedule. The horse racing business
is the only other industry that has a three-year depreciation schedule.
This legislation will give this industry even more ``special
treatment.''
H.R. 1701 effectively allows the rent to own industry to hide the
true costs of its transactions by hiding interest rates. Consumers
should know the final cost of a deal they have agreed to.
This industry provides goods to those who are unable to
conventionally purchase goods. We in Congress should work to strengthen
and not weaken protections for families that are struggling to make
ends meet. Low-income people predominately use this market. It is
estimated that over 30% receive some form of public assistance, 59%
earn less than $25,000 and 73% have a high school degree or less. These
consumers frequently end up paying 10 to 15 times of the rental price.
On average it takes a consumer 77 weeks to own the good.
Consumers are deceived by low monthly installment rates. People
should absolutely know what they are getting into when they agree to
buy an item over a long period of time. This legislation will make it
even harder for consumers to get fair and accurate information about
their obligations. We in Congress should work to strengthen, not weaken
protections for working families. This legislation will effectively
increase low-income people's debt. Join me in voting against this anti
consumer legislation and voting for the motion to recommit that is
being offered by the gentlelady from California.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Chairman, H.R. 1701, the Consumer Rental Purchase
Agreement bill, rewriters every rent-to-own contract in the nation to
conform to the dictates of federal politicians and bureaucrats. This
bill thus represents another usurpation by Congress of powers reserved
by the 9th and 10th amendments of the Constitution to the states and
the people.
Rent-to-own transactions provide many low-income individuals an
affordable means of obtaining durable goods, such as furniture,
appliances and computers. Rent-to-own also provides a way of obtaining
luxury items for a short time. For example, someone who cannot afford a
big screen TV can use a rent-to-own contract to obtain such a TV to
watch the Super Bowl.
Proponents of H.R. 1701 admit the benefits of rent-to-own but fret
that rent-to-own transactions are regulated by the states, not the
federal government. Proponents of this legislation claim that state
regulations are inadequate, thus making federal regulations necessary.
My well-intentioned colleagues ignore the fact that Congress has no
legitimate authority to judge whether or not state regulations are
adequate. This is because the Constitution gives the federal government
no authority to regulate this type of transaction. Thus, whether or not
state regulations are adequate is simply not for Congress to judge.
Some may claim that H.R. 1701 respects states' rights, because it
does not preempt those state regulations acceptable to federal
regulators. However, Mr. Chairman, this turns the constitutional
meaning of federalism on its head. After all, the 10th amendment does
not limit its protections to state laws approved of by the federal
bureaucracy.
In addition to exceeding Congress's constitutional authority, H.R.
1701, like all federal regulatory schemes, could backfire and harm the
very people it was intended to help. This is because any regulation
inevitably raises the cost of doing business. These higher costs are
passed along to the consumer in the form of either higher prices or
fewer choices. The result of this is that marginal customers are priced
out of the market. These consumers may prefer to sign contracts that do
not meet federal standards as opposed to not having access to any rent-
to-own contracts, but the Congress will deny them that option.
According to the proponents of H.R. 1701, if people cannot obtain
desired goods and services under terms satisfactory to the government,
they are better off being denied those goods and services. Mr.
Chairman, this type of ``government knows best'' legislation represents
the worst type of paternalism and is totally inappropriate for a free
society.
In conclusion, H.R. 1701 exceeds Congress's constitutional authority
by regulating areas constitutionally left to the states. It also raises
the cost of forming rent-to-own contracts and thus will deny those
contracts to consumers who desire them. I therefore urge my colleagues
to reject this paternalistic and unconstitutional bill.
Mr. SHOWS. Mr. Chairman, the rent-to-own industry provides an
important service for those who cannot afford the initial expense of
durable good purchases, such as furniture, washing machines, and
televisions, and for those who are looking for temporary home
furnishings. Many Mississippians rely on the convenience and
accessibility of rent-to-own products. Nationally, rental and rent-to-
own transactions total $5.3 billion each year. Because the rent-to-own
industry provides such a vital service to so many people across the
U.S., I am proud to support the Consumer Rental-Purchase Agreement Act
on the floor of the House today.
The Consumer Rental-Purchase Agreement Act of 2002 (H.R. 1701)
protects those consumers who opt to rent or rent-to-own. Because these
types of transactions are short-term leases not covered by the Consumer
Leasing Act or the Truth in Lending Act, H.R. 1701 fills a gap in
federal regulation of consumer transactions.
H.R. 1701 regulates the rent-to-own industry by establishing federal
regulatory framework for rent-to-own transactions. The legislation
establishes a federal ``floor'' of minimum consumer protection for
rent-to-own consumers in every state. This federal ``floor'' provides
for consumer disclosures while still allowing states to impose price
caps, fee limits, and other protections.
H.R. 1701 protects consumer rights. The bill extends the
reinstatement period that preserves a consumer's acquisition rights
after missing payments. It restricts the types of fees that merchants
may charge, such as balloon payments for multiple late fees. The bill
prevents merchants from requiring that customers purchase their damage
waiver or insurance as a condition of the rental. It also prohibits
abusive collection practices and protects customers from waiving their
legal claims.
H.R. 1701 protects states' rights to regulate and establish business
standards in the rent-to-own industry. The bill improves on the
existing rent-to-own retail standards in more than 40 states but
assures that more protective state laws continue in force. States can
and do restrict rental costs and require further disclosures. H.R. 1701
also ensures the uniform definition of the transaction as a short-term
lease with a purchase option (not an outright sale or secured
transaction), consistent with current federal tax treatment and
statutes in 46 states. The bill does not prevent states form imposing
on rent-to-own transactions economic limits like those applied in state
regulation of long-term leases or consumer credit.
The bill provides for more complete and accurate consumer
disclosures, adopting several policy recommendations made by the
Federal Trade Commission in a recent study of the industry. For
example, H.R. 1701 requires that merchandise bear a price tag or label
disclosing the ``total cost'' of the rental, including mandatory fees
or charges, as well as the rental payment amount and number of payments
to acquire ownership. Only 18 states currently require any type of
price tag or label disclosure, and even fewer include all of the
information mandated by H.R. 1701.
I am a proud cosponsor of this bipartisan legislation, which raises
the standards of disclosure in the rent-to-own industry and ensures
that consumers are protected during these transactions. As a member of
the Committee on Financial Services, I voted in favor of this
legislation on June 27th, which passed the committee with bipartisan
support and was reported favorably to the full House, 29-9.
I am proud to support this bill on the floor of the House today
because it guarantees that the relationship between rent-to-own
retailers and consumers maintains its integrity and best serves each
side's financial stake in rent or rent-to-own transactions.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, today I speak out in
opposition to H.R. 1701. This bill does great harm to our nation's
consumers while protecting the rent-to-own industry with weak
regulations that are not suited to the true nature of the type of
transaction these contracts really represent--credit-sales contracts.
Once again, we hasten to pass a bill that unfairly places the
interests of common consumers below the interests of industry and
[[Page H6329]]
business. Unfortunately, there are those in the rent-to-own business
who create these contracts without providing full disclosure to the
consumers who use them--consumers who ultimately intend to own the
television, furniture or other good contemplated in the rent-to-own
agreement. When these consumers fail to make payment, instead of giving
them reasonable terms and conditions prolonging the contract, or
reinstating the contract owners of these contracts often take
possession of these goods--even after the consumers has made
significant payments under the contract in excess of the actual cost of
the goods.
The measure also raises another issue that Republicans often use as a
battle cry when they support regulation that oppresses the rights of
individuals or threatens what they term as undue burdens on business
and industry. I cannot count the number of times that I have heard
Republicans raise the issue of states rights arguing that states know
best and decrying Federal encroachment upon state matters. However,
when they want to elevate the rights of our nation's industries over
the rights of individual consumers, states rights goes right out of the
door. This measure tramples on the decisions of state regulators to
regulate rent-to-own contracts as credit sales and turns federalism on
its head. H.R. 1701 would preempt strong state laws regulating rent-to-
own contracts from New Jersey, Minnesota, Wisconsin and Vermont. This
measure preempts stronger state laws regulating rent-to-own contracts
and is opposed by 52 state and territorial Attorneys General.
Consumer advocates oppose this measure. Furthermore, all of the
government witnesses during the Judiciary Subcommittee on Commercial
and Administrative Law on this bill, including witnesses representing
the Wisconsin Attorney General, the Federal Trade Commission and the
Federal Reserve declined to recommend action on H.R. 1701, further
making the argument that this is nothing more than a giveaway to the
industry. Yet, we still see this measure progressing in the House.
I do not believe at this juncture, in our nation's history, that this
legislation reflects Congressional concern for a nation with a stagnant
economy and teetering on the brink of war. At a time when all of our
nation's citizens are particularly concerned for their well being we
should not pass legislation that will allow industry to capitalize on
those citizens with the most exposure to these turbulent times. For
these reasons I do not support H.R. 1701, and if present, I would have
voted ``no.''
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Hefley). All time for general debate
has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Financial Services, amended by the
amendment recommended by the Committee on the Judiciary, printed in the
bill shall be considered as an original bill for the purpose of
amendment under the 5-minute rule and shall be considered as read.
The text of the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute, as
amended, is as follows:
H.R. 1701
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Consumer Rental Purchase
Agreement Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS AND DECLARATION OF PURPOSE.
(a) Findings.--The Congress finds as follows:
(1) The rental-purchase industry provides a service that
meets and satisfies the demands of many consumers.
(2) Each year, approximately 2,300,000 United States
households enter into rental-purchase transactions and over a
5-year period approximately 4,900,000 United States
households will do so.
(3) Competition among the various firms engaged in the
extension of rental-purchase transactions would be
strengthened by informed use of rental-purchase transactions.
(4) The informed use of rental-purchase transactions
results from an awareness of the cost thereof by consumers.
(b) Purpose.--The purpose of this title is to assure the
availability of rental-purchase transactions and to assure
simple, meaningful, and consistent disclosure of rental-
purchase terms so that consumers will be able to more readily
compare the available rental-purchase terms and avoid
uninformed use of rental-purchase transactions, and to
protect consumers against unfair rental-purchase practices.
SEC. 3. CONSUMER CREDIT PROTECTION ACT.
The Consumer Credit Protection Act is amended by adding at
the end the following new title:
``TITLE X--RENTAL-PURCHASE TRANSACTIONS
``Sec. 1001. Definitions.
``Sec. 1002. Exempted transactions.
``Sec. 1003. General disclosure requirements.
``Sec. 1004. Rental-purchase disclosures.
``Sec. 1005. Other agreement provisions.
``Sec. 1006. Right to acquire ownership.
``Sec. 1007. Prohibited provisions.
``Sec. 1008. Statement of accounts.
``Sec. 1009. Renegotiations and extensions.
``Sec. 1010. Point-of-rental disclosures.
``Sec. 1011. Rental-purchase advertising.
``Sec. 1012. Civil liability.
``Sec. 1013. Additional grounds for civil liability.
``Sec. 1014. Liability of assignees.
``Sec. 1015. Regulations.
``Sec. 1016. Enforcement.
``Sec. 1017. Criminal liability for willful and knowing violation.
``Sec. 1018. Relation to other laws.
``Sec. 1019. Effect on government agencies.
``Sec. 1020. Compliance date.
``SEC. 1001. DEFINITIONS.
