[Congressional Record Volume 148, Number 8 (Wednesday, February 6, 2002)]
[House]
[Pages H155-H165]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING SENSE OF HOUSE THAT SCHEDULED TAX RELIEF SHOULD NOT BE
SUSPENDED OR REPEALED
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the
concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 312) expressing the sense of the
House of Representatives that the scheduled tax relief provided for by
the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001 passed by
a bipartisan majority in Congress should not be suspended or repealed.
The Clerk read as follows:
H. Con. Res. 312
Whereas on June 7, 2001, President Bush signed into law the
Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001,
which provides millions of taxpayers with the largest tax
relief since 1981;
Whereas all Americans who pay Federal income taxes will
benefit from the Act, which includes across-the-board income
tax reductions, reduction of the marriage penalty,
elimination of the death tax, tax rebate checks, doubling of
the per-child tax credit, increasing tax-free contributions
to Individual Retirement Accounts and a broad range of other
beneficial provisions;
Whereas the Act was passed by a bipartisan majority in
Congress of 211 House Republicans, 28 House Democrats, 1
House Independent, 46 Senate Republicans and 12 Senate
Democrats, making the Act an important bipartisan
achievement; and
Whereas several Members of Congress have recently called
for repealing or delaying tax relief provisions of the
Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That it is the sense of the House of
Representatives that--
(1) the scheduled tax relief provided for by the Economic
Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001, passed by a
bipartisan majority in Congress, should not be suspended or
repealed;
(2) suspending, repealing or delaying provisions of the
Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001 is
a tax increase;
(3) increasing taxes in the midst of a recession would not
be helpful to the Nation's economy or American workers; and
(4) instead of increasing taxes, Congress should be working
with the President to promote long-term economic growth
through a fair tax code that puts the least possible burden
on taxpayers.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Weller) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller).
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, today our House of Representatives has the opportunity
to speak very clearly on whether or not we should continue to lower
taxes for American workers or to raise taxes on American workers.
The war on terrorism, homeland security, and economic recession has
caused a fiscal deficit in our budget. Some are now calling for repeal
of the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act, something
commonly know as the Bush tax cut, and they argue that higher taxes
will give Washington more money to spend here in Washington. So today
before us we have a choice: higher taxes or getting the economy moving
again.
Let us remember at the beginning of last year: when President Bush
became President, he inherited a weakening economy. The President
proposed taking 20 percent of the budget surplus resulting from our
Congress' fiscal responsibility and giving it back to the American
worker so they could spend it at home for their own families.
We passed the President's tax cut in June, it was signed into law,
and the President succeeded in lowering rates for small business and
entrepreneurs, the engines of economic growth. We wiped out the
marriage tax penalty, we wiped out the death tax, we increased
opportunities for retirement savings, and we doubled the child tax
credit. And our tax cut was working. Economists were telling us in late
August and by Labor Day that the economy was beginning to recover.
Then the tragedy of September 11 occurred, a terrorist attack that
cost thousands of Americans their lives and caused a psychological blow
to the confidence of business investors as well as consumers. Today we
have seen as a result of that terrorist attack on our economy that over
1 million Americans have lost their jobs.
Mr. Speaker, today we are at war against terrorism, we are building
our homeland security, and we are in an economic recession. We must get
this economy moving again. We must create jobs for those who lack work.
Today, no real-world economists have called for a tax increase in
time
[[Page H156]]
of recession. They point out that tax increases hurt our economy and
that tax increases take money out of the pockets of America's workers
and consumers, making it harder for them to meet the needs of their
families. We must keep spending under control, and true fiscal
responsibility is keeping spending under control. Fiscal responsibility
is not increasing taxes.
This House has the opportunity to go on the record for higher taxes,
or to maintain the Bush plan to lower taxes, which will be implemented
over the rest of this decade. Repealing the Bush tax cut is a tax
increase. Vote ``aye'' to not impose higher taxes and to keep the Bush
tax cut in place.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I am going to be trying to find out where this
resolution came from. I will be asking the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Weller), I will be asking the chairman of the Committee on Ways and
Means. I sit on this committee. I am proud to be a member of this
committee.
Mr. Speaker, this concerns tax policy. This bill should not be coming
out of the Committee on Rules, and it should have had a hearing and we
should have had input in it. That has not happened, and in these 40
minutes I am going to try to find out how this political resolution
reached the floor.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased and honored to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Gephardt), our distinguished minority
leader.
(Mr. GEPHARDT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to vote ``no'' on this
resolution. I am disappointed that the majority prevented us from
offering a bill that would protect Social Security from further raids
on the trust fund.
This is not a vote about taxes; it is a vote about protecting Social
Security. It is about honoring our commitments to the American people
who have paid their hard-earned dollars into the Social Security trust
fund. It is about ensuring security and retirement for every citizen.
The resolution before us has no binding effect. It is an effort to
divert attention from Republican mismanagement of the budget. Less than
one year after passage of the Republican tax bill, an economic plan,
more than $4 trillion of the surplus has miraculously vanished, wiped
out, gone, finished; and the Social Security trust fund will be
attacked every year for the next 10 years.
One might say, what is happening, what is going on? Both parties
repeatedly voted to safeguard the trust funds.
{time} 1215
We voted for lockboxes. We said that they would be inviolate, that
they could not be picked. For years we have been promising the American
people, the baby boomers, that the trust funds would only be used to
strengthen Social Security and pay down the national debt. In fact, the
Republican leadership insisted many times on bringing lockbox bills to
the floor. Now we know that they were not serious about those bills.
They were ploys. They were ruses. And the votes that were taken were
not serious, and they were not honest.
We have had an historic reversal. Instead of talking about surpluses
for as far as the eye can see, now we are again talking about deficits
for as far as the eye can see. Instead of shoring up Social Security
and Medicare, we are facing a situation where the trust fund will be
tapped for other functions of government. Instead of preparing for the
baby boomers and their retirement, instead of adding a prescription
drug program to Medicare, we are faced with a debate about saving
Social Security without resources and how to dig ourselves out of the
deficit ditch. The Republican slogan seems to be: Save Social Security
last, not first.
This resolution has a simple purpose. It is to hide the fact that
Republicans are breaking their promises, going back on their
commitments. This is an effort to change the subject. The American
people should not and will not be fooled by this transparent ploy, and
they should be reminded that the problem is that we are operating under
a Republican economic policy and Republican budget priorities.
We need to invest in people. We need to pass tax cuts that promote
long-term economic growth and opportunity, and we need to keep our
commitments to the baby boomers who paid their money responsibly into
the Social Security Trust Fund. That is our challenge, and that is what
the American people want us to do. That is what we need to do this
year, and we should do it together, not in a partisan manner.
Mr. Speaker, let us get about doing what we need to make the budget
whole and to invest in the priorities that the American people want us
to be investing in. This resolution is nonsense. Let us get about
saving Social Security first.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, before I yield some time here, I yield
myself such time as I may consume to remind my good friends on the
other side of the aisle that we are at war against terrorism, that we
are in an economic recession, and that a ``no'' vote on this resolution
is a vote for a tax increase during an economic recession.
Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from New Mexico (Mrs. Wilson), a leader in the effort to help working
families in her home State of New Mexico.
Mrs. WILSON of New Mexico. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from
Illinois. I have revised a little bit of what I will say based on what
we have just heard from the minority leader, because I think it shows a
very clear contrast in what we are about in this House.
He talks about honesty and keeping promises. I take those things very
seriously, and I take my own integrity very seriously. There has been
an historic reversal, as the minority leader says. That historic
reversal is that we are in a recession and that America has been
attacked, and we are at war.
