[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 59 (Friday, May 10, 2002)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E771-E772]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


[[Page E771]]
 ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR GEZA JESZENSZKY ON THE 150TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE 
     VISIT TO AMERICA BY HUNGARIAN DEMOCRATIC LEADER LAJOS KOSSUTH

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. TOM LANTOS

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                         Thursday, May 9, 2002

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, a few weeks ago the Hungarian embassy, along 
with the American Hungarian Federation of Metropolitan Washington, 
D.C., and the Hungarian Reformed Federation of America, organized a 
meeting to honor Lajos Kossuth, the influential Hungarian statesman and 
an advocate for democratic ideals in Hungary in the middle of the 
nineteenth century.
  The event commemorated Kossuth's celebrated visit to America 150 
years ago. Following an invitation from the President of the United 
States, Kossuth arrived in New York City on December 5, 1851, marking 
the beginning of a six-month tour of the country.
  During his time here, Kossuth gave several hundred speeches 
throughout the United States, including separate addresses in both 
houses of Congress. Kossuth received praise by many notable American 
political leaders and intellectuals, including William Lloyd Garrison, 
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Horace Greeley, and 
Abraham Lincoln. In response to Kossuth's visit, approximately 250 
poems, dozens of books, hundreds of pamphlets, and thousands of 
editorials were written about him.
  Mr. Speaker, since I was born in Hungary, the legacy of Lajos Kossuth 
holds a special place in my heart. But by no means are the ideals and 
values of this noble man limited to a specific country. He devoted his 
life to fight for and defend democracy, freedom, and human liberties. 
Kossuth has been named, alongside George Washington, as a symbol of 
``universal human values.'' I do not hesitate to echo this sentiment 
and encourage all of us to learn more about Kossuth and the causes he 
held dear.
  In that vein, I would like to share with my colleagues the excellent 
speech given by the Hungarian Ambassador to the United States Geza 
Jeszenszky at the event to honor Kossuth. Jeszensky's speech, entitled, 
``150 Years of Influence of Louis Kossuth, Governor-President of 
Hungary,'' gives an excellent overview of Kossuth's visit to the United 
States and its lasting influence on America. I would like to share his 
remarks with my colleagues, and request that they be placed in the 
Record.

 150 Years of Influence of Louis Kossuth, Governor-President of Hungary

                    (By Ambassador Geza Jeszenszky)

