[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 81 (Tuesday, June 18, 2002)]
[House]
[Pages H3608-H3609]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FAST TRACK TRADE BILL
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Pence). Pursuant to the order of the
House of January 23, 2002, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Brown) is
recognized during morning hour debates for 5 minutes.
Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, the House will soon consider a motion
to go to conference on H.R. 3005, the fast track bill. Normally, the
process for beginning a conference is a noncontroversial pro forma
exercise, but attempts at passage of a special rule make clear that the
current process is anything but normal.
The presumptive chairman of the conference has made clear he does not
[[Page H3609]]
trust the conferees. He has a vision of how he wants the conference to
proceed, and he wants to eliminate any chance that things will not go
his way. The Republicans are employing an arcane, rarely-used procedure
that I do not believe I have seen in my 10 years in Congress, to stack
the deck against Democrats on the conference committee and to deny any
vote on a Democratic alternative on fast track trade legislation.
The Republicans are attempting to abuse the House process by adding
up to a dozen new items that the House has never had an opportunity
vote on, has had no hearings to discuss, nor has even considered. These
changes include gutting the other body's health care assistance for
workers suffering from our trade policies, creates a weaker version of
the other body's trade adjustment assistance, and it completely strikes
the Dayton-Craig provisions that are designed to ensure that Congress
has a role in protecting U.S. trade laws.
The rule goes well beyond normal procedures, completely unnecessary
to begin the fast track conference. The most offensive of the
Republican leadership's provisions will gut the worker health
protections added in the other body's bill.
Under TAA health provisions, workers would have access to an
advanceable and a refundable tax credit valued at 70 percent of their
health insurance premium; 70 percent. This tax credit could be used for
group coverage, continuation of COBRA coverage, State health insurance
purchasing plans, and other ways.
Group coverage offers several advantages to workers. It is cheaper,
its availability is much wider, and health insurance cannot be denied
due to preexisting conditions. Republicans, however, are expected to
offer a tax credit that can only be applied toward private nongroup
coverage.
Under the Republican approach, there is no guarantee that workers
will be able to even find health insurance, because it is in the
private market, let alone to afford it. In the private individual
market, there are no limits on premiums that can be charged for someone
who is sick, and insurers often exclude coverage of important services
and even exclude coverage sometimes of body parts. As a result, only
relatively healthy workers are likely to find affordable coverage,
which means other workers will be left without any coverage or will be
forced to pay the entire cost of whatever group coverage might be
available to them. Less healthy workers, who are unable to find
affordable, meaningful individual coverage will be forced to go without
coverage or pay the full COBRA premium.
Because relatively healthy workers will therefore leave the COBRA
pool, and relatively less healthy workers will remain in the COBRA
pool, employers' COBRA costs go up. Accordingly, employers will be
forced to either scale back benefits or drop coverage entirely.
The Republican approach, as it usually does, will create a windfall
for insurance companies and for HMOs. It will not protect workers,
again as the Republicans plan usually does not. It will not protect
workers or employers from huge health care costs. Under their proposed
rule, Democrats would have no chance to debate or amend any of these
provisions.
Not surprisingly, the Republicans are proceeding without any
consultation with Democrats on the Committee on Ways and Means. While
the majority may say that their TAA health benefit is the same as what
the other body passed, no one should be fooled. This will only hurt
American workers who have already been hurt by unfair trade policies.
I urge my colleagues to oppose any rule that may be on the floor
tomorrow and to oppose any rule that may jeopardize a bipartisan
conference committee on fast track.
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