I believe there are two things this country must do now. We have to
win the war on terrorism, and we have to create jobs. I think we are
united, we are together on the first, and we are resolved we are going
to win this war on terrorism, and we will spend what it takes to win
it. But the worst thing we could do in a recession is to raise taxes.
All of those little small businesses out there who are worrying about
whether they are going to have to lay off more people because they
cannot make the rent payment on their shop this month need the
reassurance that we are with them, that we understand, that we are not
going to raise their taxes.
Most of this tax relief that is going to be phasing in is for middle-
income Americans and particularly for families. We eliminate the
marriage penalty and, as a result, 43 million Americans are not going
to be paying more just because they are married. It is about time that
we started honoring marriage in this country and stop taxing it.
When the President of the United States came to New Mexico in August,
he went with me to Griegos Elementary School in the north valley of
Albuquerque, New Mexico, and as we were going down this little lane to
get there, there was a sheet hung on a fence and in handwritten letters
it said, Mr. President, thank you for my new bed. It cost $300.
Maybe $1,700 in the pocket of an American family is not a whole lot
in Washington terms, but it is in New Mexico terms. It is a lot for a
New Mexico family. I think we should let them keep their own money and
give small businesses the confidence to be able to hire workers this
next year and create jobs and not abandon them in their time of need.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Stenholm), a voice that is respected on both sides of the aisle.
(Mr. STENHOLM asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, this is an amazing debate. In listening to
the gentlewoman from New Mexico talking about the recession, surely she
does not mean that the economic game plan that was voted in last year
is going to last us in a recession until 2004 or 2005. That is when the
next part of the tax cuts that everybody is talking about is going to
kick in. I believe we are going to be out of the recession before then,
but obviously, the gentlewoman believes that we are not.
[[Page H157]]
What we are talking about today is, are we going to borrow $1.6
trillion of Social Security Trust Funds in order to finance an economic
game plan that this side still thinks is a good one. I do not
understand the logic there.
I do not care how many times the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller)
stands on the floor and says we are raising taxes; no one on this side
is raising taxes. In fact, I voted for more of a tax cut last year for
the economy than the gentleman did. I did.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. STENHOLM. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I seem to recall a few years ago, my friends
on the other side of the aisle, when we talked.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman's time has
expired.
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, would the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Weller) yield 30 seconds additional to me so that we can continue?
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, we have additional speakers.
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, I yielded to the gentleman. Will the
gentleman give me 30 seconds so that we can continue whatever point the
gentleman was wanting to make?
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I will yield myself some time.
Mr. RANGEL. I cannot believe this, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I will yield myself some time.
Mr. RANGEL. To yield to the gentleman from Texas. The gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Weller) asked the gentleman to yield for a question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Stenholm) to use himself, since he was courteous enough to
yield to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller), but I will give him
30 seconds to see whether or not the gentleman would like to respond,
to get a response to his question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm) is
recognized for an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Illinois
(Mr. Weller).
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I will make my question quick.
A few years ago my friends on the other side of the aisle said when
we wanted to slow the rate of growth and increase some funding for
Medicare, that was called a cut. So the same definition would apply. If
the gentleman wants to repeal the Bush tax cut, that is a tax increase.
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, no one is talking
about repealing anything that has gone into effect. No one. The
gentleman keeps saying this is a tax increase.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, the Bush tax cut is already law, so it is
already in effect.
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, it does not take effect until 2004. The
logic that the gentleman from Illinois is following today, that means
that he voted for the largest single tax increase in history in 2010
when the bill the gentleman voted for last year expires. The gentleman
voted for the biggest tax raise in history. That is what he did by his
own logic. I do not understand that logic.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 5 minutes to the
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus), a real leader in helping bring
jobs back to the great State of Alabama, as some of the American
workers have been laid off by the terrorist attacks of September 11.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, we made a commitment to the American people
to give them tax relief. Let us honor that commitment. The American
people should get the tax cuts that they have been promised. We should
not postpone them, we should not delay them. We are all going to have
an opportunity in a few minutes to affirm those tax cuts. The gentleman
from Texas says no one in this body has proposed delaying them, no one
has proposed postponing them. We will get an opportunity to vote, yes
or no. I say the American people should get the tax relief they need.
Now, the gentleman from New York who is rising said, tax matters are
before the Committee on Ways and Means. They ought to have jurisdiction
in that. They ought to have an interest in that. They ought to decide
that.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, I say that the Congress ought to decide.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Does the gentleman from Alabama yield for a
parliamentary inquiry?
Mr. BACHUS. No, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman does not yield.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I cannot read the chart that is there.
Mr. BACHUS. Now, Mr. Speaker, the passage of President Bush's tax
cut.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Alabama has the time.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, the passage of President Bush's tax cut was
an historic bipartisan achievement.
parliamentary inquiry
Mr. RANGEL. Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will suspend.
Mr. WELLER. Regular order, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, do I have to get permission from the
gentleman in the well to make a parliamentary inquiry of the Speaker,
of the Chair?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. While that gentleman is under recognition,
yes.
Mr. RANGEL. I thank the Speaker. I apologize.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Alabama is recognized.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, I hope my time will be extended.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time will not be curtailed
by the interruption.
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, President Bush's historic tax cut was a
bipartisan achievement. Only three times since World War II have we had
an across-the-board tax cut. The first one was in 1960 under President
Kennedy, then under President Reagan in 1980, and finally, last fall,
under President Bush. Yes, people are talking about delaying that.
People are talking about postponing that. This is a joint resolution.
Hopefully, the Members will support those tax cuts we gave, and among
them are marriage penalty relief, the elimination of the death tax, and
across-the-board income tax cuts. We left no one out. We doubled the
per-child tax credit.
Hopefully, we will all stand up and be recorded, because the American
people deserve to know where each and every Member of this House and
this Senate stands. They deserve a recorded vote.
I say this: This resolution is plain and simple. It affirms our
support for the tax cut. It says that it should not be repealed or
delayed. If my colleagues want to repeal them, if they want to delay
them, if they want to raise taxes, vote against the resolution.
The second thing, we have to revitalize our economy. Now, there has
been a lot of talk about Social Security. Well, let me state this: The
best way to ensure and to protect Social Security, which we all want,
is to stimulate our economy. OMB Director Mitch Daniels said to the
Committee on the Budget, the best way to protect the baby boomer
generation and Social Security retirement is economic growth. We have
to get the economy going. Couple that with Social Security system
reforms. If we are serious about Social Security, let us reform Social
Security. Let us get the economy growing.
We have had lost 800,000 jobs in the last 4 months because we had not
passed an economic stimulus plan. Now, some in Congress have tried to
maneuver and scheme for political advantage by blaming the President's
tax relief plan for the deficit and recession. I am glad that the
gentleman from Texas finally acknowledged that the tax cuts had nothing
to do with deficits. Those that say they do are not telling the truth.
These tax supporters try to sell the myth that we must increase taxes
just 6 months after we started giving Americans rebate checks. The ink
on this new tax relief bill is hardly dry, and now people are talking
about repealing it.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, would the gentleman yield?
Mr. BACHUS. They would like to delay or postpone it.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, would the gentleman yield?
[[Page H158]]
Mr. BACHUS. I will yield on the gentleman's time.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I was just wondering if the gentleman has
charts to pass out, because while those charts are good for television,
we cannot read them.
Mr. BACHUS. Well, this is from CBO, and what it says is that 87
percent of the deficit is because of the economic conditions are
spending, spending, only 13 percent as a result of tax relief.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, does it say where that information came
from?
Mr. BACHUS. From CBO, Congressional Budget Office.
Mr. RANGEL. I see. Does the gentleman have the date on that?
Mr. BACHUS. Yes. I will be glad to supply the gentleman with all of
that information.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus).
