[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 53 (Thursday, May 2, 2002)]
[House]
[Pages H2095-H2098]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SUDAN
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 3, 2001, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) is
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, it is appropriate on this national day of
prayer that we recognize the great gifts that we have been given and
the great land in which we live and we give thanks for it. It is also,
I think, important for us to think about some places in the world that
desperately need our prayers and our help, in a variety of ways, but
certainly our prayers. It is appropriate that today we think about a
place far away, quite remote, someplace that does not come to mind very
often but should because of the horrendous conditions in which people
are forced to live. The place I refer to today is Sudan.
We have often seen pictures like these. They are often presented on
television as the basis of appeals for aid or for charity for people
who are certainly less well off than we and who are in dire straits.
The horrendous thing here in the Sudan is that these people, people of
southern Sudan specifically, are suffering not just because of the
vagaries of the weather and the difficulty with the terrain in that
area of the country, the arid part of the nation in which many live.
They are not really, in fact, dealing with that as their major problem.
They are, in fact, starving to death, it is true. They are dying of
diseases by the thousands. To date, 2 million have died over the course
of the last 10 years as a result of a civil war that has been going on
there. That war is really what has caused the great damage to the
people and to the land and to the lives of literally millions upon
millions of southern Sudanese.
So today I want to refocus the attention of this House on the plight
of these people. We have in the past acted in this body and passed
something called The Sudan Peace Act. It languishes in the Senate, as
do other pieces of legislation. This one no one seems to care about. It
does not have the high visibility, of course, of so many of the other
things we do around here, and so no one seems to care. I hope today to
bring to the attention of this body and to the people in this country
the plight of these people in south Sudan and to once again help us
focus on what we can do to help and why we should help.
To aid in that endeavor, I will turn to my colleague, a member of the
Committee on the Judiciary, the distinguished gentleman from Indiana
(Mr. Pence), who has graciously agreed to come down here and discuss
this issue. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman with a gentle heart
from Colorado for yielding and giving me the honor of coming alongside
and joining him in his effort to bring a forgotten part of the world
before the American people.
Without flattering the gentleman, it would be important to state for
the record that his efforts and the efforts of our colleague and friend
Senator Sam Brownback have almost singularly awakened the conscience of
the people of the United States of America about the plight and the
humanitarian crisis and the moral bankruptcy of the government of
Sudan.
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A few points before I yield back to my better in this. Those that are
with us, Mr. Speaker, should understand there is simply a humanitarian
crisis in Sudan that requires a response by the United States. There is
a government of Sudan that simply cannot in demonstrable ways be
trusted in these efforts and should not be coddled even in the name of
advancing our interest in the war on terrorism.
On the humanitarian crisis, as the gentleman from Colorado said, Mr.
Speaker, 2 million Sudanese people have died of war-related injuries in
recent years, including disease and starvation. We Americans still
grieve the mindless loss of some 6,000 lives on September 11, yet 2
million people have been lost both to the violence of war and the
devastation of its aftermath, with another 4 million Sudanese being
displaced.
The government of Sudan uses a divide-and-destroy strategy to pit
southern ethnic groups one against another. They actually have attacked
civilian food production and supplies using starvation as a weapon of
destruction in their war. And the government of Sudan conducts regular
slave raids on villages in the south, preying most especially on the
Christian population in south Sudan.
It is also well documented that the government of Sudan uses oil
revenues to support its oppression of the southern Sudanese, this
according to the Committee on Conscience at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial
Museum.
In an alarming scenario, Sudanese government helicopter gunships
recently bombed a world food program site in the western Upper Nile,
killing 17 civilians. A government that bombs food production
facilities is a morally bankrupt government with which the United
States cannot deal.
And if we needed more evidence, Mr. Speaker, a mid-level al Qaeda
official was recently captured in Sudan and, of course, Osama bin Laden
has in recent years taken refuge there. A clear connection exists
between Sudan and extremist elements in our war on terrorism.