``For purposes of this title, the following definitions
shall apply:
``(1) Advertisement.--The term `advertisement' means a
commercial message in any medium that promotes, directly or
indirectly, a rental-purchase agreement but does not include
price tags, window signs, or other in-store merchandising
aids.
``(2) Agricultural purpose.--The term `agricultural
purpose' includes--
``(A) the production, harvest, exhibition, marketing,
transformation, processing, or manufacture of agricultural
products by a natural person who cultivates plants or
propagates or nurtures agricultural products; and
``(B) the acquisition of farmlands, real property with a
farm residence, or personal property and services used
primarily in farming.
``(3) Board.--The term `Board' means the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System.
``(4) Cash price.--The term `cash price' means the price at
which a merchant, in the ordinary course of business, offers
to sell for cash the property that is the subject of the
rental-purchase transaction.
``(5) Consumer.--The term `consumer' means a natural person
who is offered or enters into a rental-purchase agreement.
``(6) Date of consummation.--The term `date of
consummation' means the date on which a consumer becomes
contractually obligated under a rental-purchase agreement.
``(7) Initial payment.--The term `initial payment' means
the amount to be paid before or at the consummation of the
agreement or the delivery of the property if delivery occurs
after consummation, including the rental payment; service,
processing, or administrative charges; delivery fee;
refundable security deposit; taxes; mandatory fees or
charges; and any optional fees or charges agreed to by the
consumer.
``(8) Merchant.--The term `merchant' means a person who
provides the use of property through a rental-purchase
agreement in the ordinary course of business and to whom a
consumer's initial payment under the agreement is payable.
``(9) Payment schedule.--The term `payment schedule' means
the amount and timing of the periodic payments and the total
number of all periodic payments that the consumer will make
if the consumer acquires ownership of the property by making
all periodic payments.
``(10) Periodic payment.--The term `periodic payment' means
the total payment a consumer will make for a specific rental
period after the initial payment, including the rental
payment, taxes, mandatory fees or charges, and any optional
fees or charges agreed to by the consumer.
``(11) Property.--The term `property' means property that
is not real property under the laws of the State where the
property is located when it is made available under a rental-
purchase agreement.
``(12) Rental payment.--The term `rental payment' means
rent required to be paid by a consumer for the possession and
use of property for a specific rental period, but does not
include taxes or any fees or charges.
``(13) Rental period.--The term `rental period' means a
week, month, or other specific period of time, during which
the consumer has a right to possess and use property that is
the subject of a rental-purchase agreement after paying the
rental payment and any applicable taxes for such period.
``(14) Rental-purchase agreement.--
``(A) In general.--The term `rental-purchase agreement'
means a contract in the form of a bailment or lease for the
use of property by a consumer for an initial period of 4
months or less, that is renewable with each payment by the
consumer, and that permits but does not obligate the consumer
to become the owner of the property.
``(B) Exclusions.--The term `rental-purchase agreement'
does not include--
``(i) a credit sale (as defined in section 103(g) of the
Truth in Lending Act);
``(ii) a consumer lease (as defined in section 181(1) of
such Act); or
``(iii) a transaction giving rise to a debt incurred in
connection with the business of lending money or a thing of
value.
``(15) Rental-purchase cost.--
``(A) In general.--For purposes of sections 1010 and 1011,
the term `rental-purchase cost' means the sum of all rental
payments and mandatory fees or charges imposed by the
merchant as a condition of entering into a rental-purchase
agreement or acquiring ownership of property under a rental-
purchase agreement, such as the following:
``(i) Service, processing, or administrative charge.
``(ii) Fee for an investigation or credit report.
``(iii) Charge for delivery required by the merchant.
``(B) Excluded items.--The following fees or charges shall
not be taken into account in determining the rental-purchase
cost with respect to a rental-purchase transaction:
``(i) Fees and charges prescribed by law, which actually
are or will be paid to public officials or government
entities, such as sales tax.
[[Page H6330]]
``(ii) Fees and charges for optional products and services
offered in connection with a rental-purchase agreement.
``(16) State.--The term `State' means any State of the
United States, the District of Columbia, any territory of the
United States, Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, the Trust
Territory of the Pacific Islands, the Virgin Islands, and the
Northern Mariana Islands.
``(17) Total cost.--The term `total cost' means the sum of
the initial payment and all periodic payments in the payment
schedule to be paid by the consumer to acquire ownership of
the property that is the subject of the rental-purchase
agreement.
``SEC. 1002. EXEMPTED TRANSACTIONS.
``This title shall not apply to rental-purchase agreements
primarily for business, commercial, or agricultural purposes,
or those made with Government agencies or instrumentalities.
``SEC. 1003. GENERAL DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENTS.
``(a) Recipient of Disclosure.--A merchant shall disclose
to any person who will be a signatory to a rental-purchase
agreement the information required by sections 1004 and 1005.
``(b) Timing of Disclosure.--The disclosures required under
sections 1004 and 1005 shall be made before the consummation
of the rental-purchase agreement and clearly and
conspicuously in writing as part of the rental-purchase
agreement to be signed by the consumer.
``(c) Clearly and Conspicuously.--As used in this section,
the term `clearly and conspicuously' means that information
required to be disclosed to the consumer shall be worded
plainly and simply, and appear in a type size, prominence,
and location as to be readily noticeable, readable, and
comprehensible to an ordinary consumer.
``SEC. 1004. RENTAL-PURCHASE DISCLOSURES.
``(a) In General.--For each rental-purchase agreement, the
merchant shall disclose to the consumer the following, to the
extent applicable:
``(1) The date of the consummation of the rental-purchase
transaction and the identities of the merchant and the
consumer.
``(2) A brief description of the rental property, which
shall be sufficient to identify the property to the consumer,
including an identification or serial number, if applicable,
and a statement indicating whether the property is new or
used.
``(3) A description of any fee, charge or penalty, in
addition to the periodic payment, that the consumer may be
required to pay under the agreement, which shall be
separately identified by type and amount.
``(4) A clear and conspicuous statement that the
transaction is a rental-purchase agreement and that the
consumer will not obtain ownership of the property until the
consumer has paid the total dollar amount necessary to
acquire ownership.
``(5) The amount of any initial payment, which includes the
first periodic payment, and the total amount of any fees,
taxes, or other charges, required to be paid by the consumer.
``(6) The amount of the cash price of the property that is
the subject of the rental-purchase agreement, and, if the
agreement involves the rental of 2 or more items as a set (as
may be defined by the Board in regulation) a statement of the
aggregate cash price of all items shall satisfy this
requirement.
``(7) The amount and timing of periodic payments, and the
total number of periodic payments necessary to acquire
ownership of the property under the rental-purchase
agreement.
``(8) The total cost, using that term, and a brief
description, such as `This is the amount you will pay the
merchant if you make all periodic payments to acquire
ownership of the property.'.
``(9) A statement of the consumer's right to terminate the
agreement without paying any fee or charge not previously due
under the agreement by voluntarily surrendering or returning
the property in good repair upon expiration of any lease
term.
``(10) Substantially the following statement: `OTHER
IMPORTANT TERMS: See your rental-purchase agreement for
additional important information on early termination
procedures, purchase option rights, responsibilities for
loss, damage or destruction of the property, warranties,
maintenance responsibilities, and other charges or penalties
you may incur.'.
``(b) Form of Disclosure.--The disclosures required by
paragraphs (4) through (10) of subsection (a) shall be
segregated from other information at the beginning of the
rental-purchase agreement and shall contain only directly
related information, and shall be identified in boldface,
upper-case letters as follows: ``IMPORTANT RENTAL-PURCHASE
DISCLOSURES'.
``(c) Disclosure Requirements Relating to Insurance
Premiums and Liability Waivers.--
``(1) In general.--A merchant shall clearly and
conspicuously disclose in writing to the consumer before the
consummation of a rental-purchase agreement that the purchase
of leased property insurance or liability waiver coverage is
not required as a condition for entering into the rental-
purchase agreement.
``(2) Affirmative written request after cost disclosure.--A
merchant may provide insurance or liability waiver coverage,
directly or indirectly, in connection with a rental-purchase
transaction only if--
``(A) the merchant clearly and conspicuously discloses to
the consumer the cost of each component of such coverage
before the consummation of the rental-purchase agreement; and
``(B) the consumer signs an affirmative written request for
such coverage after receiving the disclosures required under
subparagraph paragraph (A) of this paragraph and paragraph
(1).
``(d) Accuracy of Disclosure.--
``(1) In general.--The disclosures required to be made
under subsection (a) shall be accurate as of the date the
disclosures are made, based on the information available to
the merchant.
``(2) Information subsequently rendered inaccurate.--If
information required to be disclosed under subsection (a) is
subsequently rendered inaccurate as a result of any agreement
between the merchant and the consumer subsequent to the
delivery of the required disclosures, the resulting
inaccuracy shall not constitute a violation of this title.
``SEC. 1005. OTHER AGREEMENT PROVISIONS.
``(a) In General.--Each rental-purchase agreement shall--
``(1) provide a statement specifying whether the merchant
or the consumer is responsible for loss, theft, damage, or
destruction of the property;
``(2) provide a statement specifying whether the merchant
or the consumer is responsible for maintaining or servicing
the property, together with a brief description of the
responsibility;
``(3) provide that the consumer may terminate the agreement
without paying any charges not previously due under the
agreement by voluntarily surrendering or returning the
property that is the subject of the agreement upon expiration
of any rental period;
``(4) contain a provision for reinstatement of the
agreement, which at a minimum--
``(A) permits a consumer who fails to make a timely rental
payment to reinstate the agreement, without losing any rights
or options which exist under the agreement, by the payment of
all past due rental payments and any other charges then due
under the agreement and a payment for the next rental period
within 7 business days after failing to make a timely rental
payment if the consumer pays monthly, or within 3 business
days after failing to make a timely rental payment if the
consumer pays more frequently than monthly;
``(B) if the consumer returns or voluntarily surrenders the
property covered by the agreement, other than through
judicial process, during the applicable reinstatement period
set forth in subparagraph (A), permits the consumer to
reinstate the agreement during a period of at least 60 days
after the date of the return or surrender of the property by
the payment of all amounts previously due under the
agreement, any applicable fees, and a payment for the next
rental period;
``(C) if the consumer has paid 50 percent or more of the
total cost necessary to acquire ownership and returns or
voluntarily surrenders the property, other than through
judicial process, during the applicable reinstatement period
set forth in subparagraph (A), permits the consumer to
reinstate the agreement during a period of at least 120 days
after the date of the return of the property by the payment
of all amounts previously due under the agreement, any
applicable fees, and a payment for the next rental period;
and
``(D) permits the consumer, upon reinstatement of the
agreement to receive the same property, if available, that
was the subject of the rental-purchase agreement, or if the
same property is not available, a substitute item of
comparable quality and condition may be provided to the
consumer; except that, the Board may, by regulation or order,
exempt any independent small business (as defined by the
Board by regulation) from the requirement of providing the
same or comparable product during the extended reinstatement
period provided in subparagraph (C), if the Board determines,
taking into account such standards as the Board determines to
be appropriate, that the reinstatement right provided in such
subparagraph would provide excessive hardship for such
independent small business.