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. As I said, we have
got to revitalize this economy. Tax cuts stimulate the economy, get the
economy moving. They create jobs. President Bush said it best when he
said, the bottom line is jobs, creating good jobs.
{time} 1230
Baby boomers, to protect their retirement, they need to be working;
they need to be paying into their retirement accounts, not drawing
unemployment checks. We have got a delay over in the Senate of the
economic stimulus package that is being obstructed. Now it has actually
been killed. We lost 300,000 jobs this last month while the Senate
failed to act. Now these same people who killed the economic stimulus
package want to kill the tax cut.
We know in Washington that if you want to kill something, you simply
postpone it or delay it. That is Washington-talk for kill it.
We all know that if these taxes do not go into effect that taxpayers,
American people will be paying more out of their pay check.
I will close simply by saying this. There will be a vote in a few
minutes on whether we preserve the tax cuts, whether that money stays
in the pocket of hardworking Americans or whether we bring it up here
and spend it. We will all have a say. We will all take a position.
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The Chair would admonish
Members that they should refrain from improper references to the Senate
such as characterizing their actions.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Tennessee (Mr. Tanner), a distinguished member of the Committee of Ways
and Means.
(Mr. TANNER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. TANNER. Mr. Speaker, I came here and asked the people in
Tennessee to send me here in 1988 because I knew from my business and
personal life that this country, not my business, not me personally and
my wife could continue to borrow money every year, which is what we
were doing then and pile up more and more debt without jeopardizing the
future of this country.
Now, here we are in 2002. Everybody knows from the budget presented
yesterday that the country has physically deteriorated in a
breathtaking way in the last year. We do not have the money that we
thought we were going to have, that we were told we were going to have
last year. And now we are in a position as the budget was presented by
the Secretary of the Treasury to committee yesterday to be in the next
10 years never in a surplus position from an on-budget surplus number.
That is to say, we are going to borrow money every year for the next 10
years. It is going to cost another trillion dollars.
Let me state why deficits matter. Deficits matter because it is money
you owe. And when you owe money, you have got to pay interest on it.
Right now 13 cents out of every dollar that comes here goes to pay
interest. They say we are paying for war. We are not paying for
anything. We are borrowing for the war. That is wrong. We ask the young
men and women in this country in uniform to go overseas and fight for
us. We say no price is too high for you. We will protect you, give you
everything you need; but we will not pay for it. We will borrow it from
our kids. They are the ones making the sacrifice. This is a
generational mugging, that is what is going on. It is like a
heavyweight fight except that the kids are getting mugged and are
paying for this because we are borrowing the money to pay for war. We
are borrowing the money to pay for tax cuts. We are not paying for
anything, nothing for the next 10 years, and that is absolutely wrong.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, how much time remains on both sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller) has
8\1/2\ minutes remaining. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) has
14 minutes remaining.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I would once again remind my colleagues on
the other sides that today's vote is whether or not we maintain the
Bush tax cut or increase taxes.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Kingston), an advocate of helping working families go back to work by
getting this economy moving again.
Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Weller) for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, it is interesting to watch the liberal psyche in this
town. When they do not like something, they do not come out and say, I
like bigger taxes. I like bigger government. Instead they nitpick
things. It is like getting a great novel like ``War and Peace'' and
saying I just did not like the novel because there is a grammatical
error on page 352. I just could not accept it. It is like not liking
the Superbowl because New England called the wrong play in the third
quarter. I just could not possibly support them. It is that kind of
mad-at-the-world, sour puss, liberal approach to issues; and it is
always the nitpicking. Just come out and say, I am a liberal. As a
liberal I like to spend money. I like the government to grow. And I
want control of people from cradle to grave because that creates
government dependency. And when the government controls you and you are
dependent on the government, you have to keep coming back to Washington
year after year and you have to beg for a new program or new relief or
new regulations or a change that creates constituency groups, and that
keeps me, a liberal, in power.
Now, conservatives on the other hand say, I want less government. I
do not want people who have to come groveling to Washington year after
year for relief, for regulatory relief for more freedom. Less
government creates more freedom. When you have money in your pocket you
have more choices. The working man can go out there and buy more
hamburgers, take his family out to eat on a Friday night. He can buy
more clothes, a set of tires for the car. He can go on a few more
vacations. He can send his kids to college. Creating freedom for the
working family.
What happens when the American people have more money in their
pockets and they are buying more hamburgers and more clothes and more
CDs? Businesses have to expand. Small businesses react by saying I have
to increase my inventory.
When they do that, jobs are created. Small businesses say, I have to
hire new employees to help me handle this new demand, and there are
more opportunities and there is more upward mobility in society. It is
an economic truth. More people are working, more revenues come in and
then we have more revenues to address this deficit. That is why
conservatives want to have permanent tax relief for the American
people.
It is interesting. Al Gore wanted higher taxes. The American people
said no. Dukakis wanted higher taxes. The American people said no. Bill
Clinton said, I will give you a middle-class tax cut. He wins. Maybe
there is a lesson there.
The ruling elite hates it when the working people get it right. They
cannot stand it. Well, the working folks want this tax relief. They
want it permanently. And I proudly support the effort of the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. Weller).
I hope that my colleagues will show some independence and do the same
thing for the working people of America.
[[Page H159]]
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman
from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro), a leader in our party and a
spokesperson.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, when it comes to the state of the budget,
so much has changed in the last several months. Our economy is
struggling, unemployment is up, and we are fighting a war against
terrorism. But with the President's budget released this weekend, now
with this resolution it is clear one thing has not changed, and I am
sorry that my colleague, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Kingston),
left the floor, because what this resolution is about, what this budget
is about is that, in fact, the other side of the aisle, that the
Republican majority in this House will stop at nothing to raid Social
Security and raid Medicare.
Despite their protestations over the last couple of years, they
fundamentally do not believe in Social Security and Medicare. They take
every opportunity to dismantle the current system which plays such a
role in the lives of working families today.
Social Security has been a lifeline and Medicare is a lifeline to
health care for seniors and for people who have worked all their lives,
who, in fact, will need that retirement security. The Republican
majority would deny that retirement security. They would move to
privatizing Social Security. They would talk about investing in the
stock market. And, my God, look at what has happened in recent times
with the stock market and with Enron and with a variety of other
companies. But that is the direction this majority would like to go.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, how much time remains on both sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller) has
5\1/2\ minutes. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) has 12\1/2\
minutes.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, it looks like they have a few more speakers
than we do. I will reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Becerra), a distinguished member of the Committee on
Ways and Means.
Mr. BECERRA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, it is hard to believe that today as the Senate moves to
vote to help workers left unemployed by September 11, this House
chooses to vote to reaffirm last year's massive and imprudent tax cut
bill. Knowing what we know today, how can we vote for tax cuts that are
tilted towards big business and the well-to-do?
Last year we were told in 2001 that we would have a surplus of $300
billion into the year 2002. Now what do we know? That there is a
deficit of $100 billion in the President's budget.
Last year we were told that Social Security would be protected. We
all voted for the so-called lock box. What do we know today? The
President's budget raids Social Security over 10 years of $1.5
trillion. Last year we were promised that we would pay down the
national debt of $3.5 trillion. What do we know today? The Bush budget
increases the debt.
Last year we were told prescription drug benefits would be available
for all seniors. What do we know today? Only some seniors will get it.
Last year we were promised we would support public education. Today
what do we know? The Bush budget eliminates all funding for class-size
reduction. It eliminates all funding for school construction. It cuts
drug prevention programs. It cuts money for drop-out prevention
programs.
Education came first?
Today we also know that September 11 left us with the need to fund
homeland security and to address our terrorism needs. By the way, the
President said it is costing us about $1 billion a month, $12 billion a
year to fight terrorism. Extended out for 10 years, that is $120
billion. Why are you taking $1.5 trillion from Social Security? Stop
showing those charts.
