[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 96 (Tuesday, July 16, 2002)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6856-S6858]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
21ST CENTURY MEDICARE ACT
Mr. GRASSLEY. Madam President, Medicare has not kept pace with the
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improvements in health care since its inception in 1965. It was a plan
that was put together based on the practice of medicine in 1965, which
you might expect to be natural for any program written at that
particular time. At that particular time, the practice of medicine was
to put almost anybody in the hospital who had anything very serious
wrong with them. Today, the practice of medicine is to keep people out
of the hospital environment as much as we can. Prescription drugs are
very much a part of the medical plan to keep people out of hospitals.
Back in 1965, the cost of prescription drugs as part of the total
cost of medicine was about 1 percent. Today the practice of medicine
and the cost of medicine related to the total practice of medicine is
about 10, 11 percent. So quite obviously, if Medicare is to be brought
into the 21st century, we have to modernize it by including a
prescription drug program for everybody, not just like it has been,
prescription drugs for people who are in the hospital, but once you
leave the hospital, no prescription drugs.
We have assumed a responsibility, some of us. I think maybe all 100
Senators agree on this issue, although they may not agree on how to do
it, but we have all come to the conclusion that if you are going to
strengthen and improve Medicare for the 21st century, Medicare must
include a prescription drug program.
Several of us in this body--Senators Breaux, Jeffords, Snowe, and
Hatch, and this Senator--have introduced a plan that we call the 21st
Century Medicare Act. To cite the most obvious example of Medicare
being outdated, many conditions that used to be treated in the hospital
are now treated with prescription drugs. For that reason, employer-
sponsored health plans have changed with the times since 1965 and now
cover prescription drugs. But Medicare does not cover prescription
drugs outside of the hospital environment.
Imagine that private health insurance for a long period of time has
been including prescription drugs, but the Government-run Medicare
Program is still back there in the 1960s, not covering prescription
drugs.
There is another example of the outdated Medicare Program. The
practice of medicine has evolved to focus on preventive benefits, since
everyone knows that an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.
For this reason, many private health plans have eliminated cost sharing
for preventive benefits. But the 1960s Medicare plan, run by the
Government, has not covered preventive medicine in the same way that
private health plans have by eliminating cost sharing. We still have
cost sharing in the 1960 plan.
We ought to have Medicare come into the 21st century from the
standpoint of eliminating cost sharing for preventive benefits in order
to make sure that we emphasize an ounce of prevention weighed against a
pound of cure.
There is a third example of Medicare being out of step. For those of
us with employer-sponsored coverage--and Members of the Senate would
fall into that category--these programs provide a limit on how much we
will have to spend out of pocket if we become seriously ill. Yet the
1965 brand of Government-run health program, Medicare, offers no such
protection for our senior citizens.
I will give three examples of the 1960-era, Government-run Medicare
plan that does not give seniors adequate protection. Most important
among all those is not having a prescription drug program.
I could go on and on, but I would rather focus on the good news.
There is a compromise that can be enacted into law this year so that we
can finally get to the business of bringing Medicare into the 21st
century; in other words, to have a Government-run Medicare Program for
seniors that parallels the practice of medicine in the 21st century.
This compromise, once again, is the only bipartisan compromise inside
the beltway or outside the beltway. It is offered by Senators Breaux,
Snowe, Jeffords, Hatch, and this Senator.
I emphasize the importance of bipartisanship. Nothing can get through
the Senate that is strictly Republican or strictly Democrat. The Senate
was meant to function for the last 214 years based on the proposition
that minority points of view would be protected and considered.
Consequently, with no limit on debate, with efforts of people to stymie
the process, it is very essential that we work from day 1, if you want
to get anything done, in a bipartisan way to craft a bill.
The five of us didn't just decide to do this. We started last summer
to work on a prescription drug bill that could garner bipartisan
support. We even announced about a year ago some basic principles, very
broad principles, but we immediately got to work on filling in details.
We had most of the details filled in back in March--not everything
specific, but pretty much the principles and the details filled in.
I suppose people are asking: Why just now has this bill been
introduced? We have even had some of the legislative language written a
while ago.
Well, the reason we couldn't present our colleagues in the Senate
this bipartisan approach was because we had to wait for the
Congressional Budget Office to do the scoring and also, based upon
preliminary scoring, some fine tuning on our part. It was just over the
weekend that we, after we did our final fine tuning, got the final
figures so that the bill could be put before the people of the country
yesterday.