``(5) provide a statement specifying the terms under which
the consumer shall acquire ownership of the property that is
the subject of the rental-purchase agreement either by
payment of the total cost to acquire ownership, as provided
in section 1006, or by exercise of any early purchase option
provided in the rental-purchase agreement;
``(6) provide a statement disclosing that if any part of a
manufacturer's express warranty covers the property at the
time the consumer acquires ownership of the property, the
warranty will be transferred to the consumer if allowed by
the terms of the warranty; and
``(7) provide, to the extent applicable, a description of
any grace period for making any periodic payment, the amount
of any security deposit, if any, to be paid by the consumer
upon initiation of the rental-purchase agreement, and the
terms for refund of such security deposit to the consumer
upon return, surrender or purchase of the property.
``(b) Repossession During Reinstatement Period.--Subsection
(a)(4) shall not be construed so as to prevent a merchant
from attempting to repossess property during the
reinstatement period pursuant to subsection (a)(4)(A), but
such a repossession does not affect the consumer's right to
reinstate.
``SEC. 1006. RIGHT TO ACQUIRE OWNERSHIP.
``(a) In General.--The consumer shall acquire ownership of
the property that is the subject of the rental-purchase
agreement, and the rental-purchase agreement shall terminate,
upon compliance by the consumer with the requirements of
subsection (b) or any early payment option provided in the
rental purchase agreement, and upon payment of any past due
payments and fees, as permitted in regulation by the Board.
``(b) Payment of Total Cost.--The consumer shall acquire
ownership of the rental property upon payment of the total
cost of the rental-purchase agreement, as such term is
defined in section 1001(17), and as disclosed to the consumer
in the rental-purchase agreement pursuant to section 1004(a).
``(c) Additional Fees Prohibited.--A merchant shall not
require the consumer to pay, as
[[Page H6331]]
a condition for acquiring ownership of the property that is
the subject of the rental-purchase agreement, any fee or
charge in addition to, or in excess of, the regular periodic
payments required by subsection (b), or any early purchase
option amount provided in the rental-purchase agreement, as
applicable. A requirement that the consumer pay an unpaid
late charge or other fee or charge which the merchant has
previously billed to the consumer shall not constitute an
additional fee or charge for purposes of this subsection.
``(d) Transfer of Ownership Rights.--Upon payment by the
consumer of all payments necessary to acquire ownership under
subsection (b) or any early purchase option amount provided
in the rental-purchase agreement, as appropriate, the
merchant shall--
``(1) deliver, or mail to the consumer's last known
address, such documents or other instruments, which the Board
has determined by regulation, are necessary to acknowledge
full ownership by the consumer of the property acquired
pursuant to the rental-purchase agreement; and
``(2) transfer to the consumer the unexpired portion of any
warranties provided by the manufacturer, distributor, or
seller of the property, which shall apply as if the consumer
were the original purchaser of the property, except where
such transfer is prohibited by the terms of the warranty.
``SEC. 1007. PROHIBITED PROVISIONS.
``A rental-purchase agreement may not contain--
``(1) a confession of judgment;
``(2) a negotiable instrument;
``(3) a security interest or any other claim of a property
interest in any goods, except those goods the use of which is
provided by the merchant pursuant to the agreement;
``(4) a wage assignment;
``(5) a provision requiring the waiver of any legal claim
or remedy created by this title or other provision of Federal
or State law;
``(6) a provision requiring the consumer, in the event the
property subject to the rental-purchase agreement is lost,
stolen, damaged, or destroyed, to pay an amount in excess of
the least of--
``(A) the fair market value of the property, as determined
by the Board in regulation;
``(B) any early purchase option amount provided in the
rental-purchase agreement; or
``(C) the actual cost of repair, as appropriate;
``(7) a provision authorizing the merchant, or a person
acting on behalf of the merchant, to enter the consumer's
dwelling or other premises without obtaining the consumer's
consent or to commit any breach of the peace in connection
with the repossession of the rental property or the
collection of any obligation or alleged obligation of the
consumer arising out of the rental-purchase agreement;
``(8) a provision requiring the purchase of insurance or
liability damage waiver to cover the property that is the
subject of the rental-purchase agreement, except as permitted
by the Board in regulation;
``(9) a provision requiring the consumer to pay more than 1
late fee or charge for an unpaid or delinquent periodic
payment, regardless of the period in which the payment
remains unpaid or delinquent, or to pay a late fee or charge
for any periodic payment because a previously assessed late
fee has not been paid in full.
``SEC. 1008. STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS.
``Upon request of a consumer, a merchant shall provide a
statement of the consumer's account. If a consumer requests a
statement for an individual account more than 4 times in any
12-month period, the merchant may charge a reasonable fee for
the additional statements.
``SEC. 1009. RENEGOTIATIONS AND EXTENSIONS.
``(a) Renegotiations.--A renegotiation occurs when a
rental-purchase agreement is satisfied and replaced by a new
agreement undertaken by the same consumer. A renegotiation
requires new disclosures, except as provided in subsection
(c).
``(b) Extensions.--An extension is an agreement by the
consumer and the merchant, to continue an existing rental-
purchase agreement beyond the original end of the payment
schedule, but does not include a continuation that is the
result of a renegotiation.
``(c) Exceptions.--New disclosures are not required for the
following, even if they meet the definition of a
renegotiation or an extension:
``(1) A reduction in payments.
``(2) A deferment of 1 or more payments.
``(3) The extension of a rental-purchase agreement.
``(4) The substitution of property with property that has a
substantially equivalent or greater economic value provided
the rental-purchase cost does not increase.
``(5) The deletion of property in a multiple-item
agreement.
``(6) A change in rental period provided the rental-
purchase cost does not increase.
``(7) An agreement resulting from a court proceeding.
``(8) Any other event described in regulations prescribed
by the Board.
``SEC. 1010. POINT-OF-RENTAL DISCLOSURES.
``(a) In General.--For any item of property or set of items
displayed or offered for rental-purchase, the merchant shall
display on or next to the item or set of items a card, tag,
or label that clearly and conspicuously discloses the
following:
``(1) A brief description of the property.
``(2) Whether the property is new or used.
``(3) The cash price of the property.
``(4) The amount of each rental payment.
``(5) The total number of rental payments necessary to
acquire ownership of the property.
``(6) The rental-purchase cost.
``(b) Form of Disclosure.--
``(1) In general.--A merchant may make the disclosure
required by subsection (a) in the form of a list or catalog
which is readily available to the consumer at the point of
rental if the merchandise is not displayed in the merchant's
showroom or if displaying a card, tag, or label would be
impractical due to the size of the merchandise.
``(2) Clearly and conspicuously.--As used in this section,
the term `clearly and conspicuously' means that information
required to be disclosed to the consumer shall appear in a
type size, prominence, and location as to be noticeable,
readable, and comprehensible to an ordinary consumer.
``SEC. 1011. RENTAL-PURCHASE ADVERTISING.
``(a) In General.--If an advertisement for a rental-
purchase transaction refers to or states the amount of any
payment for any specific item or set of items, the merchant
making the advertisement shall also clearly and conspicuously
state in the advertisement the following for the item, or set
of items, advertised:
``(1) The transaction advertised is a rental-purchase
agreement.
``(2) The amount, timing, and total number of rental
payments necessary to acquire ownership under the rental-
purchase agreement.
``(3) The amount of the rental-purchase cost.
``(4) To acquire ownership of the property the consumer
must pay the rental-purchase cost plus applicable taxes.
``(5) Whether the stated payment amount and advertised
rental-purchase cost is for new or used property.
``(b) Prohibition.--An advertisement for a rental-purchase
agreement shall not state or imply that a specific item, or
set of items, is available at specific amounts or terms
unless the merchant usually and customarily offers, or will
offer, the item or set of items at the stated amounts or
terms.
``(c) Clearly and Conspicuously.--
``(1) In general.--For purposes of this section, the term
`clearly and conspicuously' means that required disclosures
shall be presented in a type, size, shade, contrast,
prominence, location, and manner, as applicable to
different mediums for advertising, so as to be readily
noticeable and comprehensible to the ordinary consumer.
``(2) Regulatory guidance.--The Board shall prescribe
regulations on principles and factors to meet the clear and
conspicuous standard as appropriate to print, video, audio,
and computerized advertising, reflecting the principles and
factors typically applied in each medium by the Federal Trade
Commission.
``(3) Limitation.--Nothing contrary to, inconsistent with,
or in mitigation of, the required disclosures shall be used
in any advertisement in any medium, and no audio, video, or
print technique shall be used that is likely to obscure or
detract significantly from the communication of the
disclosures.
``SEC. 1012. CIVIL LIABILITY.
``(a) In General.--Except as otherwise provided in section
1013, any merchant who fails to comply with any requirement
of this title with respect to any consumer is liable to such
consumer as provided for leases in section 130. For purposes
of this section, the term `creditor' as used in section 130
shall include a `merchant', as defined in section 1001.
``(b) Jurisdiction of Courts; Limitation on Actions.--
``(1) In general.--Notwithstanding section 130(e), any
action under this section may be brought in any United States
district court, or in any other court of competent
jurisdiction, before the end of the 1-year period beginning
on the date the last payment was made by the consumer under
the rental-purchase agreement.
``(2) Recoupment or set-off.--This subsection shall not bar
a consumer from asserting a violation of this title in an
action to collect an obligation arising from a rental-
purchase agreement, which was brought after the end of the 1-
year period described in paragraph (1) as a matter of defense
by recoupment or set-off in such action, except as otherwise
provided by State law.
``SEC. 1013. ADDITIONAL GROUNDS FOR CIVIL LIABILITY.
``(a) Individual Cases With Actual Damages.--Any merchant
who fails to comply with any requirements imposed under
section 1010 or 1011 with respect to any consumer who suffers
actual damage from the violation shall be liable to such
consumer as provided in section 130.
``(b) Pattern or Practice of Violations.--If a merchant
engages in a pattern or practice of violating any requirement
imposed under section 1010 or 1011, the Federal Trade
Commission or an appropriate State attorney general, in
accordance with section 1016, may initiate an action to
enforce sanctions against the merchant, including--
``(1) an order to cease and desist from such practices; and
``(2) a civil money penalty of such amount as the court may
impose, based on such factors as the court may determine to
be appropriate.
``SEC. 1014. LIABILITY OF ASSIGNEES.
``(a) Assignees Included.--For purposes of section 1013,
and this section, the term `merchant' includes an assignee of
a merchant.
``(b) Liabilities of Assignees.--
``(1) Apparent violation.--An action under section 1012 or
1013 for a violation of this title may be brought against an
assignee only if the violation is apparent on the face of the
rental-purchase agreement to which it relates.
``(2) Apparent violation defined.--For purposes of this
subsection, a violation that is apparent on the face of a
rental-purchase agreement [includes] includes, but is not
limited to, a disclosure that can be determined to be
incomplete or inaccurate from the face of the agreement.
``(3) Involuntary assignment.--An assignee has no liability
in a case in which the assignment is involuntary.
[[Page H6332]]
``(4) Rule of construction.--No provision of this section
shall be construed as limiting or altering the liability
under section 1012 or 1013 of a merchant assigning a rental-
purchase agreement.
``(b) Proof of Disclosure.--In an action by or against an
assignee, the consumer's written acknowledgment of receipt of
a disclosure, made as part of the rental-purchase agreement,
shall be conclusive proof that the disclosure was made, if
the assignee had no knowledge that the disclosure had not
been made when the assignee acquired the rental-purchase
agreement to which it relates.
``SEC. 1015. REGULATIONS.
``(a) In General.--The Board shall prescribe regulations as
necessary to carry out the purposes of this title, to prevent
its circumvention, and to facilitate compliance with its
requirements.
