[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 177 (Wednesday, December 19, 2001)]
[House]
[Pages H10442-H10462]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2506, FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING,
AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2002
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the previous order of the House,
I call up the conference report accompanying the bill (H.R. 2506)
making appropriations for foreign operations, export financing, and
related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2002, and for
other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of today,
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the conference report is considered as having been read.
(For conference report and statement, see prior proceedings of the
House of today.)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 30
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe).
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am privileged to bring before the House today the conference report
on H.R. 2506, making appropriations for foreign operations, export
financing, and related programs for fiscal year 2002. I want to also
pay special thanks today to my very able ranking minority member, the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey). She has been a full partner
throughout this process, and I am very grateful for the support and the
participation that she has provided to bring this bipartisan bill
before the House today as a conference report.
It is important to note that this bill enjoyed widespread support
when it came before the House the first time. We approved the bill on
July 24 by a vote of 381 to 46, really unprecedented for a foreign
operations bill. Senate passage occurred 3 months later, on October 24,
by a vote of 96 to two. I think these votes in both the House and the
Senate demonstrate the importance that most Members in both bodies
attach to fulfilling our foreign obligations and assisting our friends
and allies abroad.
As I stated when I brought the bill to the floor earlier this year, I
had three priorities for this legislation: first was to reverse the
spread of infectious diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and
malaria; second, encouraging economic growth through open trade and
transparent laws in other countries; and, third, improving the
accountability of the agencies that are funded by this bill. This
conference agreement represents important progress in all three areas.
The conference agreement appropriates $15.346 billion in new
discretionary budget authority. This figure represents an even split
between the House and Senate allocations. It is $178 million above the
House level, $178 million below the Senate-passed bill. Three major
reasons for the increase are the needs to restore a portion of the
administration's cut to the Export-Import Bank; to provide new funding
for the Andean Counterdrug Initiative; and to intensify our efforts to
combat HIV/AIDS and other communicable diseases.
For the Export-Import Bank, we restored $138 million of the proposed
reduction of $232 million in the program funds of the bank. This level
of funding will allow for loan authorizations estimated at $10.6
billion, approximately $1.4 billion higher than the current level.
Regarding the Andean Counterdrug Initiative, it is important to
recall that a supplemental appropriation bill outside the boundaries of
the subcommittee's fiscal year 2001 allocation funded the initial Plan
Colombia adopted by Congress last year. Therefore, the $625 million the
conference report recommends for these activities is significantly
above the $154 million that was available in the regular 2001
appropriations act for these countries; hence, the requirement for more
money for this initiative. I am disappointed that we could not provide
a higher level for this important initiative. However, in the
discussions that we had with the Senate on this matter, I often felt
like I was a minority of one. We were able to provide the base funding
of $625 million, plus transfer authority to provide $35 million in
addition to these funds. That will allow for a total of $660 million
for this program in fiscal year 2002.
In addition, the conference report includes an amended version of the
general provisions as proposed by the Senate that modifies the annual
counternarcotics certification process. I ask that the letter I
received from the State Department dated December 14, 2001, supporting
the recommendation of the conferees be included in the Record.
Over $2.8 billion of the funds provided in this conference report
will be made available for military, economic, and refugee assistance
for Israel. It is important that we pass this conference report as soon
as possible, since Israel's economic assistance is a component of its
fiscal year 2001 budget that expires at the end of December, this
month, just a few days from now. Overall, the bill provides $5.14
billion for the Middle East, including assistance to Jordan, Egypt and
Lebanon.
Total funding for activities to combat HIV/AIDS in this bill is $475
million, a very significant increase over the level of $315 million
provided in fiscal year 2001. Within that level, the conference
agreement appropriates $50 million for the international HIV/AIDS trust
fund, as well as general authority to provide for an additional $50
million, if warranted, from other sources in this bill and from prior
year funds.
Together with $100 million appropriated earlier this year in the
supplemental appropriations act and $100 million appropriated in the
Labor-HHS bill which we just completed on the floor a few moments ago,
we have fully met and exceeded the President's request of $200 million
in funding for the international fund to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and
tuberculosis. For bilateral assistance, no less than $395 million
should be available for HIV/AIDS programs, assuming that $40 million is
transferred to the proposed global fund. This amount exceeds the
President's request by $66 million and the level authorized in law by
$95 million. Some of the increase is for new programs in vulnerable
countries such as Burma where little donor assistance is available to
restrict the spread of AIDS.
Overall, for assistance programs managed solely by the Agency for
International Development, the committee recommends a total of over
$3.5 billion, of which $1.43 billion is for child survival and health
programs. These totals include $120 million for a grant to UNICEF. In
addition, $150 million is provided for basic education, an increase of
$47 million over the fiscal year 2001 level. Again, I want to
congratulate the gentlewoman from New York for her persistence in
ensuring that assistance for basic education receive a high priority in
this year's conference agreement.
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Many children around the world have a great deal to be thankful to
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for.
For international financial institutions, the recommendation is $1.17
billion, which is $23 million over the 2001 level, but $40 million
below the request. The bill also completes funding for the Heavily
Indebted Poor Country Initiative, with a final $224 million, and
provides an additional $25 million for the Tropical Forest Debt Relief
Act; $5 million in new funds and $20 million from previous year
balances. The President has called on the World Bank to dramatically
increase the share of its funding for health and education in the
poorest countries, but to do so with grants, rather than loans. Over
the past few years, the committee has urged different administrations
to adopt these policies, and I am pleased that President Bush has
embraced them.
The conference report also includes language similar to that included
in the bill that the House passed earlier this year regarding
compliance by the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian Liberation
Organization with their commitments to halt violence and terrorism.
Language in the conference agreement specifies the PLO and Palestinian
Authority should abide by the cease-fire brokered by CIA Director
George Tenet. If they are not in substantial compliance, the Secretary
of State should impose at least one of three sanctions: First, the
closure of the Palestinian information office in Washington; second,
the designation of the PLO or one or more of its constituent groups as
a terrorist organization; and, third, the cutting off of all except
humanitarian aid to the West Bank and Gaza.
The President is allowed to waive these restrictions if he determines
it is in the national security interests of the United States. Many of
my colleagues wanted to go further in sanctioning the Palestinians;
others felt that any language might upset potential negotiations that
are either underway or will be underway in the future. The conference
compromise, I believe, is a good indication of Congressional
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intent. I think it sends the right message to the Palestinians: Comply
with your commitments regarding the enunciation of terror and violence
and no sanctions will be imposed. I also believe it gives the President
and the Secretary of State additional leverage in their discussions
with Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Authority.
The conference agreement also includes my proposal regarding the
International Committee on the Red Cross. This otherwise noble
institution has failed to admit the Magen David Adom Society of Israel
to the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. The American
Red Cross has courageously fought to get the Society admitted to the
Red Cross Movement. They have withheld their dues to the Geneva
headquarters of the International Red Cross for the past 2 years. I am
proposing that the United States Government do the same, until the
Society is fully able to participate in the activities of the
International Red Cross.
The bill also includes an additional $100 million to assist El
Salvador in its recovery from two devastating earthquakes earlier this
year. Many Members of the House are interested in assuring that
additional assistance is provided for our friends in El Salvador, and
the conference agreement provides that at least $100 million shall be
made available for that purpose. The administrator of AID was in El
Salvador last week and was able to make this announcement, and I can
tell Members it was greeted with considerable satisfaction there.
For the International Fund for Ireland, we are recommending $25
million. That is the same as last year, but it is $5 million above the
President's request. The program is designed to support the peace
process in Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Republic of
Ireland. Again, this is a matter that has strong support in the House
and that the Senate did not address.
Our assistance program for Eastern Europe and the Balkans will
receive $621 million in this conference report, an increase of $21
million over the fiscal year 2001 level. The major reason for the
increase is the need to meet the last-minute requests of the
administration for debt relief for Yugoslovia, which will assist the
new democratic government of Serbia in its attempt to reform the
economy of that country.
For the states of the former Soviet Union, funding would decline only
slightly, from $810 million to $784 million. The committee continues
its support to find a peaceful settlement in the Southern Caucasus
region by providing $90 million for both Armenia and Georgia. While the
committee does not set aside a specific amount for Azerbaijan, it
waives a statutory restriction on assistance to its government as it
cooperates in the fight against global terrorism.
The committee supports the struggle for a better life by the people
of the Ukraine. Under this bill, the Ukraine will continue to receive
$154 million, one of the largest single aid programs for any country on
the globe.
Assistance for South and Southeast Asia is a relatively small part of
our bill, but its importance is far more substantial than the number
would indicate. Ongoing economic growth in health programs in India,
the Philippines, Bangladesh and Indonesia provide the framework for
subsequent investment by the private sector and multilateral
development banks. The United States will participate in the effort to
rebuild the Afghan economy, but substantial funds for that purpose have
not yet been requested by the President, and so they are not included
in this conference agreement.