The commander of Sudan's popular defense force called on the Sudanese
people to join a holy war with the Palestinian people and rid Jerusalem
of its, in his words, Zionist filth. These are the words of the
commander of Sudan's defense forces. The president of Sudan has called
for training camps to be set up for this purpose as well. And following
this announcement, hundreds of thousands of Sudanese marched in the
streets of Khartoum chanting anti-Israel, anti-U.S. slogans and singing
the praises of Osama bin Laden.
After a cease-fire was agreed upon, the government of Sudan still
denied humanitarian access to 43 locations in southern Sudan. Prior to
this, the government of Sudan banned flights to, on average, 25
locations. In other words, they have announced they will continue
bombing but just prevent international observation by kicking out all
NGOs.
While he has asked me not to mention his name, Mr. Speaker, I am
privileged to serve a district where a church in a small rural town of
my heartland Indiana district raised the funds and sent a mission group
to Sudan to do nothing more than deliver an ultralight aircraft so the
Christians in southern Sudan would be able to surveil approaching
armaments preparing to bombard cities, as they do with longer-range
weapons.
The Bible tells us, on this national day of prayer, Mr. Speaker, that
``From everyone who has been given much, much will be demanded. From
the one who has been entrusted with much, much more will be asked.''
The gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) has responded to that call
from his heart in leading the way in this institution for the
development and the passage in this Congress of the Sudan Peace Act.
I have been privileged to join the gentleman from Colorado in
drafting a letter urging action on the Sudan Peace Act and would urge
all of my colleagues to join us and many other prominent Members of
this institution who have already added their names to this
correspondence, including the majority leader, the conference chairman,
and the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International
Relations, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde).
Let me say the United States, Mr. Speaker, has been blessed with an
abundance of material goods, authority, and moral conscience. We can no
longer tolerate the government-funded and subsidized massacre of human
life, nor can we, as a Nation that is pluralistic in its faith but
dominated by both a heritage and a contemporary Christian population,
neither can we as a government of so great a people, turn a blind eye
and a deaf ear to the suffering of the magnitude in Sudan that, again I
hasten to add, is not a humanitarian crisis, Mr. Speaker, that is borne
of environmental collapse or of drought, but it is a humanitarian
crisis that is the result of the oppression and the murder of hundreds
of thousands and millions of innocent civilians by the government of
Sudan.
It is almost difficult to speak those words and imagine a place that
would be so correctly described as a hell on earth. Yet there are
people there whose faith puts mine to shame. There are people there
every day tending to the sick and caring for the homeless. So let us
simply today urge our colleagues to join us in this effort to call for
action.
Again, I am very humbled to be able to stand with the gentleman from
Colorado in this cause and simply cannot help but feel, as we have said
one to another, that of all the things that we debate on this blue and
gold carpet, of all the things that we will have the privilege of being
a part of in the year or years that we each of us have left in this
place, perhaps there will be nothing of greater significance in
eternity than what we do for the least of these in the world.
{time} 1730
The way we can in our own modest way in this institution steer the
policy of the United States of America to a bright and moral compass
that believes in human dignity and believes in human freedom and
actually sets international policy in a way that expresses that belief,
which I maintain is in the heart of the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) for
yielding and for calling this Special Order, and look forward to
laboring with the gentleman as he continues his important work pressing
for the passage of the Sudan Peace Act, and bringing the plight of
these extraordinary people of the Sudan to the attention of this body.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I must say that listening to the gentleman
helps recharge my batteries on the issue. I think that the gentleman
has been, certainly flattering, but more than that, he has in a way
that I could never have done, focused the attention of this body on an
issue of, I think, monumental importance, and I thank the gentleman for
his kind words.
I had the great privilege of going to the Sudan. Actually, it was the
very first trip I ever took as a congressman. It was in 1999. Senator
Brownback and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), we were
privileged to go to the Sudan. I did not know what I was going to see
there. I was concerned about the conditions there, and our own safety,
as a matter of fact. I have to admit that was of some concern to me. We
were told that we should not go. The State Department sent cables to my
home stating do not go there. We have no people that we will give you
as support. You should not go. Some of these places are in an area that
is actively involved with the war effort in the south. There are towns
that are being bombed, so we cannot really say anything about your
safety except that you will have very little security.