``(b) Model Disclosure Forms.--The Board may publish model
disclosure forms and clauses for common rental-purchase
agreements to facilitate compliance with the disclosure
requirements of this title and to aid the consumer in
understanding the transaction by utilizing readily
understandable language to simplify the technical nature of
the disclosures. In devising such forms, the Board shall
consider the use by merchants of data processing or similar
automated equipment. Nothing in this title may be construed
to require a merchant to use any such model form or clause
prescribed by the Board under this section. A merchant shall
be deemed to be in compliance with the requirement to provide
disclosure under section 1003(a) if the merchant--
``(1) uses any appropriate model form or clause as
published by the Board; or
``(2) uses any such model form or clause and changes it
by--
``(A) deleting any information which is not required by
this title; or
``(B) rearranging the format, if in making such deletion or
rearranging the format, the merchant does not affect the
substance, clarity, or meaningful sequence of the disclosure.
``(c) Effective Date of Regulations.--Any regulation
prescribed by the Board, or any amendment or interpretation
thereof, shall not be effective before the October 1 that
follows the date of publication of the regulation in final
form by at least 6 months. The Board may at its discretion
lengthen that period of time to permit merchants to adjust to
accommodate new requirements. The Board may also shorten that
period of time, notwithstanding the first sentence, if it
makes a specific finding that such action is necessary to
comply with the findings of a court or to prevent unfair or
deceptive practices. In any case, merchants may comply with
any newly prescribed disclosure requirement prior to its
effective date.
``SEC. 1016. ENFORCEMENT.
``(a) Federal Enforcement.--Compliance with the
requirements imposed under this title shall be enforced under
the Federal Trade Commission Act (15 U.S.C. 41 et seq.), and
a violation of any requirements imposed under this title
shall be deemed a violation of a requirement imposed under
that Act. All of the functions and powers of the Federal
Trade Commission under the Federal Trade Commission Act are
available to the Commission to enforce compliance by any
person with the requirements of this title, irrespective of
whether that person is engaged in commerce or meets any other
jurisdictional test in the Federal Trade Commission Act.
``(b) State Enforcement.--
``(1) In general.--An action to enforce the requirements
imposed by this title may also be brought by the appropriate
State attorney general in any appropriate United States
district court, or any other court of competent jurisdiction.
``(2) Prior written notice.--
``(A) In general.--The State attorney general shall provide
prior written notice of any such civil action to the Federal
Trade Commission and shall provide the Commission with a copy
of the complaint.
``(B) Emergency action.--If prior notice is not feasible,
the State attorney general shall provide notice to the
Commission immediately upon instituting the action.
``(3) FTC intervention.--The Commission may--
``(A) intervene in the action;
``(B) upon intervening--
``(i) remove the action to the appropriate United States
district court, if it was not originally brought there; and
``(ii) be heard on all matters arising in the action; and
``(C) file a petition for appeal.
``SEC. 1017. CRIMINAL LIABILITY FOR WILLFUL AND KNOWING
VIOLATION.
``Whoever willfully and knowingly gives false or inaccurate
information or fails to provide information which he is
required to disclose under the provisions of this title or
any regulation issued thereunder shall be subject to the
penalty provisions as provided in section 112.
``SEC. 1018. RELATION TO OTHER LAWS.
``(a) Relation to State Law.--
``(1) No effect on consistent state laws.--Except as
otherwise provided in subsection (b), this title does not
annul, alter, or affect in any manner the meaning, scope or
applicability of the laws of any State relating to rental-
purchase agreements, except to the extent those laws are
inconsistent with any provision of this title, and then only
to the extent of the inconsistency.
``(2) Determination of inconsistency.--Upon its own motion
or upon the request of an interested party, which is
submitted in accordance with procedures prescribed in
regulations of the Board, the Board shall determine whether
any such inconsistency exists. If the Board determines that a
term or provision of a State law is inconsistent, merchants
located in that State need not follow such term or provision
and shall incur no liability under the law of that State for
failure to follow such term or provision, notwithstanding
that such determination is subsequently amended,
rescinded, or determined by judicial or other authority to
be invalid for any reason.
``(3) Greater protection under state law.--Except as
provided in subsection (b), for purposes of this section, a
term or provision of a State law is not inconsistent with the
provisions of this title if the term or provision affords
greater protection and benefit to the consumer than the
protection and benefit provided under this title as
determined by the Board, on its own motion or upon the
petition of any interested party.
``(b) State Laws Relating to Characterization of
Transaction.--Notwithstanding the provisions of subsection
(a), this title shall supersede any State law to the extent
that such law--
``(1) regulates a rental-purchase agreement as a security
interest, credit sale, retail installment sale, conditional
sale or any other form of consumer credit, or that imputes to
a rental-purchase agreement the creation of a debt or
extension of credit, or
``(2) requires the disclosure of a percentage rate
calculation, including a time-price differential, an annual
percentage rate, or an effective annual percentage rate.
``(c) Relation to Federal Trade Commission Act.--No
provision of this title shall be construed as limiting,
superseding, or otherwise affecting the applicability of the
Federal Trade Commission Act to any merchant or rental-
purchase transaction.
``SEC. 1019. EFFECT ON GOVERNMENT AGENCIES.
``No civil liability or criminal penalty under this title
may be imposed on the United States or any of its departments
or agencies, any State or political subdivision, or any
agency of a State or political subdivision.
``SEC. 1020. COMPLIANCE DATE.
``Compliance with this title shall not be required until 6
months after the date of the enactment of the Consumer Rental
Purchase Agreement Act. In any case, merchants may comply
with this title at any time after such date of enactment.''.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. No amendment to the committee amendment in
the nature of a substitute is in order except those printed in House
Report 107-661. Each amendment may be offered only in the order printed
in the report, by a Member designated in the report, shall be
considered as read, and shall be debatable for the time specified in
the report, equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question.
It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1 printed in House
Report 107-661.
amendment no. 1 offered by mr. la falce
Mr. LaFALCE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 1 offered by Mr. LaFalce:
Page 5, strike line 5 and all that follows through line 8,
and insert the following new paragraph:
``(4) Cash price.--
``(A) In general.--The term `cash price' means the price at
which a merchant, in the ordinary course of business, would
offer to sell for cash the property that is the subject of
the rental-purchase agreement, as determined by the Board
pursuant to this paragraph.
``(B) Determination of cash price.--The Board shall
determine in regulation the formula or criteria for
calculating the cash price of a product that is the subject
of the rental-purchase agreement, which shall approximate the
equivalent fair market value of the product if offered under
a cash or credit sale, as adjusted to reflect additional
charges or services, if any, that the Board determines are
appropriate for purposes of rental-purchase transactions.
``(C) Minimum cash price.--Notwithstanding subparagraph
(B), the cash price determined by the Board pursuant to
subparagraph (B) shall not be less than an amount equal to
twice the documented actual acquisition cost of the property
to the merchant, which shall include the cost of shipment,
refurbishing or other charges, as determined by the Board;
except that, a merchant shall not be not precluded from
selling a product for cash for an amount that is less than
the cash price determined under this paragraph.
``(D) Adjustment for used property.--The cash price of used
or previously rented property that is the subject of the
rental-purchase agreement shall be determined by adjustment
of the cash price determined under this paragraph according
to such formula or criteria as the Board shall prescribe by
regulation.
``(E) Periodic adjustment required.--The Board shall, by
regulation, periodically review and revise, as necessary, the
formula or criteria for determining cash price under this
paragraph in response to changes in merchant costs, market
conditions, or other factors determined by the Board.
[[Page H6333]]
Page 17, beginning on line 4, strike ``either by payment of
the total cost'' and all that follows through line 7, and
insert ``in accordance with section 1006;''
Page 18, beginning on line 8, strike `` or any early
payment option provided in the rental purchase agreement,''.
Page 18, strike line 12 and all that follows through line
17 and insert the following new subsection:
``(b) Transfer of Ownership.--
``(1) Scheduled payments.--The consumer shall acquire
ownership of the rental property upon payment of periodic
payments totaling more than an amount, 50 percent of which
equals the cash price of the rental property.
``(2) Early payment option.--The consumer shall acquire
ownership of the rental property, at any time after the
initial payment, upon payment by the consumer of an amount
equal to the amount by which the cash price of the leased
property exceeds 50 percent of all previous payments under
the rental-purchase agreement.
Page 18, beginning on line 23, strike ``, or any early
purchase option amount provided in the rental-purchase
agreement, as applicable''.
Page 19, line 4, strike ``Rights'' and insert
``Documents''.
Page 19, beginning on line 6, strike `` or any early
purchase option amount provided in the rental-purchase
agreement, as appropriate''.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 528, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce) and a Member opposed each shall
control 10 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce).
Mr. LaFALCE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. LaFALCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
{time} 1330
Mr. LaFALCE. Mr. Chairman, before I get to the specifics of the
amendment before us, let me just make a couple of points.
Some individuals have said there is no Federal protection; therefore,
we need something to protect consumers. Let me underscore again the
fact that every single consumer organization that I am aware of opposes
this bill, and they are very pro-consumer. These organizations such as
Consumers Union, the Consumers Federation of America, et cetera, they
are pretty pro-consumer and they are adamantly opposed to this bill. So
when individuals come to the floor and say that this is a consumer
bill, there is a disconnect. And I ask people to draw their own
conclusions as to what the cause of the disconnect is.
Secondly, some individuals keep getting up here and saying there is
no preemption whatsoever; the States can do anything they want to.
Again, I ask them to go to page 32 of the bill and 33, lines 20 through
7 on page 33 where it specifically says that notwithstanding the
provisions of the rest of the bill, this title shall supersede any
State law that does the following, and then it ticks it off including
the disclosure of a percentage rate calculation, including a time-price
differential, an annual percentage rate, an effective annual percentage
rate, that, if a State law calls for it, eliminates a State law. If a
State wants to pass legislation, it is precluded.
Do not come to this floor with a straight face and say that the
States can do anything they want when this language is in here. If you
come to the floor, read this language.
Unfortunately, the Committee on Rules is not offering us the
opportunity to correct those deficiencies with an appropriate
amendment. That means whatever happens with respect to the amendment
the bill is still going to be defective.
They have permitted me to deal with one issue and that is the issue
of cash price. And this is a rather large issue. It is going to be a
controversial one, I understand that. But such a significant percentage
of consumers who rent do wind up owning, that we have to ask what is
the price of their ownership, and are they aware of it, and should we
permit the rental industry to charge such an enormous price to the
consumers, most of whom are the poorest in our society?
First of all, let us ask, well, what does it usually cost to own
something? There have been a few studies. First of all, let me quote to
you from a document put out by the U.S. PIRG, the Public Interest
Research Group. They did a study, the average outright cash price for a
19-inch color TV at a department store would be $217; at a rent-to-own,
$415. The average cost to rent to own a 19-inch color TV, that is
outright; but the average cost at the department store $217. At the
rent-to-own, $746. That is the total average cost, $746 as opposed to
$217 at a department store. And I could go on and on and on.
More recently, a study was done by a professor at the Rochester
Institute of Technology, Professor Robert Manning. He wrote the book
``Credit Card Nation.'' He has a chapter in that book dealing with the
rent-to-own industry. He says that the total Circuit City credit cost
for a 19-inch Magnavox television was $231, whereas, the total cost
under the rental purchase contract was $779. Unbelievable.