We also know today that we have lay-offs and unemployment as a result
of September 11. American workers in need. We know today the corruption
and greed of big business commands the attention of the American public
because of companies like Enron inflicting real and heavy hits on our
American workers and their pensions.
We also know that the Enrons of the world and the executives like
Kenneth Lay who used to run Enron are the ones that would benefit from
these tax cuts more than any of Enron's workers.
You cannot claim innocence. You cannot claim ignorance. You know what
you are doing if you vote for this. Vote against it. Help the Senate in
doing the heavy lifting in helping American workers, not this.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve my time.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. George Miller), a veteran legislator.
(Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California asked and was given permission to
revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Mr. Speaker, as we honor President
Regan's birthday today, it is fitting that we remember one of his most
famous lines, ``There you go again.'' Well, tragically, there you go
again and here we go again.
In the early 1980's President Reagan forced through a massive tax cut
and military spending hikes that resulted in budget deficits over the
next 12 years. The American tax payers paid trillions of dollars in
additional interest costs. Long-term interest rates remained high. The
penalty was on workers, on their families, on their children and on the
poor of this Nation. Sounds familiar? There he goes again. President
Bush's budget priorities.
In spite of everything we have learned, as the previous speaker said,
the world has changed since September 11. Everything has changed, the
President said. Everything but this tax cut that was considered in an
entirely different time.
What do we see? We see Governors all over the country postponing tax
cuts because the reality of their State budgets is they cannot continue
to provide tax cuts and provide the services that their States need,
whether it is education or highways or infrastructure repairs.
What do we see now? Republican Governors postponing tax cuts. I do
not think they think they are raising taxes. They think they are doing
prudent economics on behalf of the citizens of their State. We should
reject this proposal.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Tauscher).
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I thank our ranking member for yielding
me time.
Mr. Speaker, I must rise in opposition to this senseless sense of the
Congress resolution.
I support tax cuts, and I even voted for last year's tax package
because I believe hardworking Americans deserve tax relief. But in the
year since we passed the tax cut, America's economic conditions have
drastically worsened. We now face a future of budget deficits that
threaten Social Security and Medicare. That is why yesterday I
submitted an amendment to the Committee on Rules that would have added
a trigger mechanism to the tax cut.
My amendment would have ensured that the tax cuts passed last year
continue as planned as long as future cuts are not paid for with Social
Security and Medicare money. Unfortunately, the rule does not allow me
to offer this amendment.
It is simply irresponsible for Congress to jeopardize Social Security
and its promise of a secure future. That is why I urge my colleagues on
both sides of the aisle to vote no on this senseless resolution and let
us get back to work.
{time} 1245
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Vermont (Mr. Sanders).
Mr. SANDERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Rangel) for yielding me the time.
The question we are debating today could not be simpler. In a time of
a $6 trillion national debt and a growing deficit, a recession and a
war, do we provide hundreds of billions of dollars in tax breaks to the
wealthiest 1 percent of the population, people with a minimum income of
$375,000 a year, and in the process raid the Social Security Trust Fund
and endanger that system? Further, do we cut back on Medicare and other
important needs in order to
[[Page H160]]
make the richest people in this country even richer?
Mr. Speaker, the answer is pretty obvious. According to an L.A. Times
poll published yesterday, 81 percent of the American people think that
the President's tax breaks should not go through if it means taking
money out of Social Security; 81 percent of the American people believe
that. I believe that, and I hope the United States Congress has the
guts to stand up to the wealthy campaign contributors and believe it
also.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman from New York
(Mr. Rangel) has 7 minutes remaining. The gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Weller) has 5\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I understand I have the right to close.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is correct.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I have one additional speaker.
I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr.
Toomey), a leader in the fight to get the economy moving again.
Mr. TOOMEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Weller) for the time.
I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 312 in support of the
Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act we passed last year.
It seems to me one of the most important questions that we can be
asking ourselves and should be asking is what do we do to get this
economy moving again. Unfortunately several of my colleagues, and we
have heard them just recently, have suggested exactly what we should
not do. They are openly advocating that we raise taxes during a
recession.
Some like to spin this proposal as not a tax hike really, but rather
a repeal of future tax cuts. I am afraid that is a distinction without
a difference. The fact is, current law establishes a specific declining
series of tax rates that are known to all and on which people are
planning and making their investment decisions. To replace that
existing law with a new series of higher tax rates is simply a tax
increase. There is no doubt about it.
The fact is this is a reckless plan, and it will endanger our
economy, and that is just Economics 101. I mean, economists of all
political parties, all stripes, people everywhere understand when we
raise taxes, we slow the economy down, and when we slow an economy
down, it results in job losses. Federal taxes right now are still a
near postwar record high level, and we are in the midst of a recession
that has cost hundreds of thousands of jobs.
If we were to adopt the irresponsible idea of repealing or delaying
part of this tax plan that we adopted last year, it can only result in
a slower economy and more job losses.
Instead of proposing that we raise taxes, frankly I think we should
be following the example of a certain very prominent Kennedy. In 1962,
with a Federal tax burden lower than it is today, President John F.
Kennedy observed, and I will quote, ``The largest single barrier to
full employment and a higher rate of economic growth is the
unrealistically heavy drag of Federal income taxes.'' He said that when
the tax burden was lower than it is today.
President Kennedy then went on to lower Federal taxes dramatically
and sparked 7 years of robust economic growth and job creation. Despite
the lower rates, the government took in more revenue than before the
tax cut, and the budget deficits were significantly reduced.
The fact is every time that the Federal Government has significantly
cut taxes in the last century, the Mellon tax cuts of the 1920s, the
Kennedy cuts of the 1960s, the Reagan tax cuts of the 1980s, the fact
is the economy responded, jobs were created and tax revenue grew. And
we just heard an allegation that the Reagan tax cuts of the 1980s
caused deficits. When will we acknowledge the truth? The fact is after
Ronald Reagan lowered taxes in the 1980s, Federal tax revenue nearly
doubled. The problem was that spending tripled. Sure, we had deficits,
but it was not because of the tax relief.
I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, support the American
economy, support the people who are looking to get back to work.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, is it our understanding that the majority
intend to reserve the balance of their time to close?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller) has
3 minutes remaining and one additional speaker, and the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Rangel) has 7 minutes remaining. That is correct.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Rangel) for yielding me the time.
I rise in strong opposition to this measure. This resolution is
nothing more than an effort to divert attention from the Enron-like
scandal in the Republican economic plan.
The Republicans are robbing Social Security and Medicare in order to
guarantee additional future tax breaks to the richest Americans. In
order to mask this irresponsible, risky and cynical behavior, they fall
back on their old discredited mantra, that putting future tax cuts for
the rich on hold equals a tax increase. They will say it over and over,
but it will never be true.
Everyone in this House is for middle- and lower-income tax cuts,
which, by the way, benefit the wealthy as well as the economy, but now
that this administration has presided over the disappearance of a $5
trillion surplus, they want to go after Social Security.
Ask the American people the real question. Should we sacrifice Social
Security and Medicare in order to give tax cuts to make the rich even
richer? Actually the Los Angeles Times did ask the question, and 80
percent said stop the tax cut. We should vote no on this shameless
resolution.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Kucinich).
(Mr. KUCINICH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, we have not allocated a full hour in our
short workweek to consider a resolution that would ensure the richest 1
percent of Americans receive their tax cut on time.
When it comes to policies that would benefit the mass of middle- and
working-class Americans, the administration does not seem particularly
punctual. After killing OSHA's ergonomics rules, the administration
promised a new set of ergonomic standards. Nearly a year later
thousands of American workers injured on the job are still waiting.
