[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 30 (Friday, March 15, 2002)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1962-S1965]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




     BRINGING SOUTH DAKOTA'S STRENGTH TO THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM

  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, 2 months ago, I traveled with some of our 
other Senate colleagues to Afghanistan and other Central Asian nations.
  We wanted to see what progress is being made in the war against 
terrorism. We also wanted to talk with our allies in the region to try 
to assess how we might help make their nations hospitable to freedom--
and inhospitable to terrorists.
  We learned a great deal.
  I have already had a chance to share many of my thoughts and 
observations with Secretary Powell.
  Today, I would like to say a few words publicly about the part of our 
trip that I found the most moving and impressive: the other Americans 
we met--men and women who are serving our Nation's interests every day 
in places far from home--often under incredibly challenging conditions.

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  We met extraordinary people from almost every State. They all deserve 
our profound appreciation.
  I was especially moved by five people I met from my own State. 
Listening to them, and watching them perform their jobs, made me very 
proud to be a South Dakotan. It also reinforced my conviction that we 
will triumph in the war against terrorism.
  This week, as we mark the 6-month anniversary of the attacks on our 
Nation, seems like a fitting time to tell my colleagues about them.
  David Nelson, the Senior Economic Counselor in the U.S. Embassy in 
Berlin, is from Brookings, SD. Day in and day out, he is working to 
protect America's economic interests in Germany. Since September 11, he 
has also played a critical role in our efforts to cut off the 
terrorists' money supplies.
  Dr. Jan Riemers is from Bristol, SD. She is the only western doctor 
in Uzbekistan's capital city of Tashkent. She is a sort of modern-day 
Albert Schweitzer, who moved her entire family to Uzbekistan so she 
could serve people who might otherwise never see a doctor.
  I also met three remarkable young men who are even more directly 
involved in the war against terrorism. They are serving our country in 
uniform. For security reasons, I won't use their names.
  One is an Army private from Midland, SD who I met in Uzbekistan. When 
we met, it had been almost 2 years since his last leave.
  On September 11, he was just completing a tour of duty in Bosnia. He 
and his colleagues had been living in tents and eating MREs--packaged 
meals--three times a day for several months at that point. He could 
have come home instead, he volunteered to go to Central Asia to be a 
part of the war against terrorism. And he said he was honored to do so.

  In Afghanistan, I met an Air Force master sergeant from Rapid City. 
He is involved in delivering two things Afghanistan needs desperately: 
U.S. military support, and humanitarian assistance.
  His efforts helped make possible the military victories we have seen 
in Afghanistan. They are also part of the reason we have not seen the 
humanitarian disaster some predicted at the outset of the war.
  In Kyrgyzstan, I met an Air Force staff sergeant from Yankton--one of 
the first U.S. service members deployed to that country. We met at 
Manas International Airport, where he and other Americans are working 
to build an air base that will host personnel from several countries 
and serve as a hub for air operations in Afghanistan. He came out to 
meet us in the middle of a snowstorm, and he could not have been more 
excited about his mission.
  We ask our service men and women--like these three honorable South 
Dakotans--to attempt extraordinary things and make extraordinary 
sacrifices. Time after time, they not only meet our expectations, they 
exceed them.
  In this week, when we mark the 6-month anniversary of the attacks on 
our Nation, it seems appropriate that we also honor the men and women 
who are working--and risking their lives--to try to prevent us from 
ever experiencing that heartache again.
  They are true patriots. They come from my State and yours, and from 
every State and territory in our Nation. They make us proud. And they 
are making America, and the world, stronger and better.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the report we have 
compiled regarding the trip to Afghanistan from January 10 to 19 of 
this year be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

         Daschle CODEL to Central Asia, January 10 to 19, 2002

       Senator Daschle led a bipartisan and bicameral 
     Congressional Delegation CODEL to Germany, Uzbekistan, 
     Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan from 
     January 10 to January 19. The following views expressed in 
     this report, however, reflect only the views and findings of 
     Senators Daschle and Durbin.