       Congressman Lantos, Mrs. Lantos, Your Excellency Ambassador 
     Poptodorova, distinguished other members of the Diplomatic 
     Corps, Leaders of the American Hungarian community, Ladies 
     and Gentlemen, dear Friends:
       Senator Seward of New York described Kossuth in the U.S. 
     Senate on Dec. 8, 1851 as ``a personage whose name and fame 
     at this time fills the eye and ear of the world.''
       Hungary had many great statesmen and other luminaries in 
     her checkered history, but Kossuth stands out among them. 
     Like George Washington, he was regarded as the father of the 
     nation already in his lifetime. He was the first Hungarian 
     political leader to make it into world history, on his visits 
     he was admired and welcomed in England, France, the U.S. and 
     in Italy by enthusiastic crowds. At least 100,000 turned out 
     to great him in New York City on Broadway. He was a star 
     matched by few politicians.
       Kossuth is considered as one of the great orators of all 
     times. He could capture his audience in Hungarian, German, 
     Latin and English, too. He also knew a lot about the history 
     and constitution of America. As the editor of the first 
     popular daily newspaper in Hungary he established the 
     reputation of the U.S. as a most successful country and a 
     political model.
       The democratic revolution in 1848, inspired and led by 
     Kossuth, transformed Hungary from a neglected and oppressed 
     province of the Habsburgs into a modern constitutional and 
     independent state. The armed attack on it by the Habsburg 
     Army led to a War of Independence, and it was followed with 
     keen interest by millions in Europe and America. Following a 
     series of spectacular victories in the spring the Hungarian 
     Parliament elected Kossuth Governor-President on April 14, 
     1849. The U.S. sent an envoy, Mr. Dudley Mann, with the 
     intention of recognizing Hungary's independence. That was 
     forestalled by the Russian intervention--for the first, but 
     not for the last time! President Zachary Taylor was an 
     enthusiastic supporter of the cause of Hungary--his reports 
     and instructions to the Senate at the end of 1849 testify 
     that.
       The bloody reprisals following the surrender of the 
     Hungarian Army in August 1849 even increased the sympathy 
     worldwide--this is another painful parallel with 1956.
       There were a number of prominent members of the U.S. 
     Congress who took a very strong interest in Hungary in those 
     days, most notably Senator Cass of Michigan (who in early 
     1850 moved to break diplomatic relations with Austria), and 
     Senator Webster of Massachusetts. There was even a move in 
     the House of Representatives to censure the President and the 
     Secretary of State for failing to recognize the independence 
     of Hungary in due time.
       The death of President Taylor was a blow to the Hungarians 
     as well. His successor, President Fillmore was more reserved, 
     but his Secretary of State became Webster, an admirer of 
     Kossuth. In Spring 1851 Senator Foot of Mississippi moved to 
     send a warship for Kossuth to bring him over to the States 
     from his exile in Turkey. The Senate concurred, and the 
     frigate Mississippi was dispatched.
       Kossuth arrived in New York on December 4, 1851. He was 
     welcomed by huge crowds, both there and subsequently in 
     Philadelphia and Baltimore. The exiled Head of State came to 
     the United States with far higher aims than raising money for 
     the continuation of the Hungarian War of Independence. While 
     he fully understood why the Founding Fathers of the Republic 
     warned against entangling alliances, he hoped to bring about 
     a fundamental change in U.S. foreign policy: to convince the 
     country that the time came for taking an active role in 
     international affairs, commensurate with its strength, and to 
     make Americans realize the interdependence of Europe and the 
     U.S., that the Atlantic was no longer a barrier but rather a 
     link, that freedom and democracy in Europe was also a vital 
     interest for the American Republic, and, finally, that the 
     two English-speaking countries must be allied so that they 