For the second year, AID is encouraged to renew a basic education
program in Pakistan. It is modest, but a very important start towards
renewing a long-term economic assistance program in a country that has
been seriously impacted by international terrorism.
The conference agreement also provides funding for several smaller
programs that often do not get a lot of attention, including $38
million for anti-terrorism assistance and $40 million for humanitarian
demining programs around the world.
The Peace Corps is another program that has made an enormous
difference in the world over the last several decades, and it has very
strong support in the House. We recognize its value and its importance
by providing the full funding request of $275 million.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to, once again, thank our ranking
minority member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for her
cooperation in developing this year's bill and in reaching a conference
agreement. We have had our disagreements from time to time, but we have
approached them in the spirit of finding answers to them. We were both
committed to developing a bipartisan bill that addresses the key
priorities of the administration, as well as the Members of the House,
both majority and minority, and, of course, the Senate in this
conference report. It has been a great pleasure to work with the
gentlewoman this year, and I am very grateful to have had her as my
ranking member.
Before we close, Mr. Speaker, I would be remiss if I did not say we
could not be here today without the extraordinary help of the staff of
this subcommittee and our personal staffs that make it possible. I am
speaking of the clerk of our subcommittee, Charlie Flickner, our
professional staff, John Shank, Alice Grant and Lori Maes. On the other
side of the aisle, Mark Murray; and our personal staffs, Sean Mulvaney
from my staff, and Beth Tritter from the staff of the gentlewoman from
New York (Mrs. Lowey). They have been extraordinary in their efforts to
work together and to find the answers, and in making sure that this
bill came to the floor in a timely fashion and was one that can have
strong bipartisan support.
Mr. Speaker, I thank all the members of the subcommittee for their
invaluable assistance this year. I am proud that all the House
conferees have signed this conference report, and I urge the entire
House to vote in favor of this important legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I include the following for the Record:
Department of State,
Washington, DC, December 14, 2001.
Hon. Jim Koble,
Chairman, Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export
Financing, and Related Programs, Committee on
Appropriations, House of Representatives.
Dear Chairman Kolbe: This is in response to Mr. Mica's
letter regarding proposed changes to the annual counter
narcotics certification process. The general provision
contained in the fiscal year 2002 Foreign Operations, Export
Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations bill is a
significant first step toward improving the current narcotics
certification process. Moreover, it is important to remember
that this provision to modify the certification process was
negotiated, in good faith, by this Administration with the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee under the leadership of
then Chairman Helms.
We understand that the general provision contained in the
final version of your bill would be applied on a worldwide
basis and would place a premium on cooperation rather than
confrontation with other governments. That cooperation is
essential for combating international drug trafficking and
traffickers, as well as combating international terrorism and
terrorists.
Far from rendering meaningless the 15-year certification
process or making it hard for us to fight illicit drugs and
terrorism, the proposed legislation is a good measure of how
far we have come since certifications began 15 years ago. At
that time, we needed the blunt instrument of certification to
get the attention of some governments. We are operating in a
different world now, where the threat of international
trafficking is better understood and where countries are more
willing to work together to combat the problem.
The provision in the 2002 Foreign Operations bill retains
the positive elements of the current system by continuing to
link the counternarcotics efforts of major illicit drug
producing and drug-transit countries to their eligibility for
most forms of U.S. assistance, while eliminating some of the
aspects that have created tension in our bilateral
relationships. This provision continues to require the
President to evaluate major illicit drug producing or drug-
transit countries in their efforts to adhere to the 1988
United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic
Drugs and Psychotropic Substances.
The 2002 counternarcotics provision further reduces one
source of friction with many countries that are designated as
major illicit drug producing or drug-transit countries by
reducing the period countries must wait before they are
eligible to receive the full amount of U.S. assistance in any
fiscal year. The provision still retains the President's
authority to waive the imposition of sanctions if he
determines and reports to the appropriate congressional
committees that it is vital to the national interests of the
United States. Only countries that the President designates
as having failed in their
[[Page H10445]]
counter-narcotics efforts and who do not receive a waiver
would be eligible for most U.S. assistance provided under the
Foreign Operations. Appropriations Act in FY 2002.
Additionally, the 2002 language preserves the Department's
annual International, Narcotics Control Strategy Report
(INCSR), which is the single most important and complete
survey anywhere of foreign drug control policies and
practices.
The modification to the annual drug certification
procedures contained in the general provisions of your bill
provides that the new procedures would remain in place for
one year, allowing the Department to monitor their
effectiveness and to consider other options for the longer
range during this period.
The Department is committed to combating the flow of
illegal drugs into our country, particularly since the links
between drug trafficking and international terrorism have
been firmly established. We believe that the proposed
modification to the current certification procedures will
allow us to continue this important mission.
Sincerely,
Paul B. Kelly,
Assistant Secretary, Legislative Affairs.
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Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this conference report. I am very
proud to join the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) today in
presenting the final fiscal year 2002 foreign operations bill to our
colleagues. We have worked closely with the Senate to come up with what
I believe is a fine product.
The bill provides $15.324 billion, about $178 million above the
President's request, for foreign assistance programs. I am pleased that
we were able to provide funding levels for many programs, such as Child
Survival and Development Assistance, which are well above the
President's request. I believe this bill responds decisively to the
HIV-AIDS crisis in Africa and around the world, providing a total of
$475 million to fight this disease. This total is $150 million above
last year's level and $285 million above the fiscal year 2000 level.
The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and I worked hard to maximize
the Congressional commitment to fighting HIV-AIDS within a budget that
was simply too small to do all we know we must do, and I believe we
have succeeded.
The bill also represents a first step toward a Congressional
commitment to providing basic education for all of the world's poor
children. Education is a cornerstone of development, and it is high
time that the foreign operations bill reflected this priority. In fact,
every study shows that educating children, and especially girls, yields
extraordinary advances in health care, economic growth and the
stability of developing societies.
The bill before us today provides a total of $165 million for basic
education, up from just $115 million 1 year ago. This is a tremendous
beginning to what I hope will be a multiyear scale-up of this program.
Again, I thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) for working with
me on this issue.
The bill also fully funds our commitments to the Middle East. It
adequately funds export programs and meets other international
commitments. It also includes a key provision urging the President to
assess Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat's compliance with
basic agreements to disavow violence and terrorism and hold those who
continue to pursue terror accountable. It also urges the President to
take punitive action against Arafat and the PA if he has not complied.
The House-passed bill made this assessment mandatory, and I want to
make it perfectly clear that I strongly preferred that this language
stand. The events of recent weeks have made it obvious why Arafat must
know if he reneges on his commitments, his relationship with the United
States will suffer. I do believe the language in this conference
agreement expresses the clear will of Congress on this matter, and I
have already urged the President to comply.
We all know that conferencing a bill is a process of compromise, and
I would like to discuss two provisions with which I continue to
disagree. Specifically, I am concerned about the inclusion in this bill
of an open-ended waiver of Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act. I
had hoped that we would be able to amend the Senate-passed language to
sunset the waiver and ensure the stability of Nagorno-Karabagh. We make
clear in the Statement of Managers that we will revisit this issue next
year, if necessary.
I also strenuously disagree with the decision to drop the Senate's
Global Democracy Promotion language which would have repealed the
President's executive order imposing the global gag rule on our
bilateral family planning assistance. Although I am delighted we were
able to increase bilateral international family planning assistance to
$446.5 million, recipients of these funds will continue to be unfairly
and onerously restricted by the gag rule. As I have said before, I
believe this policy is a blight on our foreign assistance program.
I also regret that this bill has been held up for weeks by those in
this body who oppose funding for the United Nations Population Fund,
the UNFPA. The increase we have provided for this organization reflects
the importance and quality of its work, not only in the family planning
arena, but in combatting HIV-AIDS and helping the people of
Afghanistan.
In fact, unfortunately, the bill could have been completed a month
ago, and I can tell you it does make a huge difference to the
implementers and recipients of these assistance programs as a result of
the delay. Moving forward with all of the wonderful new initiatives we
have discussed here today has been needlessly delayed.
Mr. Speaker, I think we can all agree that the last few months have
sparked a new awareness on the part of all Americans of the importance
of understanding and engaging with people around the world. We cannot
go it alone, we know that, and we cannot deny the fact that what
happened seemingly a world away can directly impact the lives of each
and every American.