Under those conditions, I wondered how sage I was about actually
making a decision to go on such a trip. But it was important to do. I
felt moved to do it, and I was going with someone who had been there
before. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), has been there
several times and is another stalwart in support of our efforts on
behalf of the Sudanese people, especially the people of the south. The
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) had been there several times.
What we saw was devastating in many ways because we could see the
incredible obstacles that confront these people. There was a severe
drought, but it was only exacerbated by the activities of the
government of the north. People were being massacred and hospitals were
being bombed and
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schools were being invaded, and teachers and children shot and people
were being rounded up, taken away, forced into slavery in the north. We
think to ourselves and certainly we did on that trip, what can we
possibly do about this? How can we possibly change the policies of our
Nation, change the situation in a country so far away. Yet certainly I
felt, and so did Senator Brownback and the gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. Payne), felt compelled to do something.
I will never forget being in a town called Yei in the southern tip of
Sudan, and there was a great confrontation just a few days before we
got there. Armed confrontation. The place had been bombed many times.
As we walked through that small town of maybe 1,000, maybe 2,000
people, we were immediately surrounded by hundreds of children. They
kept pressing closer and closer to us, so close we could hardly move.
They kept saying something that I could not understand. Our guide
interpreted. He said they said they are trying to get close to you
because they assume if they get close to you, an American congressman,
whoever is dropping bombs will not drop a bomb at that point in time.
Of course I was hoping the same thing, that that would be the case, but
I was hoping that there was something that I could do to stop that fear
forever for them because the fear in their eyes and the hunger in their
eyes, it is just a vision that no one can experience without coming
away with a sincere desire to do something to help.
I also remember the last day I was there, it was spent in a small
mud-sided facility with a grass and palm roof, and it was the local
church which had been constructed in a place where there were over
30,000 refugees. This was actually just one of many small churches in
this refugee center, and all of these people had been driven out of
their homes in the north, the northern part of Sudan. Almost everyone
had lost someone. Somewhere near 6,000 people died from the trek from
the Nuba Mountains down to this particular village, almost all of them
children, and yet they came together in this makeshift church and they
began to sing the praises of Jesus Christ.
They were spirit-filled in a way I can tell Members I hardly see in
the United States, and I am an evangelical Christian. It was almost
miraculous to see these people with that expression of emotion and that
much joy that they were expressing in that kind of a setting. As I say,
almost everyone had lost someone. They were living in a foreign land,
land that they could not farm. It was a life that any of us would
probably find fruitless and perhaps hopeless, and they had hope, and
that hope was in the Lord.
I remember thinking to myself and telling them, as a matter of fact,
that I had been moved to come there because of something that had
happened in my church in Colorado about 4 or 5 years prior where I was
witnessing a program that was done, it was called the Persecuted Church
Around the World, and it focused on the Sudan. I was not in Congress at
the time. I was not even thinking of running for Congress. A gentleman
was in this position, and we assumed that he was going to be in that
position for quite a long time. But I felt a need to do something.
After many twists and turns, I ended up in the Congress, and I asked
for the Committee on International Relations, and then I asked for the
Subcommittee on Africa, and I ended up in Sudan in this church.
I said I want to tell you a story. It is only right that my trip to
the Sudan ends in a church because it started in a church. I told them
the story about hearing about their plight, and wanting to do something
about it.
What was interesting to me, and what I told them in that church, was
that I thought of course that I was doing something for them, to help
the people in Sudan. In reality, of course, what had happened was God
had done something to help me. He had done far more for me, and the
trip did more than I could do for the people of Sudan. That is the way
of God. It is intriguing, and certainly it inspires us.