              summary of findings and key recommendations

     The initial phase of the war on terrorism has been a clear 
         success.
       It was evident from our trip to Central Asia that the 
     conduct of the war on terrorism has, to date, produced 
     impressive results. Our troops, President Bush, Secretary 
     Rumsfeld, and Secretary Powell deserve credit and recognition 
     for that success.
     U.S. troops are a credit to themselves and the country.
       The performance of U.S. troops in Central Asia and 
     Afghanistan has been remarkable and a tribute to the hard 
     work and commitment of the thousands of men and women who are 
     carrying out Operation Enduring Freedom. U.S. personnel are 
     braving harsh weather and very rudimentary accommodations. 
     One Air Force Sergeant said he ``had been living in the mud'' 
     in Uzbekistan for 3 months, further saying he was honored to 
     be doing so. An Army Colonel in Afghanistan, while eating 
     chicken Chow Mein for the fourth night in a row, observed, 
     ``I can't complain, because it's hot [food].'' Another Army 
     PFC declared he was proud to have spent the past 3 months 
     serving Afghanistan, notwithstanding the fact that he was 
     deployed to the region 1 week after moving into a new house 
     with his new wife. The morale of U.S. troops is very high, as 
     evidenced by another Army PFC from South Dakota who has not 
     had leave since February 2000 and volunteered to serve in 
     Uzbekistan as he was finishing a tour of duty in Bosnia 
     because he was eager to participate in the war against 
     terrorism.
       The U.S. personnel from other U.S. agencies in the region 
     are also a credit to America. Foreign Service officers in 
     Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and Afghanistan are working around the 
     clock--literally--to advance U.S. interests and ensure the 
     safety of American personnel. The Embassy in Tashkent is 
     overcrowded, the Embassy in Kabul is in terrible straits 
     after being overrun by decades of war, and families of 
     personnel at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad were forced to 
     return to the U.S. as a result of security threats.
       On a more personal note, we were proud to meet a number of 
     South Dakotan and Illinois servicemen and women who are 
     serving their country in the region. To a person, they 
     support the mission and take pride in the role they are 
     playing to improve living conditions in the region and defeat 
     international terrorism.
       Senator Daschle was also proud of the generosity of South 
     Dakotans was greatly appreciated by Afghans. The delegation 
     delivered three boxes of winter clothing to the Afghan 
     Minister of Orphans, Widows and Martyrs. The clothing was 
     collected by South Dakotan business leaders and students at 
     two separate elementary schools.
     The troops' success allow us to focus on consolidating gains.
       The successful effort that started as a war in Afghanistan 
     to bring to justice those responsible for the September 11th 
     attacks is shifting to focus on consolidating gains and 
     helping to bring some semblance of economic, political, and 
     physical security to the region. Challenges are many, but the 
     United States undertook a remarkable effort to confront and 
     defeat the first such challenge--widespread hunger.
       A remarkable U.S.-led effort to deliver food and shelter 
     has averted humanitarian disaster, which last fall, after 
     years of mismanagement by the Taliban, looked inevitable. But 
     the USG--led by the Department of Defense and USAID with 
     significant assistance from CARE, Catholic Relief Services, 
     Church World Services, International Rescue Committee, and 
     others--provided nearly $200 million worth of food, water, 
     health care and shelter to millions of Afghans in FY 2002.
       Challenges remain. It is particularly troubling that Bin 
     Laden, the bulk of the senior Al Qaeda leadership, Mullah 
     Omar and the majority of the Taliban leadership remain at 
     large.
       The fact that so many key terrorist leaders are unaccounted 
     for is one factor that contributes to insecurity in 
     Afghanistan, which is increasingly threatening the gains the 
     United States has made in the region. At the time of the trip 
     to Afghanistan, Chairman Karzai and U.S. personnel in the 
     region were clearly concerned about security. Events since 
     the delegation's visit to Afghanistan--such as the fights 
     between warlords in Gardez, the murder of the interim tourism 
     minister, and increasingly alarming reports out of the 
     Administration about a general rise of lawlessness and 
     warlordism, including a specific report that some warlords 
     may be preparing to sabotage the loya jirga set for June--
     only serve to harden that assessment.
       The current configuration of the International Security 
     Force (ISAF) is insufficient to confront this insecurity. At 
     the very least, the ISAF should be expanded beyond Kabul and 
     into other Afghan cities until efforts to train a police 
     force and an Afghan military loyal to the interim 
     government can catch up with this insecurity. While 
     success of the ISAF is not dependent on the U.S. providing 
     ground troops as part of an expanded effort, it is clear 
     that an American component for transportation, 
     intelligence and search-and-rescue is likely to be a 
     precondition for significant international participation 
     in an expanded ISAF.
       An increased U.S. military role in support of an expanded 
     ISAF is entirely consistent with the Administration's 
     apparent policy goal of maintaining a U.S. presence in the 
     region, evidenced by the substantial upgrades beginning at 
     Manas Airport in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan and a more permanent 
     presence being prepared in Uzbekistan and Georgia. This 
     increased American military