It is with this enhanced awareness of the complexities of the world
that my colleagues and I approached this conference, and with it is
with a heightened sense of purpose that I continue to support and urge
my colleagues to support increased investments in our foreign policy
priorities. We simply do not have enough in this year's bill to do what
we must for Afghanistan, for HIV-AIDS, for basic education, health
care, democracy and economic development, and we will be in the same
position next year, unless we get a substantially increased request
from the President come February. We must constantly build on our
successes, because the stakes are far too high for us to rest on our
laurels.
I want to include by thanking the wonderful Members of my committee.
It has been a pleasure to work with them, both on the Democrat and
Republican side, and the staff, who have been so instrumental in
putting this bill together. I particularly appreciate the hard work of
Mark Murray, Charlie Flickner, John Shank, Alice Grant, Lori Maes, Sean
Mulvaney, Beth Tritter, and all of the associate staffers for the
majority and minority members.
{time} 1600
I also must thank, of course, our big chairman, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Young), who I know is so committed. Finally, I cannot say
enough about what a wonderful experience it has been to work with the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the chairman of the subcommittee.
Mr. Speaker, his dedication and hard work is evident in the bill before
us today. I look forward to the good work we will do together in the
future. It is really a pleasure for me to work with the gentleman from
Arizona. I know that there are few issues that we have any disagreement
on, and I look forward to working with him again in the future.
I also want to thank Chairman Leahy and Senator McConnell and their
staff for their cooperation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the full committee.
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, this bill does not enjoy as much
support as many of our other appropriations bills, but I really
compliment the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and the gentlewoman
from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for having been able to bring together a
bill that has many reforms and that changes a lot of the foreign aid
programs that are of interest to the United States. As I said, it is
not the easiest bill to produce, but they have done a really good job.
I know that we will all start to breathe a sigh of relief, because this
is the next-to-the-last appropriations bill for this season. Tomorrow,
we will have the last appropriations bill for this season.
I hope that we can proceed quickly with the completion of this bill
and the rest of the business of today, and I would advise everybody to
get a good night's rest, because the largest bill in our pack is
tomorrow, and that is our bill for national defense and homeland
security.
Mr. Speaker, this is the first year for the gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Kolbe) as chairman of this subcommittee. He had chaired another
subcommittee for quite a long time, but because of the term limits that
are self-imposed in the House, the gentleman changed to this job this
year. I
[[Page H10450]]
would say to the gentleman that he has done an outstanding job. He has
visited with heads of State from all over this planet and has met them
with great integrity and with mutual respect. He has done a really fine
job representing the Congress as he deals with the foreign leaders, and
the gentleman from Arizona deserves the pride of this House and the
respect of this House for the great job that he has done. His partner,
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), has, in fact, been a
partner all the way through; and while there were some differences,
most of them were overcome without too much difficulty. They have done
a good job, and I think it is okay to vote for this bill today.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman
from Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick), an outstanding, hard-working member of
the committee.
Ms. KILPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support the foreign operations
bill and the process by which it has gone through this United States
Congress. I have been a member of this committee now for some 3 years
and under the leadership of the former chairman of the subcommittee,
the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan), and now the gentleman from
Arizona (Mr. Kolbe). I want to add my voice to those of support and to
thank the chairman for his kindness, his inclusion, and the opportunity
to work with him. I also want to thank my ranking member, the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for her leadership. In spite of
the tragedy of our Nation and being from New York and all of the
consequences that it must have had for the gentlewoman's family and her
constituents, I appreciate her leadership and I appreciate her being
here and allowing us to participate and represent as we have been sent
here to do.
This is a good foreign operations bill, as has been said, and really
has increased many of the lines where we need assistance to assist the
countries around the world. Our Export-Import Bank has really been
restored to the place that it needs to be to assist our businesses so
that they can help not only increase their bottom lines, but to send
American goods around the world and receive those goods that will help
our communities.
The child survival and health account, most important during this
time of pandemic proportions in our HIV/AIDS pandemic that strikes not
only Africa, but Russia, India, Asia and our United States as well.
The UNICEF account. I thank my colleagues very much for the
additional appropriation there for children around the world who
basically need it. And then in our basic education accounts for
children around the world to begin to receive the kind of education
that they will need to take care of themselves and their families.
Mr. Speaker, this is a good bill. The one objection I do have, and
nothing is perfect in this Congress, is the language that is retained
that banned those organizations from receiving funds who counsel their
clients on abortions in their family planning programs. Family planning
is not giving abortions. Family planning is just that; and many people
around the world, particularly poor women, need the counseling so that
they can plan their children and be able to take care of their people
and their families.
Mr. Speaker, I do support the foreign operations bill. I hope that we
will go further next year and address the pandemic a little better and
give the relief to women who need it around this country as they plan
their families.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg), a member of
the subcommittee who has done yeoman's work to help us get to this
point.
(Mr. KNOLLENBERG asked and was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
conference report. As a member of this subcommittee for the last 7
years, I am proud of the bill that we have before us today; and I think
that commendations should go to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe),
the chairman of the subcommittee, who has been a great leader and who
has brought what I think is an effective and responsible bill to
completion. I also want to thank the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Lowey) for her efforts as well.
As we have in past years, the entire subcommittee has worked together
to make important progress on a number of foreign assistance issues;
and along with that go some great thanks to the subcommittee staff, the
entire staff who have performed admirably. I want to commend all of
them. I will not mention their names. The gentleman from Arizona
mentioned them, but they are all very important to this.
I am pleased that this agreement provides some 94.3 million in
assistance to Armenia. This includes for the first time $4.3 million in
military assistance. Providing military assistance marks a new stage in
the U.S.-Armenia relationship.
The conference agreement also includes a Senate provision providing a
limited conditional waiver of section 907. During the conference, new
language was added to protect Armenians in the Caucasus region and
explicitly expressed the intent of Congress to review this provision
each year. I want to make it abundantly clear that this is a limited
and conditional waiver which we will revisit next year in the fiscal
year 2003 bill. Renewal of any waiver to section 907 will be closely
scrutinized, and Azerbaijan's actions will be closely monitored.
Many friends of Armenia have worked to support these provisions,
including the ranking member and others on the subcommittee and, of
course, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), my caucus cochair,
along with the Armenian Assembly of America. One of the most important
contributions, Mr. Speaker, that this bill makes in the way of foreign
policy commitments is the annual assistance package to the Middle East.
Particularly at this difficult time, it is important to remember that
we are providing funding. This funding that we are providing supports
the pursuit of peace and stability in that region. Israel, of course,
who is our principal ally in the region and shares our values of
democracy and freedom, and I am pleased that this bill fully supports
the administration's request for $2.8 billion in military and economic
assistance to Israel, as well as $60 million to support the settlement
of Jewish refugees.
The conference agreement also includes $35 million for Lebanon to
protect and support the excellent USAID mission there. This funding
supports the efforts of NGOs and the American educational institutions
to help provide development stability, particularly in southern
Lebanon.
The bill also includes $779 million for the Export-Import Bank, $92
million above the President's request. With the funding I hope the bank
will be able to maintain at least the level of activity that we
experienced last year. The Export-Import Bank has a critical role to
play in support of American exports and the businesses and workers who
supply these products.
North Korea. The conference agreement also includes $90 million for
the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization called KEDO. I am
pleased this is less than the administration's request. I have long
opposed the 1994 agreed-to framework and funding for North Korea, a
country which supports terrorism and continues to pursue weapons of
mass destruction. I will continue to oppose this effort in the future.
Mr. Speaker, there are many other programs in this bill, including
microenterprise loans, foreign military financing for the Baltic
countries, and significant funding to continue the fight against HIV/
AIDS and the crisis around the world, particularly in Africa.
Mr. Speaker, this is an excellent bill and represents a responsible
contribution to our Nation's foreign policy, our national security, and
our economic goals.
Once again, I want to commend the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe),
whom I have worked with on a great many matters, and I am particularly
pleased with the way he has worked with all of us. I urge all of my
colleagues to support, my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, and to
vote in favor of this conference report today.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to strongly support this conference report. As a
member of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee for the last seven years,
I am proud of the bill we have before us today. I encourage all members
to join me in voting aye.
[[Page H10451]]
I commend the gentleman from Arizona (Representative Jim Kolbe) for
his hard work and leadership in bringing this effective and responsible
bill to completion.
I also thank my friend from New York (Representative Nita Lowey) for
her efforts again this year.
As we have in years past, the entire Subcommittee has worked together
to make important progress on a number of foreign assistance issues.
I also thank the Subcommittee staff for their tireless efforts,
without which this bill would not be possible.
Mr. Speaker, the power of Congress, and particularly the House of
Representatives, flows from the power of the purse. When it comes to
foreign affairs, that means foreign assistance. As such, this bill
serves as the most important contribution this body makes to our
nation's foreign affairs. It supports our economic interests, national
security, and overall foreign policy.
I'd like to specifically highlight a few areas.
