[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 116 (Friday, September 13, 2002)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8609-S8611]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PRESIDENT BUSH'S ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I believe it is important today to talk
about the remarks President Bush made at the United Nations. I believe
he has made a courageous call on the United Nations to defend its
credibility in its dealings with Iraq by ensuring that Iraq does not
continue to update its weapons of mass destruction and does not
continue to violate with impunity the 16 U.N. resolutions of which he
is in violation. I think those remarks were a true example of world
leadership.
President Bush spoke as one who knows right from wrong, who has
honest convictions, and he has the courage to express and to act on
them. In direct words, he detailed the incontrovertible case that
Saddam Hussein deliberately used his promises at the time of his defeat
in the Gulf War as a considered strategy to cause the allies to stop
their hostilities before removing him from power, which has proven to
be a trick. Since then, his actions have clearly confirmed his
deception and have shown his insincerity, his duplicity, and his
complete rejection of the U.N. resolutions--his rejections, indeed, of
the United Nations itself and of the United States and the nations that
joined together to defeat him in 1991. He rejects them. He does not
respect them and his promises made to them.
Those agreements, he has said he will follow, but he has never
intended to follow them because he doesn't give them respect or
credibility.
The ``Economist'' magazine of London said it is well and good to talk
about multilateralism, but it asked, ``what happens when people agree
to things and do not do them?'' That brings up a problem, particularly
when their failure to do so deals with matters that threaten the peace
of the world.
I don't think anyone can deny that Saddam Hussein's consistent policy
has been to defeat, obstruct, and get around the agreements he has
made.
Some tell us that the world--the international community--is all
against us. They say we are acting unilaterally. Some leaders around
the world have indeed said that. But the truth is that President Bush
is consulting regularly with world leaders. His speech to the U.N.
struck the right balance. And progress is being made in obtaining
support around the world--with not enough help, I am afraid, from this
Congress.
But who would ever deny that Saddam Hussein is a unilateralist? With
whom did he consult before he invaded Kuwait in 1991? With whom did he
consult before he utilized poison gas to kill thousands of his own
citizens, the Kurds, in the 1990s?
Who did he consult with, what other nation did he consult with, when
he plotted to assassinate the former President of the United States of
America? Who has he consulted with, as he deals to construct, develop,
and produce weapons of mass destruction?
So I would like, Mr. President, to just make a few comments here to
bring us some perspective that I think is very important at this time
on the kind of support we have around the world.
First of all, I think one of the clearest-headed nations--a nation
that consistently gets it right around the world on matters of foreign
policy--the United Kingdom, is in total support of the United States.
Indeed, it was reported in the paper today that they were moving troops
into the Middle East, and prepared to use them, if necessary, with us.
So the Foreign Minister of the U.K., commenting on President Bush's
speech to the U.N. said it was ``tough and effective'', and the speech
received quite good remarks from the British leadership.
The Belgian Foreign Minister, heretofore a critic of the United
States action, Louis Michel, said, after the speech: ``Now we have to
press Iraq.'' He added, if the U.N. ``doesn't deliver, it will be
uncomfortable for some European countries not to support the United
States.'' That was in today's Washington Times.
Kofi Annan, the Secretary General of the U.N., who has criticized the
United States recently, also ``urged Council members yesterday to take
action or lose legitimacy.''
Even France, which has been pretty outspoken against the United
States actions, accusing the United States of unilateral activities,
has said: ``We
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don't have sympathy for the Iraq regime.'' And their Foreign Minister
further added that ``he defies the authority of the Security Council,
raises the threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and,
therefore, jeopardize the stability of the region.''
The Danish Prime Minister's views were remarkable. A few days ago, on
September 11, in an op-ed piece here in the Washington Times, Anders
Fogh Rasmussen, the Danish Prime Minister, said, in a strong statement
of affection and support for the United States wrote:
Our common values, shared destiny and visions have been
further fortified by the horrors of September 11.
On the first anniversary of that somber date, Danes will
think back with sympathy and sorrow on the victims of the
terrorist attacks against the United States and their
bereaved families. One year later, our solidarity with
America is undiminished.
September 11 was a defining moment calling for determined
action in defense of humanity and fundamental freedoms.
Acting can entail dangers but the dangers of inaction are
far, far greater. In the face of today's new threat, the only
way to pursue peace is to pursue those who threaten it.
He goes on to add:
America and Denmark see eye-to-eye on the real challenges
facing us today. In the fight against terrorism, Denmark was,
is and will be fully behind the United States. Our best
soldiers have been in Afghanistan on the ground and in the
mountains, fighting alongside U.S. special operations forces.
The danger is far from over and the international community
must not waver now.
So said the Prime Minister of Denmark.
Representatives of the Romanian Government have been in town
recently, and they have expressed strong support for the United States
position in Iraq.
Norway, the Norwegian Foreign Minister, after the speech by President
Bush, made these comments: ``We are challenged to live up to our
responsibilities.'' And then he said something that I think is true for
most of the world leaders: ``I guess we'll have to choose among a lot
of bad options, really.''