For a $190 Fisher 4-head VCR, the total retail credit cost at Circuit
City would be $236.22 versus a total cost of $935.33 at Rent-a-Center.
This is unconscionable. Almost everybody who winds up owning
property, and that is a significant number, and the gentleman himself
has used figures of around 70 or 80 percent, I am not sure exactly what
the accurate percentage is but it is significant, are winding up paying
three, four, five times the cost of what it would be someplace else. I
think we need to deal with that.
At present there are at least 12 States that currently impose some
form of restriction on the cost consumers must pay to acquire ownership
of rent-to-own merchandise. Over half these State impose limits on
total rental costs and fees, while others provide an early purchase
option that permits consumers who have access to cash to reduce the
overall cost of the transaction.
But by far the simplest approach I have found for limiting total
ownership cost under rent-to-own arrangements is that included in New
York State law as well as in the rent-to-own statutes of Ohio and
Nebraska. Under this approach, a consumer is assured of acquiring
ownership of the rental property whenever their total rental payments
reach an amount that is equal to two times or twice the stated cash
price of the property. Now, this can be accomplished by making all
scheduled payments or by a lump sum early-purchase option payment. This
approach helps to limit the costs consumers must pay to own a product
while also assuring a reasonable return for the merchants of roughly
twice the retail cost.
Now, unfortunately, even this approach has run into problems in my
own State of New York as rent-to-own merchants have sought to inflate
the cash price of products in order to increase the total purchase
price. So a product might be $200 at a department store, they call the
cash price $400; and, therefore, they are able to charge $800 rather
than the $200. So despite the intent of the law to have the cash price
reflect local retail prices, rent-to-own merchants have often set the
cash price at a much higher level than they would charge consumers to
purchase the product outright.
Inflating the cash prices serves two purposes for rent-to-own
merchants. It inflates the total cost consumers will ultimately pay to
acquire ownership of the rental property, and it discourages consumers
from making outright purchases of merchandise and encourages longer
term, more costly rentals.
My amendment would make the ownership cost limitation in New York and
Ohio State law presently the minimum standard of protection in the
bill. Consumers who have made rental payments equal to twice the cash
price of the rental property would be entitled to full ownership of the
property. But in order to make this work as a national standard, the
amendment would also direct the Federal Reserve Board, who would be
responsible for the totality of this legislation, to issue regulations
providing detailed criteria or a formula calculating the cash price for
rental property together with additional criteria for adjusting the
cash price for previously used property.
The Federal Reserve Board has acted in other circumstances to
promulgate regulations dealing with truth and lending, et cetera, so I
think they certainly would be able to do this.
Now, let me first say that with respect to preemption, this bill
would not preempt the State laws dealing with cash price. I will get
that out front.
[[Page H6334]]
Nor would it preclude the States on their own from adopting some cash
price restrictions in the future.
The difficulty is there is no good cash price law right now because
of the ability of the rent-to-own industry to determine what cash price
is and the trend is going in the other direction. If we are going to
pass Federal legislation, we ought to get it right. We ought to protect
the consumer. And it seems to me that the only bargaining power we are
going to have is now. Once you pass any Federal legislation, I think it
will be impossible as a political matter to strengthen it. There will
be so much opposition. And so, if we are going to protect the consumer,
we cannot do it later. It has got to be done as a condition of the
passage of this particular bill. Otherwise, in my judgment, politically
you will forfeit the opportunity to get it right in the future. And
that is why this amendment, if we are going to go forward, ought to be
included in the bill.
In its original form, H.R. 1701 provided no substantive equity or
ownership protections for consumers. It provided no legal assurance
that upon making all required rental payments a consumer will actually
acquire ownership of the rented property. It offered no assurance that
the consumer will not have to pay additional fees or meet additional
conditions to acquire ownership. And it provided no assurance that,
even after making all payments, the consumer will be given the
appropriate documentation of ownership and any applicable warranties
for the property.
Fortunately, I was able to offer several amendments that corrected
these problems with the bill. However, equally serious problems were
not resolved in fact that the bill does nothing to limit the outrageous
costs that many consumers must pay over time to acquire ownership of
merchandise under rent-to-own arrangements.
These cost can be substantial, and are often obscured from consumers
by promotions that highlight only the low, and seemingly affordable
weekly rental rate, while hiding total cost figures in confusing small
print.
At least twelve states currently impose some form of restriction on
the cost consumers must pay to acquire ownership of rent-to-own
merchandise. Over half these states impose limits on total rental costs
and fees, while others provide an early purchase option that permits
consumers who have access to cash to reduce the overall cost of the
transaction.
By far the simplest approach I have found for limiting total
ownership costs under rent-to-own arrangements is that included in New
York State law, as well as in the rent-to-own statutes of Ohio and
Nebraska. Under this approach, a consumer is assured of acquiring
ownership of the rental property whenever their total rental payments
reach an amount that is equal to two times, or twice, the stated cash
price of the property.
This can be accomplished by making all scheduled payments or by a
lump sum early purchase option payment. This approach helps to limit
the costs consumers must pay to own a product, while also assuring a
reasonable return for the merchant of roughly twice the retail cost.
Unfortunately, this approach has run into problems in New York as
rent-to-own merchants have sought to inflate the cash price of products
in order to increase the total purchase price. Despite the intent of
the law to have the cash price reflect local retail prices, rent-to-own
merchants often set the cash price at a much higher level that they
would charge consumers to purchase the product outright.
Inflating the cash prices serves two purposes for rent-to-own
merchants--it inflates the total cost consumers will ultimately pay to
acquire ownership of the rented property, and it discourages consumers
from making outright purchases of merchandise and encourages, longer
term, more costly, rentals.
My amendment would make the ownership cost limitation in New York and
Ohio State law the minimum standard of protection in the bill.
Consumers who have made rental payments equal to twice the cash price
of the rental property would be entitled to full ownership of the
property.
To make this work as a national standard, the amendment also directs
the Federal Reserve Board to issue regulations providing detailed
criteria or a formula calculating the cash price for rental property,
together with additional criteria for adjusting the cash price for
previously used property. The Board would, in effect, provide a basis
for determining cash price for rental-purchase transactions in much the
same way it established a framework for determining annual percentage
rates (APR) calculations for credit transactions thirty years ago.
Under the amendment, the calculation provided by the Board would
assure a cash price at least to two times the merchant's acquisition
cost, plus any supplemental costs the Board considers appropriate. The
cash price would be set more uniformly at or near comparable retail
prices for consumers in all parts of the country. And it would assure a
total return for the merchants at somewhere near four times acquisition
costs--a rate of return that most retail merchants would envy.
I would emphasize again that this is only the minimum standard for
protecting consumers from excessive ownership costs. All states would
continue to have the option of providing additional costs protections
for consumers within their state.
We've made considerable progress in the bill in a pro-consumer
direction. My amendment takes it a step further by assuring that the
total cost of acquiring ownership of rent-to-own merchandise is
reasonable for both the consumer and the merchant.
My amendment is entirely consistent with what proponents describe as
the purpose of the bill. It takes the best approach currently in State
law, sets it as the minimum federal protection, and continues to permit
states to add whatever additional protections they consider necessary
to adequately protect consumers.
I think this is a reasonable and balanced approach and I would urge
its adoption.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment, and I think the gentleman from New York
(Mr. LaFalce) was accurate in basically much of what he said, and what
he said was, I believe that we ought to have a price control; we ought
to have price restriction. And 12 States do have that in their State
legislation. And after we pass this legislation today, if the State
chooses to pass it, those price restrictions will still be in place.
There is no preemption.
As I have said repeatedly on the floor of this House in this debate
here today, the only thing, the only thing that is preempted is the
decision by four judges in four States, three or four States, there is
a question in one of the States, whether to call this credit sales. And
we have come down on the side of what the great body of evidence, all
the State legislatures who have considered this as for tax treatment,
IRS, how they have treated it, as a lease. And as I said, we have to
make that decision if we are to have Federal regulation. We have done
that.
And in those four States, there are three States, they are absolutely
right, if this is an important protection for consumers in this State
then that is taken away. However, I will tell you that in Wisconsin
because of legislation, all the rent-to-own stores are closing or have
closed so they are not giving anybody in Wisconsin that approach, did
not give them any choice. It basically drove the industry out.
I applaud the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) for her
honesty. She has said, I do not like this industry. I do not want them
in business. And she has been upfront about that. As far as the
consumer groups that we keep hearing about, when this legislation was
introduced, they came to the Hill en mass and they said, We like some
of what is in here, but I will tell you what we do not like, we do not
like preempting those States with stronger laws and we are not going to
support legislation until that is done.
Now, I would not have co-sponsored the bill. I did not introduce the
bill. It came to my committee and at that time before 4 or 5 days of
hearing, that is what they came to me and said. They said, Absolutely
we will not support it unless that is in it. Put that in it and we will
talk to you.
We had Members on both sides that did not like the fact that we
preempted certain protections in certain States. So we have backed up,
and we did not preempt any of those consumer protection laws. They are
not preempted.
The attorney general of Alabama in a letter that he wrote me this
week said, ``If enacted, the legislation employed would set the floor
for consumer protection while leaving intact existing State regulations
that offer greater protection to consumers; and going forward under
this legislation, any State legislature that chooses to do so can enact
additional protection for its citizens that go beyond what is included
in H.R. 1701.''
Now, that is absolutely a fact. I do not think there is any argument
there. I applaud the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters). I
applaud the
[[Page H6335]]
other gentlewoman from California in that they have been opposed to
this legislation and that they will be opposed to this legislation from
now on. They want these stores closed. And there may be other Members
of the body that want that.
There may be others that want price restrictions. Twelve States have
opted for it. I really do not understand this. I do not understand how
38 States have said we do not want price restrictions. Yet the
gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce), who said, We are preempting what
four States have done, now gets up with an amendment that changes the
law in 38 States. Where is the consistency there?
{time} 1345
When this proposal came up we went to the Federal Reserve. The
gentleman from New York has said the Federal Reserve will set these
cash prices formulas. Can my colleagues imagine when the Federal
Reserve heard about an amendment that the Federal Reserve would have to
start taking all their time and going around and setting these maximum
prices? Do I need to inform this body they are opposed to having to do
this? Absolutely they are opposed to it.
As the FTC concluded in its report, and I have it on page 98, we
talked about all these exorbitant and excessive profits. The FTC looked
at that, page 98, and what they said is they said there are almost no
barriers to entering this business. They said a person can get a store
front, a delivery truck and an inventory of household merchandise, and
they can enter the industry. They said because there are no barriers to
entering this industry, if people are making a big profit, somebody
else will come in down the street and open up, and they said that
excessive profits can be maintained only if there are significant
barriers to entering, to collusion, or some type of anticompetitive
barrier. There do not appear to be any significant barriers to entry
that would prevent new firms from entering the rent-to-own industry.
That is what they concluded.
They said no evidence that excessive profits, and they said,
therefore, and the issue here was price restrictions, until it is shown
that there are some barriers to introduction in this industry or some
States erect barriers to people getting into the industry, and I know
of none, that price restrictions that are contemplated, they should be
explored more fully but they should not be enacted.
Another thing, the consumer groups, and my colleagues know these same
consumer groups, it is interesting, if we look back at some of the
important legislation that this Congress has passed, legislation
including the Consumer Leasing Act, Fair Debt Collection Act, Fair
Reporting Act, these consumer groups, it never was good enough for
them. They always opposed them. They always wanted a little more. They
push for it but they wanted something else and they urge, and they will
continue even though we have 46 States, we do nothing about strong
protection, we increase protection. We increase protections in all 50
States. As I said, some of the four States that call this a credit sale
do not require people to put a price tag on there. We require that.