This bill provides an important foundation to our policy toward the
Southern Caucasus and particularly for our friend and ally Armenia. The
agreement provides $94.3 million in assistance to Armenia. This amount
is higher than either the House or Senate version of the bill, and
$24.3 million higher than the President's request. This also includes,
for the first time, $4.3 million in military assistance to Armenia.
Providing military assistance marks a new stage in the U.S.-Armenia
relationship. The military financing will help maintain parity between
Armenia and Azerbaijan. It will serve to strengthen and enhance
Armenia's military as well as solidify its relationship with the United
States armed forces.
This conference agreement also includes a Senate provision regarding
limited changes to Section 907. As my colleagues know, I have long
supported Section 907 and have fought over the last several years
against any effort to repeal or waive this important provision. At the
same time, in the aftermath of the events of September 11th, it became
clear that certain changes to Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act
were not only inevitable, but also necessary. President Bush
specifically requested a national security waiver to Section 907 in
order to counter al Qaeda terrorist organizations and elements
operating with Azerbaijan. Amazingly and inexplicably, Azerbaijan news
media reports periodically mischaracterize the Armenians of Nagorno
Karabagh as terrorists. Clearly, this not the case and it would be my
hope that this inflammatory rhetoric and misinformation campaign by
Azerbaijan cease.
In working with the Administration and my House and Senate
colleagues, we were able to craft a limited and conditional waiver to
Section 907, which would enable the President to effectively combat the
war on terrorism and ensure protection for Armenia and Nagorno
Karabagh. I want to make it abundantly clear that this is a limited and
conditional waiver and we will revisit this issue next year in the
fiscal year 2003 bill. Renewal of any waiver to Section 907 will be
closely scrutinized and Azerbaijan's actions will be closely monitored.
If Azerbaijan abuses any assistance provided as a result of this waiver
or attempts to use such assistance in an offensive manner against
Armenia or Armenian communities in the South Caucasus, the limited
waiver will be terminated.
I would like to associate myself with the remarks made by the Ranking
Member of the Senate Foreign Operations Subcommittee (Sen. Mitch
McConnell) during consideration of this bill in the other body. In his
statement, he made it clear that he will be closely following the
developments in Azerbaijan and Turkey to lift the blockades against
their neighbors. I concur whole-heartedly with these comments and want
to emphasize the importance of lifting the ongoing blockades in place
against Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh. It seems to me that lifting these
blockades--now more than ever--is in the U.S. national interest. In the
aftermath of September 11th, we must redouble our efforts in this
regard.
I would like to thank my colleagues for their hard work on this
issue, particularly the gentleman from Arizona (Representative Jim
Kolbe) our Chairman and my friend from New York (Representative Nita
Lowey) our Ranking Member. I would also like to note the work of my
Armenian Caucus Co-Chair, the gentleman from New Jersey (Representative
Frank Pallone). Additionally, I would like to recognize the invaluable
input and proactive leadership of those individuals and organizations
from the Armenian-American community who understood the importance of
America's efforts to combat terrorism and the new realities in a post
September 11th environment. In particular, I would like to commend the
Armenian Assembly of America for their tireless efforts to ensure that
a balance was achieved.
Mr. Speaker, one of the most important contributions this bill makes
to foreign policy is the annual assistance package to the Middle East.
Particularly at this difficult time, it's important to remember, the
funding we provide supports the pursuit of peace and stability.
Israel, of course, is our principal ally in the region and shares our
values of democracy and freedom. Since its establishment, Israel has
struggled to achieve its goal of peaceful existence and it is in our
interest to provide any assistance necessary for Israel to achieve that
goal. I am pleased this bill fully supports the administration's
request for $2.8 billion in military and economic assistance to Israel,
as well as $60 million to support the resettlement of Jewish refugees.
This bill also provides almost $2 billion to Egypt and $225 million
to Jordan, both critical allies of the United States. This funding is a
direct result of peace agreements these countries have signed with
Israel, which the United States helped to facilitate. As Egypt and
Jordan continue to support and advocate for peace with Israel and a
cessation to the current violence, it is important for the United
States to maintain this funding.
The bill also provides $35 million for Lebanon to support the
excellent USAID mission there. This funding supports the efforts of
NGO's and American educational institutions to help provide development
and stability, particularly in southern Lebanon. Our assistance
promotes our values of democracy and free markets among the Lebanese
people. This is in the interest of the United States, Lebanon, and
Israel. It helps build and strengthen relationships between the
Lebanese people and the United States.
However, despite our efforts, violence and terrorism continue in the
Middle East. We are now in the 15th month of an ``intifada''. In
addition to our financial assistance, the United States has led efforts
to bring violence to an end through the Mitchell Committee, the Tenet
agreement, and General Zinni's efforts in recent weeks. Despite our
efforts, on December first and second we saw perhaps the worst episode
of Palestinian terrorism Israel has ever been forced to endure. These
acts of terrorism continue.
Quite simply, violence must stop and terrorism must cease. This is
now a test for Yasir Arafat and the Palestinian Authority. Arafat must
take concrete action, including the arrest of all those responsible for
terrorism against Israel. Arafat must bring down the terrorist groups
who operate in territory under his control. I am pleased there is
language in this bill that makes it clear, if Palestinian violence does
not stop, the Palestinians' ties with the United States will be in
serious jeopardy.
This bill also includes $790 million for the Export-Import Bank. With
this funding, I hope the Bank will be able to maintain at least the
level of activity experienced this year.
The Export-Import Bank has a critical role to play in support of
American exports, and the businesses and workers who supply those
products. Without support from Ex-Im, billions of dollars in American
exports simply would not go forward. Ex-Im is especially important for
small businesses, which benefit from over 80% of the Bank's
transactions. These exports remain crucial to our economy.
The conference agreement also includes $90 million for the Korean
Peninsula Energy Development Organization. I am pleased this is
slightly less than the Administration's request. I have long opposed
the 1994 Agreed Framework and funding for North Korea--a country that
supports terrorism and continues to pursue weapons of mass destruction.
I will continue to do this in the future. The United States simply
should not provide foreign assistance to a country that supports
terrorism.
Mr. Speaker, there are many other important programs in this bill
including microenterprise loans, foreign military financing for the
Baltic countries, and significant funding--beyond the President's
request--to continue the fight against the HIV/AIDS crisis around the
world and in Africa.
This is an excellent bill and represents a responsible contribution
to our nation's foreign policy, national security, and economic goals.
I once again commend the Chairman and Ranking Member, and their
staffs, for their efforts on this bill and I urge all my colleagues on
both sides of the aisle to vote in favor of it today.
[[Page H10452]]
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman), a distinguished member of the
committee.
(Mr. ROTHMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Speaker, first let me thank and congratulate the
chairman of our subcommittee, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe),
and our ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), and
their respective staffs for doing an outstanding job and being of such
great assistance and cooperation to me and to other Members of the
committee with interests in this bill. I also want to thank the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the full committee,
for his continuing leadership and kindnesses to me and other Members on
the committee, and, of course, to our ranking member of the full
committee, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support for the
foreign operations appropriations bill on which we are about to vote.
While I am pleased to see that there is additional money for the United
Nations family planning program, I am disappointed that the Mexico City
gag rule on a woman's right to choose remains in place. However,
overall, this is a very good piece of legislation that comes at a
crucial time in our Nation's history.
We all know that military action is essential to protect the American
people here at home and abroad. But today's legislation will
complement, will assist, that action. It is clear that it is in
America's vital national interest to use a small portion of its budget
to work and assist with other countries to make sure that those other
countries around the world do not become breeding grounds for future
Osama bin Ladens. As my colleagues may know, this foreign aid bill
represents less than 1 percent of the budget of the United States of
America, less than 1 percent; but it is money well spent.
Mr. Speaker, let me read from a recent editorial that appeared in a
local newspaper in my district. It said, ``There is a growing
international consensus that long-term, wisely targeted foreign aid,
designed not only to alleviate poverty, but also to help build strong
civic institutions and social stability is an indispensable part of the
struggle against terrorism.''
I agree with that. The bill that we pass today takes a big step
forward in creating the conditions which will allow people around the
world to embrace democracy and tolerance and also to reject those who
would be undemocratic and who would subjugate their own people.
Mr. Speaker, in this foreign aid bill, we not only fulfill our moral
obligation to fight global poverty, spur economic development, support
health and education programs, and build democratic institutions; but
through this foreign assistance bill, we serve America's vital national
interests. We do so now more than ever because it is important for us
to reach out to other populations around the world to help them make
the right choices, to choose peace, prosperity and democracy. Because
after all, democracies do not wage war on one another. Democracies make
great trading partners with one another, and democracies, having
democracies around the world helps us as Americans fulfill our national
manifest destiny, if you will, the destiny where we seek to have people
live in freedom, to have a free people choose their own leaders, and to
live in equality under the rule of law.