I want to mention bipartisan because obviously the President--there
is one person there, one party--when he puts forth a proposal, it is
partisan. There is a House Republican proposal that was passed. That is
obviously a partisan proposal. There was a House Democrat alternative.
It was obviously a partisan proposal. And there is a Senate Democrat
proposal that is obviously partisan. There is no Republican proposal,
something that represents the point of view of just Republicans in the
Senate. But there is this bipartisan plan put together by Senators
Breaux, Snowe, Jeffords, Hatch, and myself that is the only bipartisan
plan, and not hastily put together, as 1 year of work on it indicates.
Consequently, it seems to me that if the Senate majority leader had
allowed the Senate Finance Committee, which has jurisdiction, to work
its will--and there is a majority of the Senate Finance Committee that
is backing this proposal--we would have something out here for the
Senate to consider, a bipartisan proposal.
That doesn't prove it would get 60 votes, but it has to be further
down the road to accomplishing that very important goal than any of the
proposals here in Washington, DC. Any coverage will have to be a
compromise, a beginning. It is not something perfect.
I applaud Senator Baucus for seeking a reasonable compromise that can
pass the Finance Committee. He has held a lot of rump sessions to
discuss these things and understand them. But we have not had the
opportunity to have the formal session to actually debate and amend and
vote out a compromise. So after working on this for over a year, I can
say this bill is that compromise. This level of total spending--$350
billion--is the level that can gain a majority of the votes in the
Senate Finance Committee. In moving it up some to satisfy some people,
or moving it down to a lower figure to satisfy some other people, it
begins to lose votes from the high end or from the low end.
Nobody, including me, considers this a perfect plan, but it is the
only deal that can be struck, and it is the only bipartisan proposal in
Washington, DC. I urge Senator Daschle to allow the Finance Committee
to work on my bill. Let any Senator, in a free exchange and
consideration in the Senate Finance Committee, offer amendments. That
is the only way to have a product that can get 60 votes.
As I have already written to Senator Daschle, to bypass the Senate
Finance Committee when it can put out a bipartisan project is probably
to kill any chance of a drug bill, and I hope he will reconsider.
Let me be very candid. Drug spending by the senior population is
exploding. The cost between the bill a year ago, when we started, until
now--as I said, it evolved over 12 months--has gone up $70 billion, but
not because we as Senators working on this bipartisan compromise
decided we wanted to spend $70 billion more, no; that is the way the
drug market is today. So if Senator Daschle wants an issue instead of a
program for seniors, then we come back next year, and it doesn't matter
who controls the Senate. We will come
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back next year and we are going to spend another $70 billion to $100
billion more. Why don't we decide to put that money into the program
and save it by adopting something right now, when we know, based upon
the projections of prescription drugs, what is going to happen.
Let me suggest to you that the passage of strong legislation is going
to be a damper on those exploding drug prices. So we have an
opportunity and, if we miss it, it is going to cost Medicare a
tremendous amount of money. Maybe $100 billion is a little bit high,
but $70 billion to $80 billion to $90 billion would not be out of the
realm of possibility. And we should also do it now so that baby boomers
who have these good corporate plans they want to retire on are not
shocked with a big difference between what 1965 Medicare is and what
they have. They won't have to go through that if we have this
bipartisan plan that gives seniors an option of having a new and
improved and strengthened Medicare plan that is much closer to what
they have now in the world of work.
The baby boomers are going to start to retire in only 8 years. So a
new drug benefit could be incredibly expensive and could even put the
existing Medicare Program at risk. In light of these facts, the truth
is that we cannot afford an extravagant benefit. If we get to work and
get it done now, it is not going to be so expensive.
The other main component of the bill that I have already made some
reference to is a new, enhanced Medicare option, and it is not
something seniors have to take if they don't want to. If they want to
keep what they have right now, they can keep it, but if they want
something a little closer to what they have in the private sector, they
will have that available.
I talked about Medicare or a prescription drug program, but there is
a new and enhanced Medicare option that reflects 21st century health
care. The enhanced option removes all cost sharing on preventive
benefits. Just think. If somebody under the present Medicare has an
opportunity to take a prostate cancer test, and they have a 20-percent
copay, and they, say: ``I just cannot afford it,'' or ``I don't want to
pay that copay,'' you are going to discourage that person from taking
that test. And one out of three men might need an operation to catch it
ahead of time so that cancer hasn't spread. No copay. That is more apt
to be. That is an ounce of prevention worth a pound of cure. It brings
Medicare into the 21st century. It adds protection against devastating
costs due to serious illness. It features a single deductible of $300
and a rational cost sharing rather than the irrational cost sharing in
the existing fee-for-service system. It offers new, cheaper Medigap
options. And with the improved coverage, beneficiaries might decide
they don't need to buy Medigap at all.