One of the consumer groups said the terrible abuse, the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Waters) pointed this out, to her credit, was that
these people go in and they do not know what they are paying for this.
There are 40 States throughout who do not require any disclosure today
at where the item is as to the price they are paying, 40 States,
including some that set the price.
This legislation requires point-of-rental disclosures as to price,
something that the consumer groups say is badly needed. This
legislation does it. They oppose it.
They say they want preemption because 12 States have gone beyond what
we establish. They do not want us to interfere with those 12 States. So
we did not. They are still opposed to it and they will be opposed to it
ad infinitum, and that is okay. That is their right, but the one thing
that we do not need in this body is we do not need to misrepresent this
thing as a bill that does not increase consumer protection because it
absolutely does. In 46 States it absolutely does, and four where they
have the credit sales thing, one can argue that that effectively keeps
people from going to rent-to-own stores. So in those four States, it
might aid the industry, but in the other States it will not because it
establishes new requirements, and because I am one of those 46 States I
will be on the floor voting for this.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Hefley). All time for debate has
expired.
The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New
York (Mr. LaFalce).
The question was taken; and the Chairman pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Mr. LaFALCE. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New York
(Mr. LaFalce) will be postponed.
It is now in order to consider Amendment No. 2 printed in House
Report 107-661.
amendment no. 2 offered by ms. waters
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 2 offered by Ms. Waters:
Page 19, line 22, strike `` `A rental-purchase agreement''
and insert `` `(a) In General.--A rental-purchase
agreement''.
Page 21, after line 13, insert the following new
subsection:
``(b) Continued Applicability of Existing Law.--
``(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2), the
risk of any loss, damage, or destruction of the property that
is the subject of a rental-purchase agreement shall remain
with the merchant throughout the period such agreement is in
effect and any rental-purchase agreement, or any waiver or
other form of agreement between the merchant and the
consumer, that purports to shift the burden of any such risk,
and the cost of insuring against any such risk, to the
consumer shall be null and void.
``(2) Exception for loss, damage, or destruction for which
the consumer is directly responsible.--Paragraph (1) shall
not apply with respect to any loss, damage, or destruction
that was deliberately caused by the consumer or that occurred
due to the negligence of the consumer.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 528, the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) and the gentleman from Alabama
(Mr. Bachus) each will control 10 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I would first like to start this presentation by
thanking the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) who was on
the floor today to help oppose this legislation. As my colleagues know,
the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) and I do not always
get along on all of the issues that come before us, but he is a man of
impeccable integrity, and I would like to thank him for taking the
floor today in opposition to the legislation that is before us.
Also, before I get into the debate on this amendment, I would like to
thank my colleague from Alabama, and while I have been very, very
pointed in my discussion about this, I do respect him. I have worked
with him on debt relief. I have worked with him, along with many of the
church organizations of the world, to do something about debt relief
for poor countries. Today, I would ask him to do some domestic debt
relief and work with me to make sure that we relieve the poor citizens
of this Nation from the awful burden of debt that has been placed on
them by these rip-off industries, and certainly the rent-to-own falls
within that category.
Let me say this. I had four amendments before the Committee on Rules.
I was denied three of them, but as I said earlier, I was thrown a bone
and allowed to present this one amendment. As unbelievable as it is,
given everything that we have learned about the rent-to-own industry,
the preemption, the abusive practices, all of that, let me add one more
to the list of unbelievable practices.
Under the common law of bailment, a merchant is responsible for
damage to property unless the customer is neglectful or fails to
exercise ordinary care. Typically, rental-purchase agreements
contractually shift all responsibility for damages to the customer in a
[[Page H6336]]
rent-to-own business. The merchant sells a liability damage waiver to
the customer which effectively makes customers pay for responsibility
that is not theirs. This amendment would ban this shifting of the
liability to the consumer and prohibits the charging of a fee for
ensuring the customer against loss. There is an exception for loss,
damage or destruction that is deliberately caused by the consumer that
is a result of consumer negligence.
Imagine this. A person has got this contract with the rent-to-own
industry. They need this television or whatever it is, refrigerator,
whatever. Not only do they have an arrangement that is not considered a
credit sales contract arrangement and so they do not have to disclose
anything, they do not have to disclose what the interest is on it, and
this industry just can charge whatever they want to charge that person.
Then they say to the person, now, they are responsible for this item
and we have a little something that is built into this contract that we
want the person to pay. We want the person to pay some amount. What
amount? Any amount that they decide. In some States the amount that
they charge the customer is equal to the amount that they are paying
weekly to rent this particular item, but they can do this, and they do
not have to disclose it.
It was so bad that in committee, what they decided is, say, well, at
least they have to tell the consumer that they are going to charge them
this damage waiver liability coverage in the contract. In my home State
of California, we forbid this practice altogether. We forbid it
altogether. It is wrong that they should shift this liability all to
the consumer and the rent-to-own company takes no responsibility,
charges whatever it wants, does not have to disclose it, and we just
let this practice go on.
So we would try with this amendment to stop the practice altogether.
I know that it seems that we cannot say much more about the bad
practices. Why would we preempt the States from taking the opportunity
to fix what is wrong? We do not need to come over the top with some
Federal legislation that would then preempt them from doing it the way
they want to do it.
This business about saying that we are helping the States and we are
helping the consumer, we are not preempting them, is absolutely
misleading the Members of Congress about what this is all about. If we
really want to help the States, allow them to present public policy
that will work in their States. For those States that do not have it,
they will. Give them a chance. Do not preempt them. Do not create this
so-called floor that my colleagues are talking about.
I have never seen any one industry with so much that is wrong with
it, and I sincerely believe that some of my colleagues who are trying
to help the industry may have been duped. They did not know it was this
bad. They did not understand that it really was preemption. They did
not know about some of these abusive practices. They did not know about
this, what do we call it, LDW. They did not know that people were being
given contracts where they had to pay for this kind of coverage, and
most people, even if we tell them, if they want it, we are going to
charge a person whatever amount they decide to charge them as a fee
just in case they damage this equipment, they do not know they could
say no, even if we put it in the bill. They just assume that if they do
not do it they will not be able to get this desperately needed item
that they are going after.
This amendment was made by the Committee on Rules. I could come to
the floor and take it up. I do not know if my friends on the opposite
side of the aisle are going to oppose it or if they are going to
support it. It is just one other thing that I would like to point out
that is so bad about this industry, as we wrap up today on this floor,
all of the problems with rent-to-own.
I hope that they would just show a sign of support for the consumers
and say we will give my colleagues this one, but it does not make any
difference. It is still a bad bill. It is still a terrible bill with
all of the preemption in it, with all of the abusive practices allowed,
all of which we have talked about so much today.
Again, I would again thank my colleague on the Committee on the
Judiciary, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), the chair
of the Committee on the Judiciary. He would not come to this floor and
oppose this legislation unless it was serious. He would not come to
this floor and easily embrace those on the opposite side of the aisle
that he is oftentimes in disagreement with unless he felt very strongly
about it. The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) does not
simply oppose his colleagues. He does not do that without giving
serious thought to it. When he came here today and said this is a bad
bill, something is wrong with this bill, I would hope that the Members
on the opposite side of the aisle would respect the chairman of the
Committee on the Judiciary who, too, had this bill in the Committee on
the Judiciary.
We are talking about two committees here today, the Committee on
Financial Services, and it was in the Committee on the Judiciary.
{time} 1400
This is not something that he is speculating about from afar. The
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) had this in committee and
had an opportunity to go through it, understands it very well and is
opposed to it because the gentleman sees it for what it is.
Again, I do not want to put my colleagues on the spot, and I have the
highest respect for the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus). I have
worked with the gentleman and I know in many instances he has had to
work very hard to do the right thing on some issues. I would simply
appeal to the gentleman to do the right thing. I do not care who in the
leadership is pushing this bill. I do not care who the industry is
friends with, what letters the Congress of the United States got from
what sector or section. The fact of the matter is our constituents
should be premier. They should be number one. Even if we were going to
err, we need to err on the side of the constituents. If Members think
for a moment there are bad things in this industry, as the gentleman
from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) has said, and yes, there are some bad things.
He agreed to that, but then err on the side of the constituents. My
colleague from Alabama said I do not like this business. That is an
understatement. I am not here simply because I do not like the
business. I am here because I have the power as one Member of Congress
to go on the floor of Congress and say what is wrong with them. They
are ripping off our constituents. They are charging exorbitant prices.
There is no disclosure, and we should not let them do it.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 6 minutes to the gentlewoman from
New York (Mrs. Kelly).
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Chairman, before I address the Waters amendment, let
me say a few things about the LaFalce amendment.
The LaFalce amendment runs counter to our economy and would subvert
the free market. The amendment requires rent-to-own merchants all to
offer the same cash price for their products, and these prices would be
set by the Federal Reserve Board. I have to wonder why we have to
impose such a duty on the Federal Reserve Board. The Federal Reserve is
tasked with broad mandates to ensure the overall health of the economy
through sound monetary policy. The last thing we need is for the
Federal Reserve to become an appraiser and set prices for the rent-to-
own industry.
Second, the amendment would harm competition in the rent-to-own
industry. I do not see anyone advocating that a car lease would have a
cash price set by the Federal Reserve. Why? Because we know that a
competitive car lease market benefits the consumer. When an industry
all has the same base price for a product, that is known as collusion.
A merchant not fairly setting a price on their own but being required
to set it at their competition's level, that is illegal. When airlines
set their ticket prices, it is illegal. When they put such a practice
into law on a rent-to-own lease, it is also wrong. I think that my
colleagues should join me in support of the free market and oppose the
LaFalce amendment.
Mr. Chairman, now let me speak to the Waters amendment, which I also
oppose. My colleague from California has here an amendment that would
remove the responsibility of a consumer
[[Page H6337]]
to care for the merchandise that they received through a rental
purchase agreement. The agreement would effectively preempt contract
law that is already in place and established in 49 States. In effect
the merchant, who is not in possession of the property, would be
responsible for the damage to it. This amendment would take away any
responsibility for the consumer to care for the product that they are
renting. Does anyone know of any agreement in which the holder of a
rental piece of property would not be responsible for the damage that
they do to it while it is in their possession?
I believe the amendment would effectively kill the industry; and in
these slow economic times, I do not think we should be looking to
eliminate more jobs. The rental purchase industry is a credible option
for many Americans who would not otherwise have the opportunity to
obtain the products that they need.
Personally, I learned to play the violin on a rent-to-own violin. It
provided an enormous amount of joy in my life because my folks could
not afford to buy me a violin when I was in grade school. They did a
rent-to-purchase agreement. There are kids all over the Nation who do
this.
Our mission in Congress should be to increase opportunities for
people, not to limit consumer opportunities. Let me be clear on another
point. Because of an amendment from the gentleman from North Carolina
(Mr. Jones), the bill allows merchants to include liability damage
waivers as part of the rental purchase contracts only after disclosing
to the consumer that they need not purchase this coverage in order to
enter into the rental purchase agreement itself. The bill is clear that
the consumer has been given the choice, and we need to support the
choice by voting against the Waters amendment.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, one thing I would like to point out, I have great
respect for the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), who did
speak against this legislation. I would point out to the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Waters) that what the gentleman said was we do not
need any Federal legislation regulating this industry. That is not what
the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) has said or what the
gentleman from New York said, or what all of these consumer groups have
said.