The administration has long promised a meaningful prescription drug
benefit for the elderly. The people are still waiting.
Shunning the Kyoto Global Warming Protocol, the administration
promised to develop a new plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The
people are still waiting.
Despite promising to control energy costs, the administration dragged
its feet in imposing Federal price caps on electricity, allowing Enron
and others to gouge California consumers to the tune of $6.8 billion.
Californians waited 6 months for relief.
After bailing out the airline industry post-September 11, the
majority in the House promised legislation to help thousands of
furloughed airline employees. They are still waiting.
The people should not have to wait anymore for help, and I tell my
colleagues, the richest 1 percent in this country, they can wait their
turn.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, one of the previous speakers
noted the Kennedy tax cuts as a measure of achievement, but what he
failed to note was that part of the revenue, at least one-third of the
revenue generated on that occasion, came from closing tax loopholes,
which this Congress has been reluctant to address, but let me speak
specifically to this issue.
The hot movie in 1981 was Smokey and the Bandit, the cool band was
Blondie, and the prevailing fiscal theory was trickle down economics.
While 1981 is a distant memory for most of us, we should learn from
that experience and not repeat the mistakes of the past.
The meaningless resolution we are considering today would
unfortunately do just that. The budget released this
[[Page H161]]
week says that the way to climb out of this deficit is with more tax
cuts, exploding tax cuts that we all know are going to be drawn from
Social Security and Medicare Trust Funds, just when the baby boomers
begin to retire.
Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford these tax cuts now, and everybody knows
it, so why do we think we can afford them when the baby boom generation
begins to retire? Apparently the taxpayers agree with us. The Los
Angeles Times poll is clear that the American people dispute the
priority that the majority in this House is about to undertake. These
tax cuts are not only skewed toward the wealthy, but they
disproportionately go to the superwealthy.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Nadler), in whose district the Twin Towers once stood and was
the target of this vicious attack against the United States of America.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a joke. I have been a
Member of Congress for almost 10 years, and I cannot remember any
resolution that simply supports current law. To not repeal or roll back
tax cuts, we do not need this resolution. Nothing is coming to the
floor. Nothing is threatened. We do not have to do anything.
The fact of the matter is that it was the Clinton budget's deficit
reduction package, which the Republicans called the greatest tax
increase in history in 1993, which they predicted, and I remember the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey) on the floor saying this will lead to
a depression, this will lead to hair-curling depression, instead led to
the greatest economic boom in the history of this country, led to the
lowest unemployment, lowest inflation, greatest job growth.
It led to reversing the $5 trillion in debt that we incurred during
the Reagan, Bush Senior, years. Instead, we got what we predicted a
year ago after 8 years of the Clinton economics was going to be $5.5
trillion of surplus, and 1 year with this tax cut and with the economic
recession partially brought about by this tax cut, we now have $4
trillion of that wiped out.
Now they say we should not have a tax increase in a recession. Of
course we should not. No one is proposing that unless they think the
recession is going to last another 4 or 5 years, but the real point
here is that with a $4 trillion in surplus wiped out, this country is
going to face choices a couple of years down the road.
Do we want another tax cut for the richest people in our country, or
do we want prescription drugs coverage for seniors on Medicare? How are
we going to pay for that? There is not enough money in the Bush budget
for it. There is not enough money that we see in the next 10 years for
prescription drugs under Medicare, not if we give more tax cuts to the
richest people in our society.
If we want to fully fund the education bill that we passed, we are
not going to be able carry on this current economics. So we have to
leave ourselves some adjustment room so we can make decisions in the
future when we see do we want prescription drugs for seniors or a
little more help for the billionaires among us.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) has
3 minutes remaining.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I have been waiting for an answer from the other side as to how this
tax policy provision could come out without ever coming before the
Committee on Ways and Means. They refuse to answer. It did not come out
of the Committee on the Budget. They refused to answer. It must have
come out of the Republican campaign to reelect the Congress because it
is a political issue and should not be on this floor.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would yield, I would like
to provide an answer.
Mr. RANGEL. Well, it is too late now. My colleague sure had his
chance, and he will get another chance to answer.
Mr. Speaker, the remaining time that I have I yield to the gentleman
from North Dakota (Mr. Pomeroy), an outstanding member of the Committee
on Ways and Means.
Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Rangel) for yielding me the time, and I thank the gentleman from
Alabama (Mr. Bachus) for bringing this motion to the floor. I think it
is very helpful.
When we passed the tax bill in May, we all agreed that Social
Security and Medicare funds would be held inviolate. In fact, that was
the terms of the consideration of the tax bill as put forward by the
President. He said, to make sure the retirement savings of American
seniors are not diverted to any other program, my budget protects all
$2.6 million.
This was elaborated on by members of the majority as they advanced
the budget, including the tax plan. In fact, the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Armey) said we must understand that it is inviolate to intrude
against either Social Security or Medicare, and if that means foregoing
or, as it were, paying for the tax cuts, then we will do that.
Now we know, however, that the actual budget plan this year involves
all future phase-ins of this tax cut coming out of Social Security
funds. If we look at the green line on this chart, we will note that
for each of the next 10 years, we are into Social Security funds to
fund any future dimension of this tax cut. So it is a very different
picture than we had when we passed the bill in May. It is not funded
from general funds. This is a raid on Social Security. In fact, the
President's budget reveals that up to $2 trillion will be diverted from
Social Security and Medicare in order to fund all future aspects of the
tax cut.
{time} 1300
So the question before us today is really a restatement of May's tax
cut vote, but done in light of what we now know. In May, we voted
saying it would not touch Social Security. Today, we know in light of
the President's budget plan that it raids Social Security to the tune
of $2 trillion. Under those circumstances, Mr. Speaker, I cannot
support this resolution.
I could support this resolution if there were a credible budget plan
advanced by the majority that showed we were not touching Social
Security and we were not touching Medicare. But to over the next 10
years, and not just in this period of war and recession, as the
majority says, but over the next 10 years launch us on a plan that
diverts $2 trillion of funds coming in for Social Security and Medicare
jeopardizes our Nation, jeopardizes a future commitment to our seniors,
and jeopardizes those in the work force today paying for the
retirement.
It is wrong to use Social Security monies in this way. They ought to
put a plan forward that holds harmless Social Security. The vote today
is whether we want to use Social Security on all future aspects of the
tax cut.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The time of gentleman from New
York (Mr. Rangel) has expired. The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller)
has 3\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. WELLER. The time of the gentleman from New York has fully
expired, Mr. Speaker?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
In conclusion, I would say to my colleagues that it is clear to me
that we have an ideological divide. Our friends on the other side of
the aisle are proposing a tax increase as their solution to our current
situation. And if we look at the facts today, we are at war, a war
against terrorism, we are rebuilding our homeland security, we are in
an economic recession, and all those who are students of history know
that whenever we are in a war, we have a deficit, and whenever we have
an economic recession, we have a deficit. Of course, my hope is we can
bring spending under control and eliminate that this year.
Our friends on the other side of the aisle propose a tax increase.
They say we should repeal the tax cut that President Bush proposed last
year, and that by doing so, raise tax revenue that they could spend
here in Washington.
Well, let us look at what it is they propose repealing. First, I will
mention the marriage tax penalty. Twenty-eight million married couples
pay an average of $1,400 more in higher taxes. We, of course, passed
legislation to wipe out the marriage tax penalty. A married couple
making $60,000, a middle-class married couple in the district I
represent, the south suburbs, pays on average $1,400 taxes under the
marriage
[[Page H162]]
tax penalty. They are middle class. They would see higher taxes under
the Democrat tax increase.
They also propose wiping out the elimination of the death tax, and
they propose wiping out the doubling of the child's tax credit. Working
moms and working families who have children will be able to get up to a
$1,000 tax credit. It is $500 under the current law that is in place.
