[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 66 (Tuesday, May 21, 2002)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4651-S4654]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            NATO ENLARGEMENT

  Mr. VOINOVICH. Mr. President, Last week, May 14-15, Secretary of 
State Colin Powell joined foreign ministers from all 19 members of the 
NATO Alliance in Reykjavik, Iceland, where they began to lay the 
groundwork for the Summit of the NATO Alliance in Prague this November.
  As many of my colleagues are aware, three themes have emerged to fill 
the agenda in Prague: first, discussion of NATO's capabilities and the 
ability to respond to today's most urgent threats; second, the 
selection of new members; and third, the beginning of new relationships 
with Russia, Ukraine and other members of the international community.
  During the two-day ministerial meeting in Reykjavik, Secretary Powell 
and his NATO colleagues addressed each of these issues, beginning with 
the announcement of a new NATO-Russia Council. As the British foreign 
minister put it, we saw the end of the cold war--again.
  The agreement, which is to be finalized in Rome on May 28th, puts 
Russia and the 19 members of the NATO Alliance at the same table, as 
equal partners, to discuss a number of issues, including 
counterterrorism, military cooperation, nonproliferation and 
peacekeeping. While establishing new areas in which NATO and Russia 
will work together, the agreement makes certain that NATO will maintain 
complete control over enlargement and core military issues.
  This news is even more significant when coupled with the recent 
announcement that President Bush and Russian President Putin will sign 
a treaty to reduce their nuclear arsenals by nearly two-thirds when 
they meet in Moscow later this month. As Secretary Powell remarked in 
Reykjavik, our relationship with Russia seems to be on sound footing as 
we look toward the 21st century. It is my hope that conversations 
continue to be productive, and I look forward to further discussion 
about the implementation of these two agreements. However, I remain a 
little bit skeptical that this will substantially change our 
relationship with Russia.
  In addition to discussion about NATO's relationship with Russia, the 
ministerial meeting highlighted the urgent need to address the widening 
gap in military capabilities between the United States and our NATO 
allies. As Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Marc Grossman 
remarked in testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 
May 1, ``The growing capabilities gap between Europe and the United 
States is the most serious long-term problem facing NATO, and must be 
addressed.''
  This message is not new to members of the Alliance. We've talked 
about it before. NATO developed the Defense Capabilities Initiative, 
DCI, at the Washington Summit in 1999 to begin to address deficiencies 
in technology and military equipment. But there has been little 
progress, and as the events of September 11th have made all too clear, 
the Alliance must have the ability to respond in times of crisis.
  While the United States and our NATO allies have begun to identify 
new threats in Europe and beyond, as Secretary Grossman remarked, 
``There has to be lots more done at NATO to meet them.''
  The United States has identified shortfalls in four key areas of 
NATO's military capabilities, which Under Secretary of Defense for 
Policy Doug Feith outlined in Senate testimony earlier this month. 
These include: first, nuclear, biological and chemical defenses

[[Page S4652]]