What they have said is we need to regulate this industry. There is
certainly not disagreement among the opponents. I think some of the
opponents want the present state of affairs where there is absolutely
no regulation in a number of States to continue. There are others that
want to put this industry out of business, and then there are those of
us in the middle who believe this is a legitimate business. We may
never go there as customers. There are a lot of stores I do not go in
as a customer, but I do not try to close them down because 15 million
Americans do go there. There are Members of this body who think if they
do that they are crazy and we ought to protect them by stopping them
from going in those stores.
I would say to the gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce) that I went
in a store in Manhattan a few weeks ago. There were a lot of things in
that store I cannot afford. I simply turned around and walked out
because the price was not right. There are people that might want to
pay that. There were many people paying that much for those items. I
could not do it. I made a decision. People are free to come in and
leave. People are free to make choices in America.
There does need to be some minimum protection for those customers.
Whether this legislation passed or not, people are going to continue to
go in rent-to-own stores. They are going to continue to operate in
almost all our States. When they do, I think they ought to be
protected. And this legislation does not preempt any of the strong
consumer protection laws that exist. It preempts none of them except
the characterization as a credit sale, and we have been over and over
that in those four States. It does that.
Now, let me talk about the amendment for a minute because this
amendment is another example of we do not want to preempt, but here is
an amendment that we want to use to preempt. It is a preempting
agreement. It preempts the law of 49 States.
What the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) has offered here is
an amendment that would overturn the long-established contract law in
49 States and make the law of California the national standard. It
would apply the law of California.
Right now in the legislation we have, what she is advocating is the
law of California and once this passes, if it passes, will continue to
be the law in California. But we will not put that law on the other 49
States because what California does, it says when there is a rent-to-
own agreement or a rent-to-purchase agreement, or the consumer leases
something, they cannot shift the liability for that property onto the
customer except, and there is an exception, and I do not want to
misrepresent this, it says if the customer deliberately causes damage
to the item or it occurs due to the consumer's negligence, then the
merchant can get his money back.
The gentlewoman and I agree on that. If somebody goes out and they
rent a TV, they get home and they get mad at their wife and throw the
TV at their wife or husband, they have to pay for the television. She
and I agree that is the thing to do. But we do not agree if the husband
or the wife rents the TV, the wife takes the TV home, the husband picks
up the TV and throws it out the window, then I think the merchant ought
not have to pay for that. She says no, no. That was not the customer,
that was the husband of the customer.
I believe when something is rented and taken home, if the next door
neighbor comes in and they destroy it, or the renter's son or daughter
destroys it, the renter has it and it is destroyed, I think the renter
ought to be responsible for that, and 49 States say they ought to be
responsible for that.
I can tell Members, we all respect California and their position on
this; but this is something California feels ought to be the law. I can
tell Members in Alabama, if I rent something to somebody and their dog
chews it up or their wife breaks it or their next door neighbor
destroys it, or even somebody comes in and steals it from them, I do
not feel like that is the merchant's responsibility. I feel it is the
customer's responsibility. I happen to believe that.
The legislatures and the courts of 49 States agree with me.
California is different. This legislation says that is right. The law
of California stays in place because we do not preempt any of those
laws. Now what that does is that means it drives up the cost for
everybody in California. If California wants to make that decision,
that is fine. I do not agree.
I want to close simply by thanking the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman
Oxley) for his leadership on this bill, again thanking the gentleman
from North Carolina (Mr. Jones) for his leadership, and the gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. Maloney) for what I think is a very important
piece of consumer protection. It does not go as far as some have urged,
but it does not preempt States that go further. It establishes a floor
in those States that have weak or no protection.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Hefley). The question is on the
amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
The question was taken; and the Chairman pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Waters) will be postponed.
Sequential Votes Postponed in Committee of the Whole
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII,
proceedings will now resume on those amendments on which further
proceedings were postponed in the following order: amendment No. 1
offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. LaFalce), amendment No. 2
offered by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
The Chair will reduce to 5 minutes the time for the second electronic
vote.
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. LaFalce
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The pending business is the demand for a
[[Page H6338]]
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New York
(Mr. LaFalce) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 184,
noes 232, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 392]
AYES--184
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Baird
Baldacci
Baldwin
Barcia
Barrett
Becerra
Bentsen
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop
Blumenauer
Bonior
Borski
Boswell
Boucher
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carson (IN)
Carson (OK)
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Condit
Costello
Coyne
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Dooley
Doyle
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Ford
Frank
Frost
Gephardt
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green (TX)
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hill
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hoeffel
Holt
Honda
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind (WI)
Kleczka
Kucinich
LaFalce
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Mollohan
Moran (VA)
Morella
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Phelps
Platts
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Reyes
Rivers
Rodriguez
Roemer
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sandlin
Sawyer
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott
Serrano
Sherman
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Strickland
Stupak
Tanner
Thompson (MS)
Thurman
Tierney
Turner
Udall (NM)
Velazquez
Visclosky
Waters
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
NOES--232
Aderholt
Akin
Armey
Bachus
Baker
Ballenger
Barr
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bereuter
Biggert
Bilirakis
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Boozman
Boyd
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Coble
Collins
Combest
Cooksey
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crenshaw
Cubin
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis (FL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal
DeMint
Diaz-Balart
Doolittle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Everett
Ferguson
Flake
Fletcher
Foley
Forbes
Fossella
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goode
Goodlatte
Goss
Graham
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hooley
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Isakson
Issa
Istook
Jenkins
John
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kerns
King (NY)
Kirk
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Maloney (CT)
Manzullo
Matheson
McCrery
McHugh
McInnis
McKeon
Mica
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Miller, Jeff
Moore
Moran (KS)
Myrick
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nussle
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Oxley
Paul
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Pombo
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reynolds
Riley
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Saxton
Schaffer
Schrock
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Shuster
Simpson
Skeen
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Stenholm
Sullivan
Sununu
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tauscher
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thornberry
Thune
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Toomey
Towns
Udall (CO)
Upton
Vitter
Walden
Walsh
Wamp
Watkins (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--16
Blagojevich
Brown (FL)
Bryant
Conyers
DeLay
Hilleary
Kingston
Miller, George
Mink
Portman
Rangel
Roukema
Rush
Simmons
Stump
Watts (OK)
{time} 1438
Ms. GRANGER and Messrs. CALVERT, FRELINGHUYSEN, EHLERS, SMITH of
Texas, WELDON of Pennsylvania, SULLIVAN and TERRY changed their vote
from ``aye'' to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Announcement By The Chairman Pro Tempore
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Hefley). Pursuant to clause 6 of rule
XVIII, the Chair announces that he will reduce to a minimum of 5
minutes the period of time within which a vote by electronic device
will be taken on the second amendment.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Ms. Waters
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. The pending business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Waters) on which further proceedings were postponed and
on which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore. This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 157,
noes 255, not voting 20, as follows:
[Roll No. 393]
AYES--157
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Baldacci
Baldwin
Barcia
Barrett
Becerra
Bentsen
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop
Bonior
Borski
Boucher
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Capps
Capuano
Carson (IN)
Clay
Clayton
Clyburn
Condit
Coyne
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Ford
Frank
Gephardt
Gonzalez
Green (TX)
Gutierrez
Hastings (FL)
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hoeffel
Holt
Honda
Horn
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kirk
Kleczka
Kucinich
LaFalce
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Moore
Moran (VA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Reyes
Rivers
Rodriguez
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sandlin
Sawyer
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott
Serrano
Slaughter
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Strickland
Stupak
Thompson (MS)
Thurman
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Waters
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
NOES--255
Aderholt
Akin
Armey
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Ballenger
Barr
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bereuter
Biggert
Bilirakis
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Boozman
Boswell
Boyd
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Cardin
Carson (OK)
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Clement
Coble
Collins
[[Page H6339]]
Combest
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crenshaw
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal
DeLay
DeMint
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart
Dooley
Doolittle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Everett
Ferguson
Flake
Fletcher
Foley
Forbes
Fossella
Frelinghuysen
Frost
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Harman
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hooley
Hostettler
Houghton
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inslee
Isakson
Issa
Istook
Jenkins
John
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kerns
Kind (WI)
King (NY)
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Lynch
Maloney (CT)
Manzullo
Matheson
McCrery
McInnis
McIntyre
McKeon
Mica
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Miller, Jeff
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Morella
Murtha
Myrick
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nussle
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Oxley
Paul
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Phelps
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Pombo
Portman
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reynolds
Riley
Roemer
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Saxton
Schaffer
Schrock
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Shuster
Simpson
Skeen
Skelton
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Souder
Stearns
Stenholm
Sullivan
Sununu
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thornberry
Thune
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Toomey
Upton
Visclosky
Vitter
Walden
Walsh
Wamp
Watkins (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--20
Blagojevich
Brown (FL)
Bryant
Conyers
Cooksey
Cubin
Hilleary
Keller
Kingston
Lewis (CA)
Miller, George
Mink
Rangel
Roukema
Simmons
Stump
Velazquez
Watts (OK)
Weiner
Weller
{time} 1447
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Chairman, on rollcall No. 393, I was unavoidably
detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Mr. McHUGH. Mr. Chairman, on rollcall No. 393, I inadvertently voted
``aye.'' I would like the Record to show that I meant to vote ``no.''
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore (Mr. Hefley). There being no further
amendment in order, the question is on the committee amendment in the
nature of a substitute.
The committee amendment in the nature of a substitute was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
LaHood) having assumed the chair, Mr. Hefley, Chairman pro tempore of
the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, reported
that that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R.
1701) to amend the Consumer Credit Protection Act to assure meaningful
disclosures of the terms of rental-purchase agreements, including
disclosures of all costs to consumers under such agreements, to provide
certain substantive rights to consumers under such agreements, and for
other purposes, pursuant to House Resolution 528, he reported the bill
back to the House with an amendment adopted by the Committee of the
Whole.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the rule, the previous question is
ordered.
The question is on the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute.
The committee amendment in the nature of a substitute was agreed to.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third
reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
motion to recommit offered by ms. waters
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentlewoman opposed to the bill?
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, yes, I am opposed to the bill in its current
form.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Ms. Waters moves that the bill H.R. 1701, the Consumer
Rental Purchase Agreement Act, be recommitted to the
Committee on Financial Services with instructions that the
Committee report the bill forthwith to the House with the
following amendment:
Page 32, strike line 17 and insert ``This''.
Page 33, line 13, strike ``Except as provided in subsection
(b), for'' and insert ``For''.
Page 33, strike line 21 and all that follows through page
34, line 9 (and redesignate the subsequent subsection
accordingly).
Ms. WATERS (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
that the motion be considered as read and printed in the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from California?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Waters) is recognized for 5 minutes on her motion to
recommit.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I suppose most of the Members present here today heard the debate
that we have just finished on H.R. 1701. My motion to recommit sends
H.R. 1701 back to the Committee on Financial Services with instructions
to amend the bill in one key respect: to strike a provision in H.R.
1701 that preempts the States from applying credit or installment sales
standards to regulate rent-to-own transactions.
This is the provision that my colleagues heard the gentleman from
Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) come to the floor and talk about today.
It is because of that provision that the chairman of the Committee on
the Judiciary decided to vote against the bill when this bill was
marked up in the Committee on the Judiciary. I think that is a very
important point.