Nobody wants to choose. Nobody wants to have a war. We wish it were
not so. But we have bad options here. And the President is confronting
us with the truth, the history of violations by Saddam Hussein. He is
forcing world leaders. He is forcing the U.S. Congress. And, frankly,
as I have gone back and studied the history of Saddam Hussein, and the
violations are more explicit, more repeated, more deliberate than I had
remembered actually.
So I think that is where we are today. And one reason it is
appropriate for the United States to be most aggressive in leading this
effort is that we are the ones--the United States military--that is
overwhelmingly enforcing, as best we can, the resolutions of the United
Nations in Iraq today.
Many people do not realize that our planes are enforcing a no-fly
zone over Iraq today. They fly every day. They are attacked on a
regular basis. And we respond and retaliate on a regular basis,
attacking Iraq. And they have surface-to-air missiles that they utilize
against our aircraft. So far they have not been able to knock down one
of our aircraft.
I say to the Presiding Officer, I know that is a matter of concern to
you as a member of the Armed Services Committee. But it is a real
matter of significance that we are carrying this burden. How long do
they want us to carry it?
The Economist magazine, in an article on this entire matter, voting
in their editorial for war, said that the ``box is leaking,'' our
ability to contain him cannot continue. And who did they suggest are
suffering most? The people of Iraq, the children of Iraq, because of
this diabolical leader that they have.
So, yes, we have to take action. We cannot continue to delay. We have
troops there in the region that are specifically there to make sure he
does not expand again as he did when he attacked Iran. And that war
cost 1 million lives in Saddam's failed attempt to defeat Iran and take
that territory from Iran; in addition to the gulf war.
He moved, after the gulf war, 80,000 troops down on the Kuwait
border, causing us to have to respond out of fear he might once again
attack Kuwait.
We have Patriot batteries in Saudi Arabia designed to shoot down
Saddam's Scud missiles. I visited a Patriot battery with my legislative
assistant, LTC Archie Galloway. And we visited the Alabama National
Guard unit that mans a Patriot battery on duty to shoot down Iraqi Scud
missiles, if need be at our expense, this very day.
So that is not a problem that has been on the front burner of most of
the nations of the world. They are not deeply involved in these
matters. They are not paying that cost every day, as we are. They are
not confronting the reality of Saddam Hussein's duplicity.
But the President is leading us to understand. So I think it is now
important for this Congress to speak. Are we with the President or are
we against him? We don't need to be rushed, but we need to get busy in
discussing this issue. It is not a new issue.
Most of the evidence is there for the world to see, and has been
there for many, many years. So we need to make clear whether we will
support the President or not. And if we do not, what are we saying? Are
we undermining Secretary of State Colin Powell's ability to negotiate
with foreign nations? Are we encouraging the Socialist left in Europe
to believe that if they object and fight and complain that they can
ultimately prevail, and the United States will fail to act? Are we
encouraging radical groups in moderate Arab nations to put more and
more pressure on the Arab leaders of those countries who might at least
privately be sympathetic to our efforts, by failing to support clearly
the President of the United States?
I believe we will act to support the President. I believe this
Congress will move. We need to do it before we recess. If we do not, it
will be unhealthy for our country. Am I confident we will vote in
support of the President and his proposals and give him authority to
take the action necessary to preserve and protect our security
interests? Yes, I am. Let me tell you why.
There are several important factors. In 1998, this Senate detailed,
as I indicated on the floor of the Senate earlier in the week, a list
of direct violations of United Nations resolutions by Saddam Hussein.
On August 14, 1998, the President of the United States, President
Clinton, signed Public Law 105-235 which declared that:
The Government of Iraq is in material and unacceptable
breach of its international obligations.
It urged the President to ``take appropriate action in accordance
with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United States to bring
Iraq into compliance with its international obligations.''
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's 15 minutes have expired.
Mr. SESSIONS. I ask unanimous consent for 1 more minute.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I still have the floor, do I not?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has the floor.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, inasmuch as I still have the floor and the
distinguished Democratic whip has asked me to adjourn the Senate in his
absence, I will yield to the Senator 1 additional minute. I have a few
brief comments with regard to what the Senator has said. I will be glad
to yield, if there is no other objection, to the Senator for an
additional minute without losing my right to the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from Alabama.
Mr. SESSIONS. I thank the Senator from West Virginia for his
courtesy.
It is time for this Congress to relook at our record of involvement
with Iraq and study it, to take new testimony, have new hearings, and
to stand up, and put up or shut up. We need to be with the President or
not with the President. I am convinced this Congress will be with the
President. We do not need to undermine his ability to be effective in
policies that we support by delaying our support for them.
I urge this Senate to move expeditiously, to not wait on the U.N.,
which is not elected by the people of the United States to decide this
issue but to decide ourselves that we support the President's policies;
make that clear, give him the authority he needs to be effective in
protecting the United States and this world from a savage and dangerous
criminal, Saddam Hussein.
[[Page S8611]]
I thank the Senator from West Virginia and yield the floor.
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