This would create a tremendous savings for them and, potentially, for
Medicare. The enhanced options resemble what beneficiaries had when
they were still working, and they might decide to take it. But this is
all entirely voluntary. We don't say to a single senior citizen in
America that they have to do this. It is their choice. If they like
what they already have, what has been on the books since 1965, they can
have it.
The cost of our reform provisions--this new and improved and enhanced
Medicare--is only $30 billion over 10 years.
Now, the AARP held a news conference today. Everyone around here
knows that Senator Daschle's partisan approach cannot lead to 60 votes
and can only lead to deadlock. Failure is not acceptable to the people
of Iowa and it is not acceptable to me.
Let me comment on the substance of my bill, the 21st Century Medicare
Act. The drug benefit we offer is a voluntary benefit with affordable
premiums of $24 a month. Unlike some proposals, it will provide drugs
in a cost-effective manner, which is crucial. It will protect all
seniors with drug costs, with special protections for low-income
beneficiaries and those who incur very high costs. By law, at least two
plans will be available everywhere in America, including rural areas,
which is so important to me.
The Congressional Budget Office tells me that virtually all
beneficiaries will find this drug benefit a good deal and will elect to
take it. In fact, when you hear people demanding that ``Cadillac'' drug
coverage be added to Medicare, what that tells you is that person
doesn't really want legislation to pass. They just want an issue on
which to campaign.
I have been very surprised and somewhat disappointed at the recent
activity of the AARP on this issue. They ran ads this past weekend and
they held a news conference today supporting the bill that Senator
Daschle, we are told, plans to bring to the floor. In the same breath,
they say they want a drug benefit that is permanent. They should make
up their minds because Senator Daschle's bill is not permanent. That is
because making it permanent would reveal how unaffordable it is. It is
difficult to understand why they are sowing such confusion on the
issue. Do they believe we should sunset the Medicare Program as a
whole, as that bill does? I do not think we are going to sunset senior
citizens. When the prescription drug program ends in 2009 or 2010, do
they think the senior citizens of America are not going to need
prescription drugs the next day? I hope AARP's members will tell
Senator Daschle that is quite ludicrous, and they would be right.
Believe it or not, my bill--I should not say ``my bill'' because I
have never had the pleasure of working with so many politically
different people as Senator Hatch, Senator Snowe, Senator Breaux,
Senator Jeffords, and myself--I am different, too. Over the course of a
year, we had give and take by people with so many different political
philosophies, bringing us to where we are with this bill. So many times
along the way we thought everything would fall apart, but we would come
back together because people of good will working together can get
things done.
That same good will is on the Senate Finance Committee if we just
have an opportunity to work the will of the committee. But we have
produced a product--and I said I am embarrassed it was this Monday; it
could just as well have been May 1, but we just could not get the
Congressional Budget Office to score the bill. Maybe it is legitimate.
It is a whole new Government program. They had to take into
consideration putting people on board. I suppose CBO had to do a lot of
education of their own staff. All I can say is, it is here, and it is
not here too late.
Believe it or not, this bill is the only true bipartisan bill in all
of Washington, DC, to add a drug benefit to Medicare. If ever there was
an issue where true bipartisanship was needed, it is in this bill, it
is needed beyond the authors of this bill to the entire body, and we
can get something done this year rather than wait next year to spend
another $100 billion more with the costs rising.
In short, the bipartisan 21st Century Medicare Act is the reasonable,
pragmatic approach that can work even in an election year if Senator
Daschle wants us to do it.
I thank the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Dayton). The Senator from Nevada.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I will be brief. The Senator from Utah has
been waiting for some time. I am not going to talk long in this regard,
but I say to my friend from Iowa, for whom I have the deepest respect--
I consider him a friend and a fine Senator--that AARP supports Graham-
Miller because it is good legislation. I do not think anyone could ever
consider the AARP as some wild-like liberal group. They are very
careful with the legislation they sign on to.
I also say to my friend from Iowa, it is too bad we had not been able
to start debating his amendment and other amendments earlier. Every
time we bring a bill up, we have to fight to get it on the floor, but
we are going to continue to do that. As on the other bills I listed
earlier today which we had to fight to pass, we are going to work hard
on this bill. We are going to pass prescription drug legislation
because it is necessary we do that.
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