They want to raise taxes on those parents with children.
We also provide an opportunity for families to put more tax-free
contributions into their retirement accounts. If we go along with the
Democrat proposal, we wipe out that opportunity and increase taxes on
those who want to save for education and retirement.
If we care about economic growth, we have to remember that it is the
small-business person, the entrepreneur who is in the top two tax
brackets, the people they call rich. And 80 percent of those who pay
taxes under the top two tax brackets are the small-business people, the
entrepreneurs, the people who have shops and businesses on Liberty
Street in my hometown, our main street, and main streets all across
America. We know small businesses and the entrepreneurs are going to
create jobs and get our economy moving again.
So, again, a world war, we are rebuilding our homeland security, and
we are in a recession. And there is not one real world economist who
has said that now is the time to increase taxes. In fact, economists
tell us it is best to lower taxes in a recession so people have more
money to invest and spend in the creation of jobs.
Yesterday, Secretary O'Neill, someone who is known for his frankness
and independent thought, was asked the question: ``Is a repeal of the
Bush tax cut a tax increase?'' And the Secretary said yes. And he noted
that raising taxes would stifle the process of getting Americans back
to work. This is a bad idea as our recovery is struggling to take hold.
My colleagues, this is a simple vote. We are in a recession, we are
at war. Do we want to increase taxes? Those who want to increase taxes
vote ``no.'' Those who want to make sure the Bush tax cut is fully
implemented and we get this economy moving again vote ``aye.''
I urge an ``aye'' vote and ask for bipartisan support for this sense
of House resolution and preserve the President's tax cut.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise to offer a few comments on the House's
consideration of H. Con. Res. 312.
Today our nation is at war, both here and abroad. Congress is
considering a budget plan that is likely to spend money out of the
Social Security Trust Fund. Our economy is trying to find its footing
in the wake of the ongoing recession. And many central New Jerseyans
have questions about the security of their 401K retirement plans in the
wake of the Enron bankruptcy. Looking at that list of issues, I imagine
most Americans feel Congress has plenty of work to do.
But instead of coming together in a bipartisan way to deal with these
important matters, the House is wasting time today debating a symbolic
and politically slanted resolution that has one and only one purpose:
To try to make it seem like some Members oppose tax cuts so that it can
be used against them in political campaigns. That this is a purely
political exercise is underscored by the fact that the Congressional
Leadership rejected all attempts to modify this resolution to include
the protection of Social Security.
I support tax cuts. My record on that is clear. I have consistently
voted--sometimes even against my own party--to support responsible tax
cuts for families, be it in the estate tax, the marriage penalty tax,
or other tax cuts. Despite that, I will vote on this resolution. It is
the type of silly political ``gotcha'' game that Americans hate about
Washington. And it glosses over the real budget challenges we face.
Last year, the Congressional Budget Office projected over $5.6
trillion in surpluses over the next ten years. Now, based on the
President's budget presented this week, the surplus will be about $600
billion--a difference of $5 trillion lost in less than one year.
That budget will force the government to dip into Social Security and
Medicare every year for the next ten years, and because it fails to pay
off the debt, will cost the country an additional $1 trillion. That is
one trillion dollars that won't be available for families to meet their
needs or for the government to help with schools, energy research,
prescription medicine, or anything else. That's a one trillion debt
that will rest on our children.
As many of us warned last year, Congress simply left no cushion in
the budget resolution. Last year, no one predicted that we would enter
a recession, and no one knew we would be at war. But many of us warned
that unforeseen occurrences always arise and carry expenses with them.
Set aside more of the budget, we said, and that will put us in a better
position for the future--whatever comes.
There is no doubt that the recession and the war on terrorism have
contributed to the disappearance of the surplus. But the single largest
contributor to that disappearance over the next decade is the
President's tax package. This resolution will be presented as a litmus
test of who wants to raise taxes. I won't raise taxes. Americans can
rest assured that no one here is proposing to raise taxes, certainly
not at a time of economic weakness.
We'll see this resolution in only two places: On the House floor
today and in campaign commercials this fall. We shouldn't be wasting
time on finger pointing and political games. We should be working
together to find solutions to the problems that are waiting out on the
horizon.
Mr. PASTOR. Mr. Speaker, President Bush recently delivered his budget
proposals for Fiscal Year 2003 to Congress. I was hopeful that all
Americans would be a part of the American dream, but he has woefully
put almost 60 percent of us in jeopardy. The most pressing question in
Washington this year is will we support a budget that makes the
wealthiest 15 percent of Americans wealthier, or will we pursue
policies that will keep 60 percent of the people from becoming worse
off.
I wholeheartedly support the President in his efforts to improve
homeland security and to further strengthen our military. We have
finally adjusted to the post cold war world, and after the terrorist
attacks of September 11, we now have an even better understanding of
the world and those who threaten us. I fully support the President's
efforts to strengthen our military forces through modern equipment and
facilities and highly trained and compensated personnel.
I also applaud the President for his efforts to strengthen our
security at home. The concept of ``Homeland Security'' holds special
meaning to the people of our nation for the first time in more than 50
years. The images of that fateful day in September will haunt each of
us for the rest of our lives. But we are a strong and proud people and
we will not forsake our responsibilities to guard the privileges of
freedom for which so many of our forefathers shed their own blood. We
all support our President in his efforts to protect us and will go the
extra mile to meet our security needs.
Yet, we must not neglect the other principles that have made our
nation the strongest and most productive in the history of
civilization. We are a nation of over-achievers who strive to reach the
top and to win. But, we are also a nation of compassion, kindness and
giving and we have always been willing to reach down and help those who
need assistance.
I am fearful that the domestic side of President Bush's budget plan
will neglect not only those who are least fortunate among us, but also
a good many of us who are working to reach the top, but have yet to
fulfill the dream.
The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) recently issued a report that
said the single biggest factor in the elimination of the estimated $5.6
trillion surplus was last year's Economic Growth and Tax Relief
Reconciliation Act which cut taxes by $1.35 trillion, most of which
went to the wealthiest individuals and businesses. I strongly supported
using this surplus to improve the lives of all Americans. I believed it
best to divide the surplus into thirds, with one third for tax cuts,
one third for additional funding on national priorities like education,
Social Security, and infrastructure improvements, and one third toward
eliminating the national debt. President Bush's tax cut was too much
and, once hit by the recession and the attacks of September 11, it is
clear that this huge tax cut has knocked our fiscal house into a heap
of rubble.
For the first time since 1997, the budget of the United States
Government will experience a deficit. We must pay for the war on
terrorism and we must protect the Homeland. But, we should not put
domestic programs at jeopardy, go into further debt, and raid the
Social Security and Medicare Trust Funds in order to give the
wealthiest Americans large tax cuts.
In fact, even though last year's tax cuts are scheduled to expire in
2010, the President's new budget has proposed making these tax cuts
permanent. This is estimated to cost an additional $675 billion over
the next ten years. This means domestic programs will be cut by almost
five percent below the levels necessary to maintain current services.
This means that we will be using Social Security and Medicare funds to
pay for these tax cuts. It means we will be forced to eliminate 28
elementary and secondary education programs. It means we will cut rural
health care activities by 42 percent. It means we must freeze the Child
Care and Development Fund. It means we must cut
[[Page H163]]
funds for critical repairs to public housing. It means our federal
highway program will be cut a drastic 29 percent.
In my view, the price we are being asked to pay for these huge tax
cuts is too high. I do not believe it is in the best interest of our
nation as a whole to return to deficit spending just so the wealthiest
15 percent of our people can become even wealthier.