to protect allied troops and territory; next, the capability to 
transport troops to the battlefield--in short, we need the right 
aircraft to get our troops where they need to be; third, communication 
and information systems to allow allied countries to work together 
effectively; and finally, modern weapons systems, such as precision-
guided munitions and capabilities to suppress enemy air defense.
  In a NATO Communique released on May 14th, the NATO foreign ministers 
recognized the need to take steps to improve military capabilities. 
They note that ``To carry out the full range of its missions, NATO must 
be able to field forces that can move quickly to wherever they are 
needed, sustain operations over distance and time, and achieve their 
objectives.'' In order to fulfill these objectives, they further note 
that ``This will require the development of new and balanced 
capabilities within the Alliance, including strategic lift and modern 
strike capabilities, so that NATO can more effectively respond 
collectively to any threat of aggression against a member state.''
  While this statement is important, I am hopeful that these words will 
be followed by action and the financial commitments necessary to make 
this vision a reality. The United States has acted to increase its 
investment in defense. And as Secretary Powell remarked to reporters 
last week, ``We think that all of our colleagues in NATO should be 
doing likewise.''
  The United States will spend more than 3.5 percent of its GDP on 
defense in Fiscal Year 2002. While we ask NATO aspirant countries to 
spend 2 percent of their GDP on defense, nearly half of NATO's current 
members do not meet this benchmark. Though we sought to address this 
issue with the Defense Capabilities Initiative in 1999, defense 
spending in many countries has actually decreased since that time. If 
NATO is going to stay relevant, members of the Alliance must do better 
with their defense budgets. At the NATO Parliamentary Assembly meeting 
in Sofia, Bulgaria next week, I will be asking them why they have not 
kept commitments on their defense spending.
  NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson underscored the importance of 
making substantial contributions to military capabilities during the 
meeting in Reykjavik, saying the Alliance must change if it is to be 
effective. Further, he was clear in his message: NATO must ``modernize 
or be marginalized.''
  Without the ability to communicate and work together in the field, 
NATO cannot be effective. And without the fundamental ability to get 
forces to the frontline to provide for the defense of NATO interests 
when the time comes, NATO cannot fulfill its basic mission of 
collective security. I look forward to continued discussion on this 
issue in the months leading to Prague, and I am hopeful that as NATO 
defense ministers and heads of state discuss viable options for closing 
the capabilities gap, they come prepared to make financial commitments 
to finally get the job done.
  In addition to driving home the need for improved military 
capabilities, the events of 9/11 and the U.S.-led military campaign in 
Afghanistan have raised serious questions about NATO's ability to 
respond to terrorist threats, which may likely originate outside of the 
Alliance's traditional area of operations. This has already generated 
much debate, and I believe this will be an important item on the agenda 
in Prague. It will also be important in Bulgaria. I am hopeful there 
will be productive dialogue as NATO considers action in this realm in 
the future.
  Finally, in addition to new capabilities and new relationships, the 
question of new members will be on the forefront of the agenda this 
fall. This is a big deal.
  I have been a proponent of enlargement of the NATO Alliance to 
include Europe's new democracies for many years, and I look forward to 
a robust round of enlargement in Prague.
  In March, I spoke to a gathering of individuals with ties to every 
country aspiring to join the NATO Alliance, including: Albania, 
Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia, and 
Slovenia, as well as Croatia. They came together to promote the merits 
of enlargement as a single, unified group--working together to deliver 
the message that NATO expansion is in the strategic interest of the 
United States, Europe, and the broader international community of 
democracies.
  As the meeting concluded, the delegation passed a resolution in 
support of enlargement, reaffirming the importance of NATO to the 
security and stability of Europe.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the Joint 
Statement prepared at that meeting be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the statement was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

  Joint Statement of the Representatives of Ethnic Communities on the 
Enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Washington, DC, 
                             March 16, 2002