Mr. Speaker, I suppose most of the Members on the floor heard the
debate. We talked about a lot of things that are wrong with the rent-
to-own legislation, H.R. 1701. We spoke about preemption, abusive
practices, about attempts to force the consumers to accept all of the
liability on the contracts. But we talked mostly about preemption.
Proponents of H.R. 1701 say that the bill does not preempt State
laws, but they are absolutely wrong. Section 1018 of the bill expressly
supersedes State laws that regulate rental purchase agreements as a
security interest, credit sale, retail installment sale, conditional
sale, or any and all other forms of consumer credit that treats a
rental purchase agreement as the creation of a debt or extension of
credit. Section 1008 of the bill also expressly supersedes State laws
that require the disclosure of percentage rate calculation, including a
time-price differential and annual percentage rate, or an effective
annual percentage rate. Because of the bill's restrictions, rental-
purchase transactions cannot be subjected to the State usury laws and
finance charge limits, as well as APR and other disclosures. As a
result, the bill preempts the strongest State laws in Wisconsin,
Minnesota, New Jersey, and Vermont and prevents other States from
adopting similar legislation in the future.
Since 1997, legal actions responding to State consumer law violations
have produced legal judgments or settlements against the Nation's
largest rent-to-own chain amounting to $16 million in Wisconsin, $60
million in New Jersey, and $30 million in Minnesota. Why should
Congress cancel out stronger State laws supported by all of the
consumer groups and literally all of the States' attorneys general?
Consumers need more, not less, protection from predatory financial
practices.
Mr. Speaker, the Members may not be paying attention, but they ought
to. They ought to pay attention because we have just been roundly
criticized because of what we did not do with major corporations in
America. Many people pleaded ignorance that they had supported the
efforts of Enron and WorldCom and Quest and all of those other major
corporations that have
[[Page H6340]]
been found to be gaming the system, corporations that put their
pensioners at risk. People who were paying into their 401(k)s thought
they had protected their future; but, in fact, they had been supporting
their companies while the heads of those corporations, the majors in
those corporations were literally exercising their stock options and
getting richer and richer.
Well, we can tell the American people that we really did not
understand, that we really were not paying attention; but we cannot
keep doing it. We cannot keep saying, oh, I made a mistake.
Right on the heels of this great debacle in America, we find
ourselves confronted with predatory lenders that come in all stripes
and sizes. We know that the pay-day lenders are on every corner in
inner cities and little towns and now lined up outside of our American
Army bases where they are luring people in to get these small loans.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman's time has expired.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I would respectfully request that I be
allowed the time that has been interfered with by the Members on the
floor who have not respected the Speaker's gavel. The Speaker has taken
up at least a minute of my time, and I would like to have it restored
to me.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters)
is recognized for 30 additional seconds to conclude her remarks.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, the rent-to-own industry has come to this
House, and they have gotten support to try and preempt States that have
stronger consumer protection laws. We should not allow it to happen. It
is unconscionable that we are allowing them to rip off the most
vulnerable in our society with these rent-to-own contracts that are
charging $800 and $900 for a $169 television, and on and on it goes.
{time} 1500
We have the opportunity to do something about it today. I would ask
that we allow this bill to be recommitted so that it can be fixed.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to seek time in opposition.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LaHood). The gentleman from Alabama (Mr.
Bachus) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, the body has just heard a lot of
information. It was probably about equally divided between information
that is not relevant to the legislation before us and misinformation
about the legislation. It is very hard in 5 minutes to rebut all of
that.
First, let me say that this has nothing to do with WorldCom, Enron,
and Quest. Those companies are not in the rent-to-own industry, so any
confusion, I hope we dispel that right up front.
What the gentlewoman is talking about is the rent-to-own industry. It
is the largest industry in America that is not regulated. The States
are pretty much divided: One-third of them have no regulation, one-
third of them have weak-to-moderate regulation, and one third of them
have strong regulation.
What this legislation does, it leaves in place all consumer
protection legislation at the State level, all. It leaves all those
laws passed by the State legislature, all, and I will explain that, all
of them in place. It simply has a floor. It requires certain things. If
the State has a stronger provision, that is applicable. If the State
has a weaker provision, the Federal standard applies.
Today, over 40 States do not require that they put a price tag on a
rent-to-own item. Every consumer group has condemned this. This
legislation will require a price tag so the consumer knows what he is
paying, what it is costing him.
In every State, in 46 States, the legislatures have looked at these
transactions and they have said that it is not a consumer credit sale.
It is not a credit sale, it is a lease or a lease-purchase or a rent-
to-own. It is not a credit sale.
But judges in three courts around the country have said, no, it is a
credit sale. It is a consumer credit transaction, and we are going to
apply all the Federal law that applies to those transactions to this.
We are going to apply all the Federal laws that apply to those
transactions, including an APR statement, a disclosure statement.
The FTC, in a fairly exhaustive study, looked at that, and the
Federal Reserve and the FTC said that requiring these APR statements
and these consumer disclosures which are required for credit sales,
when we apply them to rent-to-own, we confuse or mislead the customer.
California does not do it, New York does not do it; but judges, not
State legislatures, judges in three or four States have said we are
going to do that.
This legislation does change the law in Wisconsin, New Jersey, and
one other State, Vermont. It changes it in those three States by saying
that it is not a credit sale. It does not repeal any law that the
legislatures passed. It does invalidate a judge-made law in those
States. But in no case, in no case other than in those four States,
three or four States, does it make any change in the law.
Furthermore, Mr. Speaker, and I have said that repeatedly during this
debate, there is nothing in this legislation that prevents a State from
passing any law that they want to pass to ban or put additional
restrictions on these sales, except to mischaracterize it as a consumer
credit transaction. These people are going in and they are renting
property, that is what they say, and they do not think they are
applying for a loan. Those regulations should not apply to them.
The gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters) has asked us to really
apply the law of four States to the law of 46 States. I say, resist
this motion to recommit and let us get on with protecting the people,
the 15 million Americans that use these rent-to-own transactions.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is
ordered on the motion to recommit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of passage.
This will be a 15-minute vote followed by a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 190,
noes 227, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 394]
AYES--190
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Baird
Baldacci
Baldwin
Barcia
Barrett
Bass
Becerra
Bentsen
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop
Blumenauer
Bonior
Borski
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carson (IN)
Carson (OK)
Clay
Clayton
Clyburn
Condit
Coyne
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Jo Ann
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Ford
Frank
Frelinghuysen
Gephardt
Gonzalez
Graham
Green (TX)
Green (WI)
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hill
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hoeffel
Holt
Honda
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind (WI)
Kleczka
Kucinich
LaFalce
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
LoBiondo
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Mollohan
Moran (VA)
Morella
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Pelosi
Petri
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Rivers
Rodriguez
Roemer
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (WI)
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sandlin
Sawyer
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Strickland
Stupak
Tancredo
Tauscher
[[Page H6341]]
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thurman
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Velazquez
Visclosky
Waters
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
NOES--227
Aderholt
Akin
Armey
Bachus
Baker
Ballenger
Barr
Bartlett
Barton
Bereuter
Biggert
Bilirakis
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Clement
Coble
Collins
Combest
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crenshaw
Cubin
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis, Tom
Deal
DeLay
DeMint
Diaz-Balart
Dooley
Doolittle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Emerson
English
Everett
Flake
Fletcher
Foley
Forbes
Fossella
Frost
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Goss
Granger
Graves
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hooley
Horn
Hostettler
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Isakson
Issa
Istook
Jenkins
John
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kerns
King (NY)
Kirk
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Lampson
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Maloney (CT)
Manzullo
McCrery
McHugh
McInnis
McIntyre
McKeon
Meeks (NY)
Mica
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Miller, Jeff
Moore
Moran (KS)
Murtha
Myrick
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nussle
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Oxley
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Phelps
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Pombo
Portman
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Regula
Rehberg
Reyes
Reynolds
Riley
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Ryun (KS)
Schaffer
Schrock
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Shuster
Simpson
Skeen
Skelton
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Stenholm
Sullivan
Sununu
Sweeney
Tanner
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thornberry
Thune
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Toomey
Turner
Vitter
Walden
Walsh
Wamp
Watkins (OK)
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--15
Blagojevich
Brown (FL)
Bryant
Conyers
Cooksey
Hilleary
Houghton
Kingston
McKinney
Miller, George
Mink
Roukema
Royce
Simmons
Stump
{time} 1522
Messrs. LoBIONDO, SAXTON, FRELINGHUYSEN and FERGUSON changed their
vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LaHood). The question is on the passage
of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 215,
noes 201, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 395]
AYES--215
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Armey
Bachus
Baker
Ballenger
Barr
Bartlett
Bentsen
Bereuter
Berkley
Biggert
Bilirakis
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bono
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cantor
Capito
Carson (OK)
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Clay
Clement
Clyburn
Coble
Collins
Combest
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crenshaw
Cunningham
Davis, Jo Ann
Deal
DeLay
DeMint
Diaz-Balart
Dooley
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Emerson
English
Everett
Fletcher
Forbes
Ford
Fossella
Frost
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Goss
Granger
Graves
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Herger
Hobson
Holden
Hooley
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inslee
Isakson
Issa
Jenkins
John
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
King (NY)
Kirk
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Lampson
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Maloney (CT)
Manzullo
Matheson
McCrery
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
Meeks (NY)
Mica
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Moore
Moran (KS)
Murtha
Myrick
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nussle
Ortiz
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Oxley
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Phelps
Pickering
Pitts
Pombo
Portman
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Regula
Rehberg
Reyes
Reynolds
Riley
Rogers (KY)
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Royce
Ryun (KS)
Sandlin
Schrock
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Shuster
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (TX)
Spratt
Stearns
Stenholm
Sullivan
Sununu
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauzin
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thornberry
Thune
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Toomey
Towns
Turner
Vitter
Walsh
Wamp
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wu
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--201
Abercrombie
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Baird
Baldacci
Baldwin
Barcia
Barrett
Barton
Bass
Becerra
Berman
Berry
Bishop
Blumenauer
Blunt
Bonior
Borski
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd
Brady (PA)
Brown (OH)
Cannon
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carson (IN)
Clayton
Condit
Costello
Coyne
Crowley
Cubin
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Flake
Foley
Frank
Frelinghuysen
Gephardt
Gilman
Graham
Green (TX)
Green (WI)
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hefley
Hill
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hoeffel
Hoekstra
Holt
Honda
Israel
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (MN)
Kennedy (RI)
Kerns
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind (WI)
Kleczka
Kucinich
LaFalce
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren
Lowey
Luther
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McInnis
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Miller, Jeff
Mollohan
Moran (VA)
Morella
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Pelosi
Petri
Platts
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Rivers
Rodriguez
Roemer
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (WI)
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sawyer
Saxton
Schaffer
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Skeen
Slaughter
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Stark
Strickland
Stupak
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thurman
Tierney
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden
Waters
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Wolf
Woolsey
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1
Callahan
NOT VOTING--15
Blagojevich
Brown (FL)
Bryant
Conyers
Cooksey
Evans
Hilleary
Kingston
Miller, George
Mink
Roukema
Simmons
Stump
Watkins (OK)
Weller
{time} 1532
Mr. TAYLOR of North Carolina changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. WATKINS of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker on rollcall No. 395 I was
unavoidably detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye.''
[[Page H6342]]
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