I am opposing the domestic portions of the President's budget and
call on decision makers to join me in a common sense approach to
meeting the priorities of America. We should continue to fight the war
on terrorism. We should continue to protect the Homeland against
attack. But we must not continue the ill-fated principles that drive us
further and further into economic insecurity and debt. Let's be sure
all Americans are given an opportunity to strive for the American
dream.
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I oppose H. Con. Res. 312, expressing the
sense of the House of Representatives that the scheduled tax relief
provided for by H.R. 1836, the Economic Growth and Tax Relief
Reconciliation Act of 2001, should not be suspended or repealed.
I oppose the resolution before us today for the same reasons I
opposed H.R. 1836 last summer. It's the wrong tax cut at the wrong
time. The wealthiest ten percent of U.S. taxpayers reap the greatest
benefit from the tax cut. The tax cut is so costly that the President
is willing to imperil Social Security and Medicare by using revenue
from the Trust Funds to pay for the tax cut.
I am not willing to weaken the foundations of retirement security in
order to pay for a bloated tax cut that benefits the wealthy. Nor am I
willing to compromise on a Medicare prescription drug benefit. The
bottom line is, there is only a limited amount of revenue coming into
the federal government. By passing last year's tax cut, the Republican
Congress put a premium on tax cuts for the wealthy while making
retirement security, seniors, education, and our children, a lower
priority.
Last January, the 10-year surplus (2002-2011) estimate was $5.6
trillion. In one year, that surplus decreased $4 trillion. Certainly
the events of September 11 and the fledgling economy contributed to
some of this decrease. However, forty percent of that decrease can be
attributed to the Republican income tax cut passed last summer. Last
February, Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill stated before the Ways and
Means Committee:
``If we lock box Social Security, that the President said we should
do, effectively use it to pay down the public debt and you all want to
do Medicare too, that is fine. We still have got after implementation
of the President's proposal $1.5 trillion available, or more than 25
percent of the total projected surplus available as a cushion against
the prospect of running ourselves back into a deficit ditch.''
Secretary O'Neill was wrong. Using the ``on-budget'' or non-Social
Security baseline budget from the Administration's own budget tables,
there is now a $298 billion deficit over 5 years from 2003-2007. This
means that all of those Republican-promoted Congressional resolutions
last year promising to put the Social Security and Medicare trust funds
in a ``lockbox'' were nothing more than dog and pony shows for
America's retirees. Sadly, the days of fiscal responsibility are over.
Although Democrats noted last year that the figures used to calculate
the size of the tax cut were unrealistic and too conservative, the
Republicans ignored our warnings and proceeded full speed ahead. Then,
to make the bloated tax cut fit into their rosy budget scenario, the
Republicans used budget gimmicks to make their tax cut expire in 2011.
Now, appallingly, the President has called to make these tax cuts
permanent in the budget he released on Monday. Apparently the rich
aren't rich enough. Meanwhile, seniors who cannot afford prescription
drugs are reminded by this resolution, and the President's budget, that
their concerns are not a priority.
The Congressional Budget Office just reported that making the Bush
tax cut permanent would decrease revenues by $569 billion resulting in
debt service payment increases of $58 billion. This leads to a total
cost of $627 billion in FY 2003-2012. To do a real Medicare
prescription drug benefit will cost some $600 billion over ten years.
We should scrap the additional tax cuts called for in the President's
budget and instead provide a Medicare prescription drug benefit to all
beneficiaries.
This resolution is an insult to every American worker who expects to
receive an adequate Social Security check at retirement. It is also an
insult to every senior who has been anticipating a meaningful Medicare
prescription drug benefit. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.
Con. Res. 312.
Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is not real
legislation intended to meet a national need or resolve a national
problem. Instead, it is a political game. Everyone in this Chamber
knows that--and by bringing it forward under this extraordinary
procedure, the Republican leadership is doing us the favor of making it
clear to everyone in the country.
In simplest terms, the point of this resolution is to try to make the
House again express support for last year's tax bill--a bill based on
economic projections that were very doubtful then and that now have
been shown to have been wildly over-optimistic.
When the bill was passed, the economic weather seemed bright--we did
not yet know that we already were in recession--and sponsors of the
bill claimed that we could rely on that to continue not just for a
matter of months but for a full decade. And now, despite the dramatic
change in economic conditions, despite the need for increased resources
to fight terrorism and for homeland defense, the sponsors of this
resolution are calling on us to say that nothing has changed.
With storm clouds looming and the wind shifting sharply, they are
saying that instead of considering whether to shorten sail we should
act as if the sun was still shining and the seas were calm--instead of
considering adjustments, we should swear allegiance to stay the
course--even if it was plotted in error. And that's not all. The
resolution asks that the House insist that ``suspending, repealing or
delaying'' any part of last year's bill ``is a tax increase.'' I guess
that they subscribe to the theory that if you say something often
enough and loudly enough you can get people to believe it.
Of course, the problem is that saying something is so doesn't make it
so. It simply is not true that changing something scheduled for the
future is the same thing as doing something today--any more than
revising next year's baseball schedule would be the same as adding an
exhibition game tomorrow. I do not think that makes sense, and I cannot
support this resolution any more than I could support last year's tax
bill.
I am not opposed to cutting taxes. I have supported--and still
support--a substantial reduction in income taxes and the elimination of
the ``marriage penalty.'' I have supported--and still support--
including the child credit and making it refundable so that it will
benefit more lower-income families. And I have supported--and still
support--reforming, but not repealing, the estate tax.
But the affordability of last year's tax bill depended on uncertain
projections of continuing budget surpluses that now may inspire
nostalgia but are otherwise meaningless. As I said last year, the tax
bill was a riverboat gamble. It put at risk our economic stability, the
future of Medicare and Social Security, and our ability to make needed
investments in health and education. For me, the stakes were too high
and the odds were too long, and I had to vote against it. This
resolution does not correct those problems--merely insists that they
don't exist. That may make its sponsors feel better, but it does not
deserve the support of the House.
Mr. WATTS of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support the tax relief
law as Congress passed it and as the President signed it. Even in the
middle of a recession, some lawmakers have chosen to resurrect a hatred
of tax relief--this time giving speeches and making statements in
support of delaying or repealing the promise we made to the American
people last year. But a promise made should be a promise kept. Yanking
cash out of the wallets and pocketbooks of hardworking taxpayers is not
good policy. Their elected officials told them they would have more
money to spend on their families and needs--and that's the commitment
we ought to honor.
Creating jobs and letting people keep more of the money they earn is
the recipe for getting our economy back on track. Raising taxes would
send the wrong message, set the wrong precedent and take the wrong
action during a national recession.
Mr. Speaker, let me remind my colleagues exactly what it is we are
talking about: eliminating the death tax, reducing the marriage
penalty, doubling the child credit and offering across-the-board income
tax relief. This is not about ``tax cuts for the rich.'' This is not
about special breaks for only the wealthy. Under the tax relief law,
anyone who pays taxes pay less. These are initiatives that should be
permanent, not delayed or repealed.
Today's vote will put the House on record. Are we keeping our word or
breaking our word? Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to stand behind
our promise to hardworking taxpayers around the country and vote for
this resolution in support of economic growth and tax relief. Our
constituents are counting on us.
Mr. RODRIGUEZ. Mr. Speaker, the resolution on the House floor is a
sham. Rather than accept responsibility for their reckless budget
policies, they try to hide behind a feel-good resolution that does
nothing to balance the budget, and does nothing to protect our national
obligations to senior citizens or veterans.
Yes, we are in a war, and we face new challenges that require a
strong response. I support that effort 100 percent. But given that
reality, we face a choice. One year ago, our new President told us that
we need huge
[[Page H164]]
across-the-board tax cuts because the surpluses were so large. Now he
says we need them even though the surplus is gone and deficits are
back. He promised us that we would meet our national priorities first,
before cutting revenues in a way that overwhelmingly benefit the most
well-off in our society. But his budget leaves key priorities unmet.