     could jointly prevent tyrannical, authoritarian countries 
     like Russia from suppressing the striving of subject nations 
     for freedom.
       The effort to bring about a fundamental change in U.S. 
     foreign policy, to abandon neutrality and isolationism was 
     bound to fail in 1852--but wasn't Kossuth's only a premature 
     but sound idea? Sixty-six years later, in 1917, the U.S. 
     acted along such lines, and ninety years later the Atlantic 
     Charter came to embody the principles first advocated by the 
     Hungarian leader.
       While Kossuth's first speeches in New York were received 
     most warmly by crowded audiences, they cooled the enthusiasm 
     of quite a few in Congress. On Dec. 2, 1851 the President 
     expressed his wish that Congress should decide on how to 
     receive the Hungarian statesman. A heated debate started on 
     the following day. Foote's move for an official reception was 
     opposed by Southern Democrats and by radical free-soilers, 
     who saw a contradiction between welcoming a foreign freedom-
     fighter while denying freedom to slaves. Conservatives 
     denounced Kossuth as a revolutionary. The debate ran for 
     eight days! Charles Sumner of Massachusetts called Kossuth 
     ``a living Washington,'' while Senator Seward of New York 
     gave a moving testimony of his significance, as follows: 
     ``Mr. President, in the course of human events, we see the 
     nations of Europe struggling to throw off the despotic 
     systems of government, and attempting to establish a 
     government based upon the principles of republicanism or of 
     constitutional monarchy. Whenever such efforts are made, it 
     invariably happens that the existing despotisms of Europe 
     endeavor to suppress the high and holy endeavor, and to 
     subdue the people by whom it is made. The consequence is that 
     despotism has one common cause; and it results that the cause 
     of civil and constitutional liberty has, in all countries, 
     become one common cause--the common cause of mankind against 
     despotism. Now, whatever nation leads the way at any time--at 
     any crisis--in this contest for civil liberty, it becomes, as 
     we perceive, the representative of all the nations of the 
     earth. We once occupied that noble and interesting position, 
     and we engaged the sympathies of civilized men throughout the 
     world. No one can deny that now, or recently, Hungary took 
     that position. We had a messenger on the spot ready to 
     acknowledge her independence; and this our own proceeding 
     show that we, in common with the friends of civil liberty 
     elsewhere, hailed Hungary as such a representative of the 
     nations of the earth.''
       Senator Cass said that while denouncing Russia's 
     intervention was morally imperative, it did not mean that the 
     U.S. would send a fleet to European waters. Stephen Douglas 
     called attention to the fact that Kossuth challenged European 
     absolutism, the antipode of the basic principles the U.S. had 
     been built upon and that he was a representative of world 
     freedom. (Today we might use the expression ``a world whole 
     and free.'') Finally on Dec. 12 the Senate adopted Seward's 
     motion with Shield's (Ill.) modification: Kossuth was to be 
     received exactly like Lafayette had been. There was 36 vote 
     for that and 6--from the South--against. The House of 
     Representatives concurred on Dec. 15: 181 for and 16 against, 
     with Rep. Smith from Alabama saying that if Kossuth continued 
     to agitate against friendly Austria he should be arrested! 
     All that shows that while the country came under the spell of 
     the Hungarian leader, Congress overwhelmingly concurring, 
     sectional interests and ideological concerns acted as a brake 
     even in what was hardly more than a symbolic gesture.
       Kossuth's train arrived in Washington on Dec. 30. He was 
     received by Senators Shield and Seward. Secretary Webster 
     immediately visited him in his hotel, followed by the mayor 
     and a large number of politicians and various associations, 
     delegations. The House was still debating about the details 
     of his reception. On the next day, Dec. 31, Kossuth