       1. We, the Representatives of the American ethnic 
     communities of the Albanian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, 
     Estonian, Hungarian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Macedonian, Polish, 
     Romanian, Slovak and Slovenian descent, have gathered in 
     Washington, D.C. to endorse the vision of a Europe whole and 
     free as presented by President George W. Bush on June 15, 
     2001 and by former president William J. Clinton on October 
     22, 1996.
       2. We believe that NATO is the backbone of the 
     transatlantic community and has been an effective bulwark in 
     the defense of freedom, democracy and human rights. We 
     further believe that a strong involvement of the United 
     States in Europe serves the vital interest of the United 
     States.
       3. We thank the United States House of Representatives for 
     overwhelmingly passing the Freedom Consolidation Act of 2001 
     and we urge its expeditious passage by the United States 
     Senate.
       4. We believe that the accession of the Czech Republic, 
     Hungary and Poland to NATO has contributed to transatlantic 
     security and strengthened and expanded the zone of peace, 
     stability, democracy and cooperation in Europe.
       5. We share President Bush's belief that ``All of Europe's 
     new democracies, from the Baltic to the Black Sea and all 
     that lie between, should have the same chance for security 
     and freedom--and the same chance to join the institutions of 
     Europe--as Europe's old democracies have.'' Furthermore, we 
     believe that the almost 55 million people who live in 
     Europe's aspirant nations should contribute to and share in 
     the benefits of the family of European nations.
       6. We commend Europe's new democracies for their progress 
     in solidifying democracy, establishing market economies and 
     building strong and just civil societies. We believe that the 
     invitation to join NATO will be a major achievement in the 
     struggle for freedom. In this regard, we honor all who have 
     suffered in this cause and we thank the United States for its 
     abiding support.
       7. We recognize the significant progress that has been made 
     by Europe's new democracies in their preparation to shoulder 
     the responsibilities that membership in NATO requires.
       8. We commend Europe's new democracies for their solidarity 
     with the American people after the terrorist attacks of 
     September 11, 2001 and for their willingness to act as de 
     facto allies of the United States and NATO. We recognize the 
     contributions of Europe's new democracies for opening their 
     air and land facilities to the United States and NATO and for 
     sharing their resources in promoting global security and in 
     the fight against terrorism.
       9. We applaud Europe's new democracies for their commitment 
     to cooperation which was initiated in Vilnius, Lithuania in 
     May, 2000.
       10. We urge Europe's new democracies to accelerate needed 
     reforms to enable their invitations to join NATO at the 
     Prague Summit. We also understand that this continued 
     commitment to shared values is an essential component of such 
     membership.
       11. We express our thanks to the Czech Republic, Hungary 
     and Poland for their support of the Vilnius process, to 
     Denmark and Norway for their work in the security of the 
     Baltics and to Greece and turkey for their support of their 
     closest neighbor nations.
       12. We commit ourselves to support and promote the 
     fulfillment of the vision of a Europe whole and free and 
     respectfully urge the President of the United States and the 
     United States Senate to support invitations to all aspirant 
     nations who have demonstrated their preparedness for 
     admission to NATO.

  Mr. VOINOVICH. In the resolution, they note: ``We believe that NATO 
is the backbone of the transatlantic community and has been an 
effective bulwark in the defense of freedom, democracy and human 
rights. We further believe that a strong involvement of the United 
States in Europe serves the vital interest of the United States.''
  I strongly support that message, and I share the sentiments expressed 
by President Bush in remarks he delivered in Poland last June, when he 
said that as the NATO Summit in Prague approaches, ``We should not 
calculate how little we can get away with, but

[[Page S4653]]