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     presence can play an important role in support of the ISAF.
     Central Asian Republics have taken significant steps in 
         support of the U.S.--and are urging a long term American 
         presence in return.
       Good long term relations with the Central Asian Republics 
     is very much in the national interest of the United States.
       Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and even Turkmenistan have 
     demonstrated, with their efforts in Afghanistan, a solid 
     commitment to the war against terrorism.
       Uzbekistan agreed to our request for basing and overflight 
     rights, including the right for the United States to maintain 
     a significant troop presence at the airfield at Khanabad. As 
     a result, our two countries signed a Status of Forces 
     Agreement on October 7 and a Memorandum of Understanding on 
     Economic Cooperation on November 7. Last fall, the U.S. also 
     allocated an additional $100 million in assistance for 
     Uzbekistan, and the Administration is reported to be 
     considering an additional tranche of assistance in a 
     supplemental for ``front line states'' expected to be 
     submitted to Congress in mid-to-late March.
       The Government of Uzbekistan has also provided important 
     cooperation with U.S. programs to curb the proliferation of 
     material for use in weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The 
     October 22 agreement between the U.S. and Uzbekistan to begin 
     cleaning up the former Soviet biological weapons test range 
     on Vozrozhdeniya in the Aral Sea is an important step forward 
     in U.S. efforts to halt the proliferation of WMD material. 
     The Government of Uzbekistan also ought to be commended for 
     efforts, supported by the U.S., at strengthening border 
     controls of weapons material.
       Kyrgyzstan provided overflight and landing rights and 
     agreed to permit the basing of a large number of coalition 
     personnel and aircraft at the international airport in Manas, 
     a site which will function as a ``transportation hub'' for 
     coalition efforts in Afghanistan and the region.
       Turkmenistan has allowed for some overflight rights and 
     became an important--indeed the principal--conduit of 
     American and international humanitarian assistance into 
     northern Afghanistan.
     These steps represent a move toward the West, but sustaining 
         positive long term relationships still demand major 
         improvements on political and economic reform.
       Each country claimed that they had made a deliberate and 
     conscious choice to reach out to the West. What is not clear 
     is whether the governments are also committed to embracing 
     universal human and voting rights that have been sorely 
     lacking in each country.
       While the U.S. is right to continue cooperating with these 
     governments, significant and sustained economic and political 
     reforms are a pre-requisite to consolidating long term 
     relationships with these countries.
       Each country's continuing refusal to enact political reform 
     while at the same time continuing to violate basic human 
     rights will contribute to extremism and threaten the 
     stability that each government argues it is seeking.
       The human rights situation in Uzbekistan is abysmal. There 
     is no freedom of association and independent institutions--
     including the press--are banned. In one telling moment, a 
     human rights leader in Uzbekistan said that the media in 
     Russia--currently being cracked down on by government 
     regulators--is much more free than the Uzbek media. Even the 
     Parliament is largely a rubber stamp for the Karimov 
     government, with little, if any, influence.
       Civil society in Uzbekistan has also been drastically 
     restricted. NGOs are not allowed to register or function. The 
     few independent groups that do exist are subjected to 
     harassment based on Soviet practices, including firing 
     ``agitators'' from state run jobs, confiscating human rights 
     workers passports, confiscating equipment of independent 
     NGOs. Human rights leaders and the U.S. State Department also 
     catalogued instances where the government used torture and 
     prolonged detention to deter other civil society activity.
       In Kyrgyzstan, where the United States encouraged the 
     government's bold steps in the early and mid-1990s toward 
     democratization, there has been a dramatic backsliding in its 
     political reform process. Of particular concern are reports 
     of constant pressure on opposition political parties, 
     harassment of journalists who criticized members of the 
     government, and numerous flaws--many apparently 
     deliberate--in the October 29, 2000 presidential 
     elections. In fact, the Office for Security and 
     Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Office of Democratic 
     Institutions and Human Rights concluded that the October 
     elections ``failed to comply with OSCE commitments for 
     democratic elections.''
       In Turkmenistan, there are no legally registered opposition 
     parties and absolutely no free press. The State Department 
     reports that the most recent elections, in December 1999, 
     ``did not even approach minimum international standards.'' 
     The only officially recognized religions are the Russian 
     Orthodox church and Sunni Islamism; all other faiths face 
     harsh persecution and harassment. In what seems to be a 
     fitting moniker, several analysts refer to insular 
     Turkmenistan as the North Korea of Central Asia. Furthermore, 
     while the leaders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan at least 
     admitted to having significant human rights problems, the 
     National Security Adviser of Turkmenistan simply dismissed 
     concerns about human rights saying, ``I understand that these 
     things [freedom of religion, the media and association] are 
     important for America, but it is simply not time for such 