[[Page E772]]

     called upon President Fillmore. In a masterly speech he 
     presented the case of Hungary, calling for help. The 
     President expected only a courtesy call, so in his answer he 
     told that he personally sympathized with Hungarian 
     independence, but the policy of the Union would not abandon 
     the traditions. This should not have been a surprise, but 
     nevertheless it was a cold shower for Kossuth.
       On Jan. 7 Cass, Shields and Seward presented him to the 
     Senate, and on the same day the House appointed three members 
     to show him to the House. Kossuth's answer to the welcoming 
     words of the Speaker was brief but telling. ``It is a 
     remarkable fact in the history of mankind, that while, 
     through all the past, honors were bestowed upon glory, and 
     glory was attached only to success, the legislative 
     authorities of this great republic bestow the highest honors 
     upon a persecuted exile, not conspicuous by glory, not 
     favored by success, but engaged in a just cause.
       There is a triumph of republican principles in this fact. 
     Sir, in my own and my country's name, I thank the House of 
     Representatives of the United States for the honor of this 
     cordial welcome.''
       On that evening a banquet was given by both Houses in 
     Kossuth's honor, with 250 attending, including Webster and 
     two other members of the cabinet. Kossuth gave a non-
     controversial speech: ``Happy is your great country, Sir, for 
     being so warmly attached to that great principle of self-
     government. Upon this foundation your fathers raised a home 
     for freedom more glorious than the world has ever seen. Happy 
     is your great country, Sir, that it was selected by the 
     blessing of the Lord to prove the glorious practicability of 
     a federative union of many sovereign states, all preserving 
     their state-rights and their self-government, and yet united 
     in one. Every star beaming with its own lustre, but 
     altogether one constellation on mankind's canopy.''
       Despite a few dissenting voices Kossuth's reception in 
     Congress was exceptional in both form and substance. Since 
     the political aims of the Hungarian leader could not be met 
     by the legislature, he took his message to the country, 
     embarking on a tour that took him as far as St. Louis in the 
     West, New Orleans in the South and Boston in the North. There 
     were moving outpourings of sympathy, and occasionally even 
     the idea of intervention was endorsed. Much of the financial 
     contributions were, however, spent by the local hosts on 
     lavish hospitality--to the grief of Governor Kossuth.
       In an epilogue added to the reprinted version of a volume 
     of Kossuth's speeches published in 1852 Professor Bela Vardy 
     reminds us: ``Millions of Americans came under his spell . . 
     . dozens of books, hundreds of pamphlets, and thousands of 
     articles and essays, as well as nearly two hundred poems were 
     written to him or about him.'' The names of Emerson, 
     Longfellow, Horace Greeley, James Russel Lowell, Harriet 
     Beecher Stowe stand out among those authors. But undoubtedly 
     the greatest person who was inspired by the exiled Hungarian 
     leader was Abraham Lincoln. On January 9, 1852, Lincoln said 
     in the legislature of Illinois: ``We recognize in Governor 
     Kossuth of Hungary the most worthy and distinguished 
     representative of the cause of civil and religious liberty on 
     the continent of Europe.''
       Perhaps the most memorable speech of Kossuth was delivered 
     in Columbus, Ohio, to the legislature on February 7: ``Almost 
     every century has had one predominant idea which imparted a 
     common direction to the activity of nations. This predominant 
     idea is the spirit of the age, invisible yet omnipresent, 
     impregnable, all-pervading, scorned, abused, opposed yet 
     omnipotent. The spirit of our age is Democracy. All for the 
     people and all by the people. Nothing about the people 
     without the people. That is democracy, and that is the ruling 
     tendency of the spirit of our age.'' It is quite probable 
     that these words were remembered by Lincoln, as the 
     Gettysburg Address echoes Kossuth's definition of democracy.
       The influence of Kossuth in the U.S. did not come to an end 
     with his departure in July 1852. His contemporaries, the 
     crowds and also the politicians remembered him for a long 
     time. Many children were named after him. Generations of 
     Americans grew up associating Hungary with Kossuth and 
     liberty. Both Theodore and Franklin Delano Roosevelt showed a 
     remarkable knowledge of and sympathy to Hungary, most 
     probably going back to 1848 and Kossuth's memory.
       In the late 19th and early 20th century hundreds of 
     thousands of poor Hungarians arrived in the U.S. in search of 
     employment and a better life. Most of them stayed here. For 
     these downtrodden immigrant ``Hunkies'' Kossuth represented a 
     hero, known and respected by their new country, no wonder 
     that they named streets and buildings after him and erected 
     statues to him, in Cleveland, New York, Pittsburgh and 
     elsewhere. In World War II, the warship ``U.S.S. Kossuth'' 
     was built on the donations of Hungarian-Americans.
       The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 showed that Kossuth's 
     spirit remained a force inspiring the people of Hungary. The 
     symbol of the Revolution was the coat-of-arms used by 
     Kossuth. The new fight of the Hungarians for freedom re-
     awakened sympathy throughout the U.S. Following its 
     suppression, against by Russian arms, tens of Hungarian 
     refugees were admitted and welcomed by America. Soon a stamp 
     of Kossuth was issued in the ``Champions of Liberty'' series. 
     Thirty-three years later the end of communism and Hungary's 
     role in it was the realization of Kossuth's dreams of an 
     independent and democratic country. Today Hungary is trying 
     to live up to the high standards set by its great son.
       In 1990, in the middle of another, now bloodless, Hungarian 
     revolution, on the initiative of Congressman and Mrs. Annette 
     Lantos, a bust was unveiled in the Capitol in a moving 
     ceremony in the Rotunda. And now, 150 years after the visit 
     of Governor-President Kossuth dozens of commemorations are 
     held in the U.S. reminding the present generation of those 
     stirring times. I am extremely grateful to the American 
     people for having preserved the memory of our great leader 
     and for giving me this unique opportunity to speak in this 
     magnificent institution, recalling when Kossuth and Hungary 
     filled the pages of the Congressional Record.

     

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