how much we can do to advance the cause of freedom.''
  During the cold war, as a public official in the State of Ohio, I 
remained a strong supporter of the captive nations, who were for so 
many years denied the right of self-determination by the former Soviet 
Union.
  When I was mayor of Cleveland during the 1980s, we celebrated the 
independence days of the captive nations at city hall--flying their 
flags, singing their songs and praying that one day the people in those 
countries would know freedom.
  In August 1991, as communism's grip loosened, I wrote a letter to 
then-President George H.W. Bush urging him to recognize the 
independence of the Baltic nations. Now, these countries are among 
those being considered for membership in the NATO alliance.
  Last May, I had the opportunity to visit Estonia, Latvia and 
Lithuania as part of a Senate delegation traveling to the meeting of 
the NATO parliamentary assembly, and I--along with my colleagues--was 
very impressed with what I saw.
  Our observations were confirmed when many of us visited with General 
Ralston. He spoke very eloquently about what he has seen in the Baltic 
nations--with heavy emphasis on their communication systems. He spoke 
about BALTnet, and said the communication system in place in the Balts 
is as good as any system within NATO. So is the network in Slovenia 
they are ready to plug into NATO immediately.
  As I stood with my colleagues in the streets of Lithuania--surrounded 
by thousands of Lithuanian citizens all rallying in support of NATO 
enlargement--I remembered the celebrations we had in Cleveland years 
earlier, when Lithuania was still part of the Soviet empire. It was a 
remarkable feeling for me to stand in a free Lithuania, and to talk 
about making the country part of the NATO alliance.
  After I returned to the United States, I sent a letter to President 
Bush conveying my impressions of some of the work done in those 
countries. I encouraged him to guarantee the freedom of those once 
subjected to life under Communism by making clear his strong support 
for NATO enlargement.
  I was pleased when the President outlined his vision for NATO 
enlargement in Warsaw last summer, noting that ``All of Europe's new 
democracies, from the Baltic to the Black Sea and all that lie between, 
should have the same chance for security and freedom--and the same 
chance to join the institutions of Europe--as Europe's old democracies 
have.''
  During my time in the Senate, I have been privileged to travel to a 
number of other NATO aspirant countries--Macedonia and Albania during 
the war in Kosovo in 1999, and Slovenia, Romania, and Croatia in 2000. 
I will visit Bulgaria over the Memorial Day recess to take part in the 
meeting of the NATO parliamentary assembly, and I also hope to visit 
Slovenia and Slovakia--the only country on the list that I have yet to 
visit--later this month.
  As we approach the Prague summit in November, the NATO alliance finds 
itself at pivotal point in world history.
  More than a decade ago, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse 
of the Soviet empire marked a moment of profound change for millions of 
people in Europe and the world at large. It was clear that the global 
political scene was changed forever.
  As we look toward Prague, it is evident that the world is again a 
changed place. We face new challenges, and we must rise to meet them.
  It is clear that the events of September 11 have given all of us a 
new focus. They have opened our eyes to issues that must not be 
ignored. I am grateful for the support that the United States has 
received from our NATO allies and those countries aspiring to join the 
alliance. This assistance is critical for the international community 
to be successful in carrying out a comprehensive campaign to fight 
terrorism, and it is important that these collaborative efforts 
continue.
  NATO's decision to invoke article V--signifying that an attack on one 
was an attack on all--sent a strong message of solidarity to the people 
of the United States, and the world at large. The world is different 
not just for us in America, but for all of Western civilization. NATO 
has begun to examine the role the alliance will play in efforts to 
protect the world against threats associated with terrorism and weapons 
of mass destruction.
  Without a doubt, the events of September 11 dramatically impacted the 
conversations that took place in Iceland last week, and they will 
certainly influence the agenda in Prague this November. As the United 
States and other members of NATO consider enlargement of the alliance 
in the six months leading to Prague, it is within the broader context 
of a changed world post-9-11.
  I believe this debate is still very relevant. In fact, as some have 
said, discussion about NATO enlargement is perhaps more important now 
than ever before.
  I strongly agree with remarks made by Under Secretary of State 
Grossman in testimony before the Foreign Relations Committee earlier 
this month. While acknowledging that some people have argued that after 
September 11, expansion of the alliance should not remain a priority, 
Secretary Grossman said he does not agree.
  He remarked, ``I believe that enlargement should remain a priority . 
. . The events of September 11th show us that the more allies we have, 
the better off we're going to be; the more allies we have to prosecute 
the war on terrorism, the better off we're going to be. And if we're 
going to meet these new threats to our security, we need to build the 
broadest and strongest coalition possible of countries that share our 
values and are able to act effectively with us. With freedom under 
attack, we must demonstrate our resolve to do as much as we can to 
advance our cause.''
  While NATO is a collective security organization, formed to defend 
freedom and democracy in Europe, we cannot forget that common values 
form the foundation of the alliance.
  When we consider enlargement to include Europe's new democracies, we 
must answer a central question: how would each country contribute to 
the collective security of the NATO alliance? When we answer that 
question, our response should certainly factor in the military 
attributes of each aspirant country, which continue to be evaluated by 
U.S. and NATO military officials. At the same time, as NATO evaluates 
its needs for the future, we should take into consideration other ways 
in which aspirant countries can contribute to the collective defense of 
Europe.
  Since September 11, the United States and NATO have called on members 
of the international community to provide critical assistance in a 
number of areas outside of the traditional military realm. While these 
do not outweigh the need for improved defense capabilities, such as 
strategic airlift capabilities and improved communication systems, they 
are nonetheless critical to thwarting future terrorist attacks.
  Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage outlined a number of these 
areas in remarks to leaders of the NATO aspirant countries at the V-10 
summit in Bucharest, Romania 2 months ago. Secretary Armitage said, 
``The threats we now face have changed the way we think about defending 
ourselves and broadened the scope of possible contributions to the 
common defense. Forces in the field remain indispensable, but other 
contributions are just as important. Law enforcement, intelligence 
sharing, controlling the flow of terrorist financing are essential 
weapons in responding to today's threats.''
  We have seen the benefit of these contributions as the international 
community continues to engage in a global campaign against terrorism. 
The nine NATO aspirant countries, as well as Croatia, have reached out 
to the United States in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks.
  They have pledged their solidarity, volunteered their resources, and 
shared intelligence information with the United States and NATO. They 
have decided to act not as aspirants, but as allies, and their support 
is highly important.
  As significant as this cooperation has been, the work is not done. It 
is critical that countries aspiring to join the alliance continue their 
efforts to make progress in areas outlined in the membership action 
plan--developing free market economies, promoting democracy and the 
rule of law, respecting the