     reforms in Turkmenistan. Before we do these things, we need 
     time to strengthen our economy.''
     HIV/AIDS is a growing threat in Central Asia.
       The leadership of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan noted their 
     concern regarding the trafficking of Afghan opium to and 
     through their countries, which has contributed to large 
     increases in illicit drug use throughout Central Asia in 
     recent years. According to UNAIDS, this surge in drug use has 
     brought the Central Asian republics to the ``verge of a major 
     public health and socio-economic development disaster, in 
     terms of large scale epidemics of HIV/AIDS.'' As such, the 
     United States should be looking for opportunities to increase 
     funding for bilateral AIDS prevention, care and treatment 
     programs targeted to Central Asia and to increase the annual 
     U.S. commitment to the Global Trust Fund to Fight AIDS, TB 
     and malaria.
     Pakistan and President Musharraf are also making a strategic 
         choice to join the West. Concrete steps to confirm and 
         reward that choice will be welcomed.
       Pakistan has been a vital ally in the war against 
     terrorism. With its location in a critical region of the 
     world, a nuclear arsenal, and a population set to double in 
     the next 20 years, American national security is undoubtedly 
     improved by President Musharraf's strategic choice.
       The January 12 speech by President Musharraf--in which he 
     proclaimed a jihad against extremism--demonstrates that he is 
     ready to take Pakistan back from the extremists. He outlined 
     a far reaching proposal for reforming the Pakistani education 
     system and a systematic crackdown on extremists. Although 
     ultimate success in this effort can only be judged by 
     results, initial efforts suggest that he is committed to this 
     effort.
       He has specifically requested U.S. support for reforms to 
     the Pakistani education system, which has been ignored by 
     previous Pakistani governments more interested in investing 
     in weapons systems than social services. The United States 
     should support that effort with significant new resources, 
     closely conditioned on President Musharraf maintaining his 
     commitment to reform. There can be no better investment of 
     U.S. assistance in Pakistan.
       President Musharraf's comments about and concrete steps to 
     reform the ISI given widespread reports of its links to 
     extremists are also a reason for optimism. He should be 
     commended for his cooperation on the investigation of the 
     kidnapping and brutal murder of Danny Pearl case. However, as 
     with his speech on fighting extremism, the USG must demand 
     concrete results in this investigation. President Musharraf's 
     seriousness about confronting Islamic extremists--including 
     those responsible for the murder of Pearl--can be further 
     confirmed by Pakistan handing over to the United States 
     Sheikh Omar, the confessed mastermind of the abduction.
     Germany taking concrete--and costly--steps in the war on 
         terrorism, but it is concerned about next steps.
       German Foreign Minister Fischer referred to the way on 
     terrorism as a fight with a ``new totalitarianism.'' In a war 
     with such extremists, there can be no compromise, just as 
     there could be no compromise with the Nazis.
       Germans also reserved blunt language for the conduct of the 
     Saudis in this effort against extremism--``democracy is the 
     necessary pre-condition of defeating terrorism''--and for the 
     lack of concerted effort by Palestinian Authority Chairman 
     Arafat--the decision to start the Intifada in September 2000 
     was judged an ``historic mistake'', and ``we all may have 
     overestimated how much Arafat wants peace.''
       Germany has taken seriously its role in this war against 
     totalitarianism, taking concrete and historic steps in the 
     war in Afghanistan and in the law enforcement and 
     investigation efforts in the United States. Germany has 
     deployed troops to Afghanistan as part of Operating Enduring 
     Freedom and in Kabul with the ISAF and German naval vessels 
     are operating in the Indian Ocean off the Horn of Africa as 
     part of international efforts to stop the flow of arms to 
     Somalia.
       Just as remarkably, Germany has provided intensive law 
     enforcement cooperation in the investigation of the September 
     11 attacks. German cooperation has been pivotal to initial 
     success in the United States, including the indictment of 
     Zacarias Moussaoui.
       While it does not see another state that has sponsored 
     terrorism to the extent that Afghanistan did, the German 
     government recognizes clearly that this is going to be a 
     ``long term war'' and appears to be ready to make further 
     contributions to that effort. In particular, the German 
     leadership pointed out Iran--and its clear desire for WMD--as 
     a problem that the west will have to confront.
       Given the extent of German cooperation in the first phase 
     of the war against terrorism--and the political price paid by 
     the German government--it was interesting to hear the serious 
     concerns expressed by the German officials about the next 
     phases in the war.
       German Government officials noted especially the threat 
     posed by Saddam Hussein--both to his own people and, with his 
     interest in developing weapons of mass destruction, to the 
     region, Europe and the United States.

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       These officials also noted, however, that forcing military 
     action in Iraq without prior consultation with, if not 
     outright support from, the international community risks a 
     potentially even more threatening set of circumstances in the 
     Gulf with negative impacts on energy security as well as the 
     security of Israel.

     

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