I came back and we did introduce the Sudan Peace Act. It calls for a
number of things, including an end to any sort of corporate
participation in Sudan. We already banned corporate involvement in the
United States, but our bill says any foreign corporation that goes in
there would be delisted from the American stock exchanges, the New York
and American Stock Exchange. This is a very significant step to take,
and it is probably why the bill is languishing in the Senate because
that is a major, major step. A lot of concerns have been expressed
about the kind of precedent that it would set. Let me tell Members why
we have to do that.
The war in the south, and I should back up and explain, it is in our
interest, it is in the interests of the United States of America to
bring this conflict to an end in Sudan. As the gentleman from Indiana
(Mr. Pence) mentioned, the northern part of Sudan is an area where we
have found in the past people like Osama bin Laden who have been given
safe havens there. It is still a place where al Qaeda finds a respite.
One was just found there not too long ago.
It is not in our interest to have this conflict ongoing in the south.
It is in our interest to bring it to an end, and if that means the
separation of the country into two parts, so be it. I used to think
that perhaps we could do something to just simply stop the fighting and
keep the country united, maybe under some sort of federalist system
where there is some sort of autonomy for the south. But because of the
many times that the government in Sudan, and I will refer to it as
Khartoum, the northern government, Khartoum has simply promised
something but almost before the ink is dry on the promise, they have
broken it. They are in the process now of pursuing the war in the south
in a vigorous way, even though they promised that they would not.
They promised a cease-fire. They are funding this war through the
revenues derived from an oil pipeline recently opened, and that is why
we have to ask the corporate world to be aware of what they are doing
in the Sudan, be aware of the fact that the revenues that are derived
from the sale of the oil in Sudan, those revenues are going to the
prosecution of the war. Without those revenues, this war may very well
have come to an end, but now that money is used and can be used and is
being used to purchase arms, to pay for troops, and to continue the
persecution of the south.
{time} 1745
Now, it is a complex situation. It is not just the fact that the
south is Christian and the north is Muslim. It is the fact also, of
course, that there is a different culture, different languages and
different interests entirely for the two peoples of this nation. It may
very well be that we are at that point where that nation has to split
asunder and that the people of the south will be allowed to actually
construct their own government and determine their own faith.
At any rate, the only step we can take, the only step open to us
right now in this body, is to encourage Members of the other body to
advance the bill, the Sudan Peace Act. Let us bring it to a vote. It
has passed in both Houses. We are awaiting the appointment of a
conference committee. That is all that is stopping us from actually
taking the next step and doing something significant to bring peace to
this troubled land. Let us appoint a conference committee.
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Issa). The Chair must remind Members to
avoid improper references to the Senate.
Remarks in debate may not urge Senate action or characterize Senate
action or inaction.
Mr. TANCREDO. I thank the Speaker for his admonition.
This conference needs to be voted on by this House and by the whole
body, and we need to do it as quickly as possible in order for us to
bring some relief to the people who have suffered for so long.
As I say, it is in our interests, it is in this Nation's interests,
to bring peace to this land and to deal directly with the issue of the
kind of horror and devastation that has besieged it for so long and
that has plagued it for so long. So I hope that we will do that soon.
As I say, on this National Day of Prayer, as we think about our own
wonderful gifts that we have in this
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Nation and the challenges that we have as a Nation, certainly as a
result of actions in the Middle East, the activities in the Middle East
and other places, there are challenges to the nation, but what is
happening in Sudan is not just a challenge for us to look at in a
foreign policy sense. It is a challenge to our own moral precepts. It
is a challenge to who we are as a Nation, who we are as a people.
Can we make the time, even though so many other things are pressing
upon us in this body, can we make the time to deal with one of the
worst situations that exists anywhere on the planet? In fact, the
Secretary of State described it almost exactly in that way in testimony
in front of our committee as one of the worst situations that exists
anywhere in the world.
Now, if that is the case, and I believe it to be, then does this not
deserve our attention, our continued attention? If it is one of the
worst situations that exists anywhere on the planet, does it not
behoove us to do everything we can to bring this to an end and to help
the people in this country begin to think about a new life in a new
land?
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