This week the administration sent us a budget that breaks the promise
not to use Medicare and Social Security funds to fund government
operations. Now we have a deficit with no end in sight. And we all
know, we all know, that the deficit numbers will end up much worse once
we work through all the budget gimmicks and tricks. This resolution
champions fiscal irresponsibility. Let's do what the President said we
would do: meet our national priorities first. That means we take care
of Social Security and Medicare, that means we expand quality health
care access for those who still find themselves outside the system,
that means we fulfill our promises to veterans, not just next year, but
five years from now, that means we invest in our national
infrastructure and protect our environment so that we leave our
children a world of clean, expanding commerce.
The tax cuts enacted last year--especially now--are simply unfair and
unwarranted. They help the very few at the expense of the many.
Americans loved the $300 rebate they got last year; we could offer all
Americans that rebate for years and years to come if we simply did not
purse the most irresponsible aspects of the majority's tax policies.
Instead, we will likely face rising interest rates, the most unkind tax
hike on American consumers and a true drag on our economy. We face a
choice. Blindly adhere to a doctrine of tax cuts first and always, or
adopt a balanced approach that offers tax cuts to all Americans while
still meeting our national obligations. Let's make the right choice and
put the interests of America's working families first.
Ms. McCarthy of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Con
Res. 312, expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the
scheduled tax relief provided for by the Economic Growth and Tax Relief
Reconciliation Act of 2001 passed by a bipartisan majority in Congress
should not be suspended or repealed.
Since January, 2001, we have seen a 10-year estimated $5.6 trillion
surplus completely dissolve. Today, Congressional Budget Office
estimates show a meager $600 billion surplus, and this is after every
dollar has been raided from the Social Security and Medicare trust
funds. Instead of insisting on more tax cuts that will drive us further
into debt and raise our long term interest rates, let us consider other
options.
Last year's tax cuts have already provided income tax relief to most
working Americans, and the lowest individual income tax rate has fallen
from 15 percent to 10 percent. By waiting to enact additional tax cuts
until we can afford it, we can again work towards a balanced budget and
ensure the solvency of Social Security and Medicare. In my 25 years of
public service, I have worked under the constraints of a President who
sought to spend outside of our means, and I had the pleasure of working
with a President committed to paying down the debt and balancing the
budget. It was this second strategy that allowed America to have the
longest sustained period of economic growth in the history of the
world. We should follow the lessons we learned then and maintain fiscal
responsibility and balanced budgets.
Our priority should be to retire the debt so we do not put America's
economy at risk. I am for tax relief, but we need to do it the right
way at the right time. It is a travesty that the Republican leadership
did not allow us to vote on the Social Security lockbox bill that would
have maintained continued support for fiscally responsible tax relief
that does not take money away from Social Security. A similar bill
passed the House last year by a margin of 407-2.
Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in opposing H. Con. Res.
312, as it threatens Social Security and Medicare funds.
Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, this resolution before us today is a sham.
This resolution is a political tool, not an economic tool.
If this resolution was really about improving our economy, it would
proclaim the need to protect Social Security and Medicare and not ill
conceived tax cuts that are plunging this country back into deficit
spending.
If it was about improving the economy, it would seek to explain how a
projected $5.6 trillion in surpluses over 10 years have been reduced to
$661 billion in just eight months.
If it was about improving the economy, it would explain to the
American people how we can afford $2 trillion in tax cuts, while our
budget is in deficit.
If it was truly about improving the economy, it would explain how
three-quarters of that $2 trillion will be borrowed from Social
Security, and the other 25 percent ($550 billion) will be borrowed form
Medicare, which, by the way, is all of the projected surplus in
Medicare.
I am one of the fiscally responsible members of this body that
apparently caused the tax-cut-all-all-cost sponsors of this resolution
to draft it. I called for a freeze of still-to-be-enacted tax cuts that
would allow us to determine how much the war on terrorism, recession
and the already enacted tax cuts will cost us. I have not called for a
tax increase. I have not called for a rollback of taxes. I have called
for a common sense breather to assess our situation. Anyone calling
this tax freeze a tax increase is suffering from a brain freeze.
The President's budget, which includes many laudable items, includes
about $80 billion in tax cuts next year. Not coincidentally, about $80
billion is expected to be borrowed form Social Security and Medicare
next year, according to his budget. What good does it do for the
federal government to give money to American taxpayers with one hand,
and take it away with the other?
If corporate America treated pension funds like Congress treats
Social Security, someone would be in jail. We can't steal from the
future to pay for today's unwise fiscal policies.
I urge my colleagues who support this resolution to stop playing
``gotcha'', because the American people ``get it''. They understand
that it is wrong to borrow from Social Security and Medicare. They
understand that it is wrong to prolong deficit spending. They
understand that every additional dollar we pay in interest on our
national debt is a dollar that we don't use to pay down our debt.
And because they do understand, I wholeheartedly vote against this
ill-conceived, petty resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller) that the House suspend the rules
and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 312.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of
those present have voted in the affirmative.
Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not
present.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 235,
nays 181, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 10]
YEAS--235
Aderholt
Akin
Armey
Bachus
Baker
Ballenger
Barcia
Barr
Bartlett
Barton
Bass
Bereuter
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Bryant
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Carson (OK)
Castle
Chabot
Chambliss
Coble
Collins
Combest
Condit
Cox
Cramer
Crane
Crenshaw
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
Deal
DeLay
DeMint
Diaz-Balart
Dooley
Doolittle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
English
Everett
Ferguson
Flake
Fletcher
Foley
Forbes
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutknecht
Hall (OH)
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Herger
Hilleary
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hooley
Horn
Hostettler
Houghton
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Isakson
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jenkins
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kerns
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Largent
Larsen (WA)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Maloney (CT)
Manzullo
Matheson
McCarthy (NY)
McCrery
McHugh
McInnis
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinney
Mica
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Miller, Jeff
Moore
Moran (KS)
Myrick
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nussle
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Paul
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Pombo
Portman
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reynolds
Roemer
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Royce
Ryun (KS)
Sandlin
Saxton
Schaffer
Schrock
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skeen
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
[[Page H165]]
Stump
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tauzin
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thornberry
Thune
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Toomey
Upton
Vitter
Walden
Walsh
Wamp
Watkins (OK)
Watts (OK)
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NAYS--181
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Baird
Baldacci
Baldwin
Barrett
Becerra
Bentsen
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Blumenauer
Bonior
Borski
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd
Brady (PA)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Capuano
Cardin
Carson (IN)
Clay
Clayton
Clement
Clyburn
Conyers
Costello
Coyne
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Deutsch
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Ford
Frank
Frost
Gephardt
Gonzalez
Green (TX)
Gutierrez
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hill
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hoeffel
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hoyer
Inslee
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
John
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind (WI)
Kleczka
Kucinich
LaFalce
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCollum
McGovern
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Miller, George
Mink
Mollohan
Moran (VA)
Morella
Murtha
Nadler
Neal
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Phelps
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rivers
Rodriguez
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sawyer
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott
Serrano
Sherman
Skelton
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Stenholm
Strickland
Stupak
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thurman
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Velazquez
Visclosky
Waters
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
NOT VOTING--19
Blagojevich
Bono
Cooksey
Cubin
Fossella
Frelinghuysen
Hastert
Luther
McDermott
Napolitano
Oxley
Riley
Roukema
Ryan (WI)
Shaw
Slaughter
Sununu
Traficant
Young (AK)
{time} 1327
So (two-thirds not having voted in favor thereof) the motion was
rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
____________________