{time} 1615
This foreign aid bill, less than 1 percent of our national budget,
achieves that goal; money very well spent. I urge my colleagues to
support this bill.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lewis), another distinguished member of the
subcommittee and chairman of one of the other subcommittees, and an
individual who has contributed a great deal to the work of this
committee.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for
yielding time to me.
I had planned not to speak, but our full committee chairman was kind
enough to mention that our defense bill was up tomorrow, and it is an
item that has the largest funding of all the bills. It takes up over
half of discretionary spending, because it is our national defense,
after all.
But he also mentioned that this bill is sometimes tough in terms of a
balance of votes on the floor. I am rising today really to say that
that absolutely should not be our circumstance, for the bill that our
chairman is bringing us today, representing only some $15 billion of
funding, is absolutely one of the most important reasons for us to have
a Congress in the first place.
National security, yes; but this bill reflects America's presence in
the world during times of war, but also in times of peace, and uses $15
billion to make sure that the voice of freedom is heard around the
world for America, the last remaining superpower; a small presence by
way of this bill, able to reach out to countries attempting to make a
new way for the lives of their people; the voice of freedom, the voice
of independence and opportunity that is America's in the world; our
chance to provide a kind of leadership that can impact the future of
mankind. This bill is that important, $15 billion though it may be.
I said to the Secretary of State when he came to us not so long ago
that he was the chairman of the Joint Chiefs. It was such an irony that
I was sitting there listening to him asking for $15 billion when the
defense bill represents over $300 billion.
The Members have done a great job, both the chairman and the ranking
member, in bringing this bill forward. It is about time the American
public understands that this is not just foreign aid, it is the voice
for freedom in the world.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur).
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my very good friend, the ranking
member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for granting me
this time; and also to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the
chairman of the subcommittee, for moving this conference bill to the
floor. I might add, much improved from when it left this Chamber
initially.
September 11 reminded us all that neglect breeds violence, and an
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. This bill has a lot of
pounds of cure in it.
Speaking as co-chair of the Ukrainian Caucus here in the House, I
would like to speak specifically about Ukraine, noting that from when
the bill left the House, the totals for that country have been raised
from $125 million to $154 million, so Ukraine is no longer singled out
as the only country in the world to receive a cut in foreign
assistance, especially before their third parliamentary election, which
will occur early next spring.
Our ultimate goal is to help the Ukrainian people participate fully
in this third election so they keep moving forward and do not slip
backwards, as has happened to Belarus right under our own eyes.
We hope that the funds in this bill will also help to make sure that
not only their elections will be properly observed on Election Day, but
they can be prepared to participate in the elections; that there will
be monitoring of the electoral races, making sure that election laws
are not violated and that the oligarchs are not buying votes; and that
the government does not tamper with the candidates' rights to present
their own platforms in those elections.
We should all do all we can do to help the Ukrainian elections to be
truly free and truly fair. I urge support of this improved conference
report as an improvement over the original House bill.
Again, I wish to thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), who
was a very worthy and engaging advocate in this bill; and also the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for her incredible leadership
always.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Kingston), one of the other distinguished
members of the subcommittee who has also made very valuable
contributions to the work of this subcommittee.
Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding time to
me, and also the ranking member for all the hard work that has been put
into this bill.
[[Page H10453]]
I want to make three points about it. There are some things in the
bill that I do not particularly like, but there is always that case
when we are trying to have influence around the globe. We do not all
agree what must be done.
There are a lot of very good things in here. There are three things I
want to highlight.
Number one is the war on drugs, the Andean counterdrug initiative. As
the father of four children, I am amazed as I go into schools
throughout the First District of Georgia and I visit lots and lots of
schools, that one thing they all have in common, whether they are from
a poor county, a rich county, a small county, a rural county, or an
urban county, is that in the average high school in America, in just
about all of them one can get drugs.
It is amazing, when we think about a product that is not made in
America. It is not advertised. If one works for the drug distributor,
there are no business cards. We do not see billboards about it, and
there is no health care plan; yet somehow this remarkable, insidious
product can get on every schoolyard in America.
This takes the battle abroad and says we want to stop it at its
source. I appreciate the hard work of the gentleman from Illinois
(Speaker Hastert) on this, and I am glad that the subcommittee has
continued to keep the battle against drugs coming into America going.
Number two, I want to mention our role in the Middle East and the
situation that Israel is in right now. We are all very, very focused on
the 9-11 attacks on America; but our partner in the Middle East,
Israel, has also been under attack. While we have waged total war in
Afghanistan in wiping out al Qaeda and the Taliban, we seem to often
say to our ally, Israel: Restraint, hold back, do not go on a
counterattack. Yet, that is kind of a double standard.
I am glad that this bill does fund military financing for Israel, so
this keeps a very strong American commitment to Israel.
Finally, let me say this: for the American role around the globe, I
think we have found out that we can get our allies, we can pull forces
together, and we can stop a terrorist organization. We can have the
same positive roles in agriculture and in finance and in population
control, and this bill takes a step in that direction.
America is not the policeman for the world; but if there is one,
would it not be nice to know that it is a peace officer like the United
States of America?
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank).
Mr. FRANK. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding time to
me.
I have one serious regret about this bill, but it is beyond the
capacity of the members of the subcommittee or even the full committee
to deal with. There is not enough money. We do not do enough to
alleviate poverty in the world. We could do better.
In fact, right now we have taken on an obligation by the war we have
waged in Afghanistan, which we had not just a right but an obligation
to wage, and I am delighted with our success; but it has given us an
obligation to go now into Afghanistan economically and politically and
in other ways to try to make that a better society than it was before.
I have one other point that I want to comment on. I have long
supported aid to Egypt. I was glad Egypt played the constructive role
it did beginning in the late seventies in the Middle East.
But I am becoming less and less happy with the role Egypt plays. It
is becoming less and less willing to be a constructive force. I want to
say that I was particularly outraged when the Egyptian Government
decided a few months ago to engage in blatant oppression of Egyptian
men who happen to be homosexual. This happened long after this process
had begun.
The Egyptian Government ought to understand that it cannot with
impunity continue to be so oppressive towards people's human rights,
and in particular, its most recent outbreak of severe, unjustified,
blatant prejudice, jailing men for no good reason whatsoever. They
cannot continue to do that and not have it have an effect on how people
view Egypt here and how people deal with Egypt.
I hope Egypt will once again play a more active, constructive role in
the Middle East. That is now in question. This bill does some good
things with regard to sending a very strong message to the Palestinian
Authority about the unacceptable lack of intervention on their part to
maintain peace in the Middle East.
The Egyptian Government's record of late has deteriorated, and it has
been particularly outrageous in this human rights field.
I will vote for this bill. I regret the fact that it does not have
more money. I hope we will make sure that our moral obligation to help
the people of Afghanistan deal with the devastation that has happened
will not come at the expense of others, and I hope the Egyptian
Government will pay attention.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding time
to me.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Armenian-related
provisions in the foreign ops bill, and I want to commend my colleagues
on the subcommittee for striking the appropriate balance regarding
section 907 of the Freedom Support Act.
In particular, I want to thank the ranking member, the gentlewoman
from New York (Mrs. Lowey), and in particular the co-chair of the
Armenia Caucus, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg), who
worked very hard on the Armenia provisions.
As my colleagues know, this important provision of law, section 907,
was enacted in 1992 to address Azerbaijan's aggression and blockades
against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabagh. While Congress has upheld this
provision of law over the years, the tragic events of September 11
necessitated certain changes to section 907.
As Secretary of State Colin Powell indicated in a letter to Members
of Congress, changes were needed to ``enable Azerbaijan to counter
terrorist organizations and elements operating within its borders.''
In fact, I remain concerned about credible reports regarding the
presence of al Qaeda cells operating within Azerbaijan that pose a
direct threat to the United States and whose members participated in
Azerbaijan's military campaign against the Armenians of Nagorno-
Karabagh.
In his 1999 Defense & Foreign Affairs article by Yossef Bodansky,
entitled ``The New Azerbaijan Hub--How Islamist operations are
targeting Russia, Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh,'' Bodansky notes that
radical Islamist forces used Azerbaijan as a launching base to conduct
operations. As my colleagues may recall, Mr. Bodansky served as the
Director of the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and
Unconventional Warfare.
Mr. Speaker, these cells not only pose a threat to Armenia and
Karabagh, but also threaten all of us.
I include for the Record an article on this subject by Yossef
Bodansky, as well as an Armenia Assembly issue brief on this subject
and a press release.