[[Page S4654]]

rights of minorities, and implementing military reforms. These values 
are the hallmark of the NATO alliance, and they must not be neglected.
  Secretary Armitage underscored this point to NATO aspirant countries 
at the V-10 summit in Bucharest. He reaffirmed President Bush's 
commitment to enlargement, which the President made clear in his 
remarks in Warsaw, Poland last June. Secretary Armitage called on the 
aspirant countries to continue their work, saying, ``We believe that 
the conditions are better than ever to pursue a robust enlargement. Now 
it's up to you. You have worked hard on your Membership Action Plans . 
. . You have pursued political and economic reform programs; and you 
have continued to restructure your militaries. These efforts must 
continue.''
  I was pleased when NATO foreign ministers again confirmed their 
belief in the importance of NATO enlargement at the ministerial meeting 
last week, noting ``At their Prague Summit in November this year, our 
Heads of State and Government will launch the next round of NATO 
enlargement. This will confirm the Alliance's commitment to remain open 
to new members, and enhance security in the Euro-Atlantic area.''
  As the U.S. Government has done, NATO foreign ministers called on 
aspirant countries to continue their work to join the alliance not only 
in the upcoming months, but in the years beyond November's summit.
  As we approach the Prague Summit, I look forward to continued 
discussion about the key issues facing the NATO Alliance. I am pleased 
that the Secretary of State's visit to Reykjavik was productive, 
providing a solid foundation for the ambitious agenda to be tackled in 
Prague. I am confident that our visit to Bulgaria for the meeting of 
the NATO parliamentary assembly will also serve as a forum to further 
discussion on the subjects of new capabilities, new members and new 
relationships.
  I am pleased that the Senate voted overwhelmingly in favor of the 
Freedom Consolidation Act last week, which passed by a vote of 85 to 6. 
This bill puts the Senate on record in support of enlargement of the 
alliance in Prague, expressing the belief that NATO should remain open 
to Europe's new democracies able to accept the responsibilities that 
come with membership.
  At the same time, as I expressed last week and many of my colleagues 
made clear during Senate debate of the measure, this does not guarantee 
Senate support for the extension of invitations to all nine candidate 
countries in Prague. There is still work to be done, and NATO aspirants 
should continue to make progress on their membership Action Plans in 
the months leading to Prague.
  As a member of Congress who has long been involved with Euro-Atlantic 
issues, I understand the importance of NATO expansion to strengthening 
security and stability in Europe. I supported enlargement of the 
alliance in 1997; I will again support enlargement at Prague. And I 
believe NATO should be open to further expansion in the future.
  It is clear that the selection of new members this year will take 
place in a world vastly different than it was during the last round of 
enlargement; nonetheless, we should continue to explore questions on 
enlargement as NATO moves forward to strengthen its ability to provide 
for the collective defense of Europe in the post September 11th 
security environment.
  I strongly believe that supporting NATO expansion demonstrates our 
country's commitment to freedom, democracy and peace, and I will 
continue to promote expansion of the Alliance to include Europe's new 
democracies which demonstrate the ability to handle the responsibility 
of NATO membership.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senator from 
Oklahoma is recognized.

                          ____________________