The material referred to is as follows:
The New Azerbaijan Hub
(By Yossef Bodansky)
An ongoing study by Defense & Foreign Affairs has cited a
significant number of highly-placed sources in Russia and the
Caucasus who advise that radical Islamist forces are
expanding their infrastructure in Azerbaijan in preparation
for a sustained escalation, both in Caucasus and at the heart
of Russia. Planned terrorist ``spectaculars'' include the use
of suicide bombers.
Significantly, these developments are based on long-
standing relationships and understandings between Azeri
officials and the Islamist leaders involved in Chechnya,
Pakistan and Afghanistan. The escalation bega in in 1997 when
the Islamists basically agreed with the Azerbaijan Government
of Gaydar Aliyev that they would--in exchange for allowing a
free flow of people, weapons and ordnance through
Azerbaijan--not interfere with or overthrow the Aliyev
Government. As well, they committed to providing outside
mujahedin to undertake operations against Armenia and
Nagorno-Karabakh which could be credibly denied by the Aliyev
Government.
This Azerbaijan-based infrastructure is aimed at both
pushing arriving mujahedin to the forward training and
operational bases in Chechnya, as well as launching
operations against Russia and Armenia (including Nagorno-
Kara- bakh) in the event of Russian bombing and raids on the
islamist bases in Chechnya.
[[Page H10454]]
At present, the most important function of the
infrastructure in Azerbaijan is the absorption, handling and
initial acclimatization and indoctrination of foreign
volunteers, mainly Arabs and Afghans/Pakistanis, as well as
growing numbers of Central Asians, before being sent forward
to terrorism and military training bases in central Chechnya,
mainly the Saudi-born Islamist leader Khattab's main rear-
area base near Urus-Martan, Chechnya. Among the mujahedin
presently handled in Azerbaijan are numerous would-be
shahids (suicide terrorists) who had been trained in Osama
bin Laden's camps in Afghanistan. The Islamist
infrastructure in Azerbaijan is build on the experience of
bin Laden, Khattab and their companions in not only
absorbing volunteers for Afghan jihad during the 1980s,
but of transforming them into a cohesive elite corps
(which is still cohesive and most active more than a
decade after the Afghan Jihad).
The current Islamist build-up constitutes a major expansion
of the so-called covert pipeline which has been running since
the Winter of 1997-98. The primary objective of the original
pipeline was to smuggle weapons, money and people arriving
from Pakistan/Afghanistan into Chechnya. The two primary
methods of transportation:
By truck from the Baku region through the mountains and
into Dagestan and Chechnya; or
By light aircraft from several sites in Azerbaijan into the
Vedeno gorge or to Nozhay-Yurtovskiy Rayon in Chechnya.
The weapons delivered have been both shipments from
Pakistan/Afghanistan, as well as large consignments of
weapons purchased locally either from the ex-Soviet
stockpiles of the Azerbaijani armed forces or specially
acquired from Ukrainian and other suppliers (these weapons
were purchased the Azerbaijani official channels with Baku
providing end-user certificates and the buyers paying large
commissions to all involved).
The current phase started in early September 1999 following
a decision in Baku to upgrade the support for the Chechen-
Dagestani Islamist forces. The new policy was elucidated
publicly on August 20, 1999, by Vafa Guluzade, an Adviser to
Gaydar Aliyev and the Azeri Government on State Policy
issues. ``Chechen and Dagestani fighting should be regarded
as a national liberation struggle, not as a terrorism as the
Russian authorities are trying to present it,'' Vafa Guluzade
declared. He said that ``today Russia is actually continuing
in the Caucasus the policy of serf Russia which in 19th
Century subjugated with fire and the sword the freedom-loving
Caucasian nations. . . . Carrying out military campaign in
the Caucasus today, the biggest campaign after the first
Caucasian war, Russia is declaring itself a successor of
Tsarist Russia,'' Having gained their independence after
hundreds of years of Russian subjugation, Guluzade believes,
all Muslim states of the Caucasus should unite their efforts
to compel Russia to ``change its policy regarding the
Caucasus and other national regions before it is too late''.
The modalities for the running of the new facilities in
Azerbaijan were defined during most of September. The new
activities in support of Chechnya and Dagestan were defined
in late September/early October during a supposedly--secret
visit to Georgia and particularly Azerbaijan by Selim
Beshayev, the Vice Speaker of the Chechen Parliament.
Beshayev's talks with Azeri officials were aimed at ensuring
the smooth flow of mujahedin and the specialized equipment
they need without undue interference.
In Baku, Beshayev has spent a lot of time convincing the
Azeri authorities to expand their direct involvement in the
Islamist ``cause'' in the aftermath of the Russian
exposure of the Turkey-Georgia pipeline. Beshayev used
both carrots and sticks. He promised lavish ``unofficial''
foreign aid to Azerbaijan: large quantities of cash from
diverse sources in Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf
states which will most likely go to private pockets.
Beshayev, also reiterated the Islamists' promise to assist
Baku in ``resolving the Karabakh problem'' as
expeditiously as possible. He was also willing to
``guarantee'' the security of the Baku-Novorossiysk oil
pipeline. The concurrent expansion of Islamists activities
in Azerbaijan proves the success of Beshayev's visit to
Baku.
The key Islamist facilities are concealed as charity and
educational organizations affiliated with the web used by bin
Laden's networks. Moreover, the headquarters of these
organizations are stuffed with Arab ``teachers'' and
``managers'' from the ranks of such organizations as the
International Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Salvation
Front, several branches of Islamic Jihad, and the National
Islamic Front of Sudan. The key organizations are:
World Assembly of Islamic Youth (sometimes translated as
World Islamic Youth Assembly). Its headquarters is located in
Baku's residential district of Dzhandzhlik/Janjilk. The key
principals are Muhammad Salim Abd-al-Hamid (Saudi papers),
Muhammad Ali Khoroko (Somali papers), Arif Abdallah Abd-al-
Hamid and Hayruzi Qa'id Abd-al-Rahman (both Yemenite papers).
Another Saudi, Salah Salman, is the contact man with Islamist
charity and financial organizations in Saudi Arabia;
The International Organization of Islamic Salvation. Its
headquarters is on Narimanov Street, in the settlement
(essentially remote suburb) of Azizbekovo near Baku. The
three main functionaries are Muhammad Shama, Muhammad Salih
al-Jarni and Arif Abdallah Abd-al-Hamid (same as above), all
with Yemenite papers;
Al-Ibrahim Foundation. Very little is known about this
Baku-based charity except that its Arab principals have huge
amounts of cash in hard currency. They are involved in
acquisition of real estate among other ``educational''
projects.
In the Fall of 1999, these charities began setting up
several camps near Baku, where their students should be able
``to study the Koran in a quiet setting''. The primary
function of the camps in the overall vicinity of Baku is the
training of professional agitators. The students are a
mixture of Arabs, Caucasians and Central Asians. Their
primary mission is intended to be to ``brainwash'' the Muslim
population of Dagestan (as well as of Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan) into supporting Islamist causes, subversion and
terrorism. The Islamists have just established in these
camps facilities for the production of printed, audio and
video incitement and agitation material advocating anti-
Russian and anti-Western jihad. Significantly, these
``camps'' are also engaged in agitation against hated
Muslim governments, particularly the House of al-Saud. On
one wall there is the slogan in Arabic: ``The fate of the
Shah of Iran, who was driven out of his own country by
Islamic organizations, awaits the [Saudi] royal family.''
The second phase in the expansion of the Islamist
facilities has begun in the past few days. A group of Arabs--
all with documents from Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Yemen, and
Afghanistan--left the Baku area to newly established
``religious field camps'' in the remote mountains of north-
eastern Azerbaijan, on the road to Chechnya and Dagestan. All
three Islamist ``charities'' mentioned above established such
camps virtually simultaneously. These are paramilitary camps
where the students undergo basic military training as well as
equipping before they move on toward Chechnya and Dagestan.
Some of the leaders and commanders of these camps have been
identified as ``proxies of terrorist Osama bin Laden''.
Meanwhile, in anticipation for escalation and expansion,
senior officials of the International Muslim Brotherhood, the
National Islamic Front, and several branches of Islamic Jihad
arrived in Azerbaijan in the latter days of September 1999.
By the first week of October, they were mainly arranging
contacts with local Islamists in order to establish new
routes for moving money, weapons and mujahedin into Chechnya.
One of their priorities is the shipment of Stingers from
Pakistan. In their conversations with Azerbaijani Islamists
and ``forthcoming'' officials, these emissaries acknowledged
that their primary objective is the consolidation in
Azerbaijan of a ``springboard for inserting their main forces
[into Chechnya and Dagestan]''. They also set up a flow of
cash into the accounts of the Islamist charities and camps.
Since late September 1999, there have been repeated transfers
of funds from Saudi Arabia via Beirut totaling tens of
millions of dollars.
Much of this money is then transferred to Chechnya by
couriers. For example, one of the camps received an
electronic transfer of $2-million from Al-Barakah Bank
Lebanon (which is owned by the Saudi Sheikh Salih Abdallah
Kamil). An Arab called Bin-Abdallah (UAE papers) received
the money in cash and immediately carried it across the
border into Chechnya. On October 5, 1999, Azerbaijani
border guards arrested two Arabs (with Iraqi papers) near
the village of Pashbir. They had US$300,000 in cash on
them. They claimed they were volunteers working for a
charity in Chechnya. All available evidence suggests that
these known cases are but a small fraction of the present
shipment of funds from Arab countries to Chechnya as well
as the ``Koranic camps'' in Azerbaijan.
Another indicator of impending Islamist activities in and
via Azerbaijan are the reconnaissance trips of Arab experts
near the borders with Chechnya and Dagestan. For example, in
the first week of October, a team from the Islamic Jihad
traveled twice from Baku to the Azerbaijani-Dagestani border
and carefully studied mountain passes and roads near the
border. On October 5, 1999, a Turkish citizen called Yegid
Rejeb was arrested on the Azerbaijani-Dagestani border en
route to Khasavyurt with a Russian passport in the name of
Magomed Sattarov. Rejeb is a graduate of one of the Baku area
camps.
Meanwhile, the build-up of expert terrorist cadres has
begun through other venues as well. On September 20, 1999,
Chechen field commander Shamil Basayev announced the
forthcoming establishment of a battalion of 400-500 shahids:
would-be martyrs; that is, suicide terrorists. ``These people
will be ready and capable of carrying out the most difficult
of tasks,'' he declared in Grozny. ``Time and circumstances
will tell'' what specific tasks he had in mind for them.
Again, this was not an empty threat. Between October 3-5,
1999, a group of about 50 veteran Arab mujahedin--carrying
papers from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and the Palestinian
Authority--arrived at Khattab's main camp at Urus-Martan in
central Chechnya. They traveled into Georgia legally on
transit visas issued by the Georgian Consulate in Turkey.
They are the first of about 100 Arab mujahedin known to have
received Georgian visas together. Once this type of travel
was exposed, the Georgian authorities in Turkey began
dragging their feet in providing visas to walk-in Arabs.
Therefore, the Islamists have expanded their
[[Page H10455]]
search for new alternate routes into Chechnya and Dagestan
via Azerbaijan.
____
Azerbaijan and Islamic Terrorism
According to the Associated Press, the Congressional
Research Services (CRS, 9/10/2001) issued a report noting
that individuals and groups affiliated with the international
terrorist Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda organization used
Azerbaijan as one of the bases in its elaborate terrorist
network. Some reports suggest that various radical Islamist
groups had operated in Azerbaijan even before its 1991
independence. However, the real increase in their presence
took place after the 1993 military coup, when the government
of Heydar Aliyev approved a large-scale deployment of
mujaheddin fighters from Afghanistan and other countries to
join in the fighting against the Nagorno Karabagh Armenians.
Azerbaijan has used the Karabagh conflicts, characterizing
it as a religious war, to cultivate ties in the Islamic
world. These ties, including overtures to radical Jihad-
oriented organizations, have been aimed at diplomatically
isolating Armenia and raising financial and military
assistance for a new military campaign against Karabagh.
Since 1998, in the wake of the U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya
and Tanzania, the Azerbaijani government came under pressure
from Washington to clamp down on radical Islamist groups that
operate in Azerbaijan. But as recent reports show, radical
Islamist groups are entrenched in Azerbaijan and will be very
difficult to eradicate. The information below refers to the
main stages of development of Islamist terrorism in
Azerbaijan in the past decade:
Azerbaijan experienced a wave of ``Islamic Revival'' in the
late 1980s--early 1990s that led the way to the creation of
many indigenous Islamist groups espousing violent ideology
and establishment of relations with similar organizations
abroad. The most overt expressions of Islamic solidarity by
Azeris were made in 1990 and 1991, when residents of
districts bordering Iran destroyed most of the frontier
installations to fraternize with Iranians, just as several
newly-established Azeri Islamist groups offered to provide
volunteers to fight in the Gulf War on the side of Saddam
Hussein. A member of Al Qaeda, Jamal Ahmed el-Fadl, arrested
by the FBI for his role in the 1998 embassy bombings, claimed
his organization became active in Azerbajan as early as 1989.
(Trans-Caspian Project 10/3/00, Ekho 9/1/01)
In the summer of 1993, President Heydar Aliyev deployed
over 1,000 Islamist mercenaries in the war against Karabagh
Armenians. They were flown on civilian aircraft from
Afghanistan to Azerbaijan. The mercenaries, which also
included Arab veterans of the Afghan war (1979-89), took an
active role in the Karabagh conflict. (Moscow News (9/13/00)
A Bin Laden associate claimed that Bin Laden himself led
mujaheddin in at least two Karabagh battles. (Associated
Press 11/14/99)
Following the armistice that took hold in Karabagh in May
1994, most of the mujaheddin left Azerbaijan to fight in
other hot spots, such as the North Caucasus and Balkans.
Others, however, remained to establish what was soon
described as ``the new hub'' for Islamist radicals that
involved a network of training camps, mosques, charitable
organizations and underground cells. Ibrahim Eidarous, later
arrested in Europe by the FBI for his role in the 1998
embassy bombings, headed the Azerbaijani branch of al Qaeda
between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, radical Islamist groups with
branches in Azerbaijan reportedly pledged their support for
President Heydar Aliyev against Armenians, in exchange for a
safe haven in Azerbaijan. (Strategic Policy 10/99; Ekho 9/1/
01)
In August 1998, the Azerbaijani branch of the ``Islamic
Jihad'' organization, which by then had merged with Osama Bin
Laden's al Qaeda, reportedly coordinated the bombings of the
U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania that killed 224 people
and wounded nearly 4,600. The FBI was able to trace about 60
phone calls made from the satellite phone used by Bin Laden
to his associates in Baku and from them to operatives in East
Africa. The U.S. Embassy in Azerbaijan also feared an attack,
but as a local radical claimed, they did not attack the
Embassy so as ``not to spoil their good relations in
Azerbaijan.'' (Zerkalo 7/22/00; Bill of Indictment in U.S.A.
vs. Bin Laden et. al. 4/01; Washington Post 5/3/01; Ekho 8/
23/01)
Following the 1998 embassy bombings, Azerbaijan came under
increased U.S. pressure to curtail radical Islamist activity
on its territory. However, Azerbaijan refused to hand over
suspected terrorists to the U.S., so as not to ``earn the ire
of Islamist fundamentalists'', extending them instead to
their native countries. One of the extradited terrorism
suspects, Ahmad Salam Mabrouk, who at the time headed the
local branch of Al Qaeda, was detained while trying to
acquire chemical and biological weapons in Azerbaijan.
(Aviation Week & Space Technology 10/12/98; Agence France
Presse 3/18/99; London's Sunday Times 7/18/99; Zerkalo 7/22/
00; Ekho 8/29/01)
Azerbaijan, nevertheless, continues to be an attractive
destination for the international terrorist networks,
particularly those based in Afghanistan. In late 2000, head
of the UNHCR mission in Azerbaijan Didier Laye noted that
most asylum-seekers that arrive in Azerbaijan come from
Afghanistan. (Azerbaijan and Afghanistan have no direct
borders, are not ethnically related and there is no
infrastructure in Azerbaijan to support these arrivals. In
the absence of alternative reasons, Azerbaijan is an odd
destination for Afghans.) In the Azeri capital, mosques
influenced by Islamist radicals attract a large following.
That following reportedly includes even some senior members
of President Aliyev's staff. Most recently, the local media
speculated that should Bin Laden be forced to flee
Afghanistan, he may appear in Azerbaijan. Over the years, Bin
Laden's sympathizers have moved out of Azerbaijan's capital,
Baku, to establish camps in rural areas of the country,
particularly in the remote mountainous areas in the largely
Sunni Muslim north of the country. (Strategic Policy 10/99;
Turan 11/21/00; Ekho 5/2/01)
In the words of one Islamic scholar, Azerbaijan is a part
of the ``Global Intifada'' that also includes Palestine, the
Balkans and Kashmir. As recently as a few weeks ago, sources
in the Azerbaijani Ministry of National Security, cited by
local media, confirmed that radical organizations, such as
Bin Laden's Al Qaeda, continued to be active in Azerbaijan.
Two weeks ago, Egyptian citizen Mahmoud Yaballah was arrested
for his connection to the U.S. Embassy bombings, while trying
to enter Canada after flying in from Azerbaijan. (Ekho 9/1/
01)
Azerbaijan is an authoritarian state, where President and
former KGB General Aliyev and his cohorts in effect control
all spheres of life. The Aliyev government, which came to
power by means of a military coup, has repeatedly banned
political parties and media outlets, stolen elections and
thrown thousands of its political opponents in jail. It is
highly unlikely that groups such as Bin Laden's Al Qaeda
could operate in Azerbaijan without at least some consent
from President Aliyev. The Aliyev government is thus treading
a thin line between international terrorists, whom it
cultivated to fight its wars, and the international
community, which can no longer ignore this reality.
Sources
In addition to reports in the above-noted and well
recognized sources, such as AFP, AP, Aviation Week & Space
Technology, The Times and Washington Post, this issue brief
is based on the following additional sources:
Ekho and Zerkalo are leading Russian-language daily
newspapers in Azerbaijan and can be found at www.zerkalo-
daily.com and www.zerkalo.az. In August-September 2001, Ekho
featured a series of articles on ties between Bin Laden and
Azerbaijan written by its Deputy Editor Nair Aliyev.
Moscow News is a leading English-language liberal weekly
newspaper published in Russia and can be found at www.mn.ru.
In September 2000, it featured an article on connections
between Chechnya, Azerbaijan, Afghanistan and the Islamist
terrorist network, written by its Azerbaijan correspondent
Sanobar Shermatova.
Strategic Policy (formerly Defense & Foreign Affairs) is a
monthly international affairs report published in Alexandria,
VA and found at http://www.strategicstudies.org/dfa.htm. Its
October 1999 issue featured an extensive article by Yossef
Bodansky, Director of the U.S. Congressional Task Force on
Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare.
TransCaspian Project is an online reporting and analytical
service on Caspian regional affairs (found at http://
www.transcaspian.ru). Its October 3, 2000 report featured an
analysis by Alexey Malashenko of the Moscow office of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Turan is the leading news agency in Azerbaijan and can be
found at http://www.turaninfo.com.
____
November 5, 2001.
In the beginning of October the International Working Group
on Search and Liberation of Missing Persons, Hostages and
POWs of Karabagh Conflict once again visited Azerbaijan where
it studied the issue of missing persons in the Nagorno
Karabagh conflict. With the participation of the leadership
of the Ministry of Defense, we discussed mechanisms for
effective cooperation and drew up plans for future work.
We were pleased to see that the communication between
people working on the issue of searching for the missing
persons is improving and that a procedure for the return of
prisoners of war has been established. The officials, who are
responsible for dealing with the POWs no longer view them as
``exchange material'' and following check-ups they transfer
intentional and unintentional violators of the border to the
opposite side without preconditions.
In October, the responsible officers of the State
Commission and the Defense Ministry of Azerbaijani Republic
expressed their readiness to participate in a meeting of
individuals, engaged in the search for missing persons and
liberation of POWs of the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. The
meeting was scheduled to take place in Germany on November
10-12 of 2001. The purpose of the meeting would be to
intensify the humanitarian efforts in the search for missing
persons. The consent to participate in the meeting reflected
the fact that all structures on both the Armenian and the
Azerbaijani side are ready to cooperate with the
International Working Group. We were hoping that through
direct contacts, citizens on both sides would be able to
receive information about the destiny of their loved ones,
possibly some would return home strengthening trust between
the nations. Naturally, discussion of any political issues
during that meeting was not envisaged and such a possibility
was altogether excluded.
We have to state with great disappointment that on November
2 the Azerbaijani side refused to participate in that
meeting.
[[Page H10456]]
Until this instance, in its long years of work on this
conflict, the International Working Group has not seen any
side backtrack on agreements.
This time the Azerbaijani side is not keeping its promise
and refuses to participate in the meeting in Germany, which,
as we strongly believe, is a substantial blow to the joint
efforts to establish a humanitarian dialogue.
Human values are always a priority in our work. In every
conflict we are always on the side of people who are
suffering from the conflict. As a result of the Azerbaijani
authorities' refusal to participate in the meeting, it is
these people that will suffer again. Neither the early
notification of the Armenian side about the meeting, nor the
pressure of internal destructive forces can justify their
suffering.
We believe that refusing to participate in the meeting, the
Azerbaijani authorities make our efforts ineffective and
seriously lower the level of confidence that the victims of
the conflict have in us. For these reasons, the International
Working Group plans to hold consultations on whether our
engagement in the region is still feasible.
Svetlana Gannushkina.
Bernhard Clasen.
Paata Zakareishvili.
Throughout this process, I have worked closely with my Armenian
Caucus Co-Chair Joe Knollenberg, who also serves on the House Foreign
Operations Appropriations Subcommittee. I would like to thank him in
particular for his efforts in ensuring a balanced approach to section
907.
Mr. Speaker, the bill's limited and conditional waiver to section 907
will enable the U.S. to effectively combat the war on terrorism while
at the same time ensuring that Armenia and Armenian communities in the
South Caucasus are safeguarded. The language makes it clear that no
assistance can be provided to Azerbaijan unless the President
determines and certifies that it is necessary to support
counterterrorism and will not undermine the Nagorno-Karabagh peace
process or be used for offensive purposes against Armenia or Armenian
communities.
By maintaining section 907, we hold Azerbaijan accountable for their
(ongoing blockades against Armenia and Nagorno Karabagh) actions. In
addition, Azerbaijan's incessant war mongering is of great concern.
Instead of taking a constructive approach, senior Azerbaijani officials
continue to threaten military action despite calls from the OSCE to
cease such provocations. Azerbaijan has also rejected U.S./European
union calls for economic cooperation with Armenia. Moreover, progress
in the Nagorno Karabagh peace talks have been hindered with President
Heydar Aliyev backing away from commitments made in Paris, France and
in Key West, Florida. I was also disappointed to learn that after
agreeing to meet with their Nagorno Karabagh counterparts, Azerbaijan
recently refused to participate in a meeting sponsored by the
International Working Group on Search and Liberation of Missing
Persons, Hostages and POWs of the Karabagh conflict. I ask unanimous
consent to include the International Working Group's press release on
this matter.
Mr. Speaker, I have seen a continued pattern whereby the Armenians
reach out and take risks for peace and normal relations with its
neighbors only to be rebuffed by Azerbaijan or Turkey. As my colleagues
know, the resolution of conflicts in the Caucasus and the opening of
closed borders are long-standing U.S. policy goals. In this regard, I
expect to see some positive developments and, in fact, when Congress
reviews the issue of the Section 907 waiver next year, renewal of any
waiver should also be contingent upon Turkey's lifting its blockade of
Armenia. Lifting the blockade is certainly in the U.S. national
interest.
Mr. Speaker, I also strongly support the other Armenian-related
provisions in the bill, including the $90 million earmark for Armenia
and an additional $4 million for foreign military financing, and
$300,000 for international military education training. Expanding our
military cooperation is an important new step in U.S.-Armenian
relations and I fully support it.
In this regard, I would note the importance for the United States to
maintain parity in its military/security relationship between Armenia
and Azerbaijan. Finally, I would also like to commend the Armenian
Government as well as Armenian-American organizations and individuals
who realized that conditional changes to section 907 were needed in the
global war against terrorism.
Again, I want to thank the subcommittee members for what they did in
this regard.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker), another member of the
subcommittee.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to
me.
Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to join my chairman and my friend, the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), in supporting this bill and to
urge my colleagues to adopt the conference report overwhelmingly.
Mr. Speaker, this is a bill that typically many people in the United
States would just as soon we forget about. There are a lot of my
colleagues, Mr. Speaker, who would go back to their town meetings and
proudly tell some of their constituents that they never voted for any
foreign assistance.
Yet, Mr. Speaker, those same people, when September 11 occurred and
when we realized that the United States would have to drive the Taliban
out of Afghanistan, that we would have to be engaged in that region,
those very same Members who proudly said they never voted for a dime in
foreign aid are glad that we have a friend or two in that region. They
are proud and thankful that the United States has some influence there.
If by spending just a little money on international military
education, de-mining activities, Peace Corps activities, UNICEF, child
survival, HIV/AIDS, we have obtained a little influence in those
regions, then I proudly say that that is money spent not only for doing
good across the world, but also money spent in our national interest.
It has already been pointed out that this bill today, even with the
small increase that we have, amounts to less than 1 percent of all of
the money that the United States will spend for all purposes during
this fiscal year.
{time} 1630
And while some people around the country would not spend anything on
this bill at all, I think most Americans, when informed that it is less
than 1 percent, say that that is a good price to pay to extend our
influence and our friendship around the world.
We are providing assistance in many good ways, Mr. Speaker. And make
no mistake about it, we intend to do good with this bill and we are
providing help to other nations. But the main reason we pass this bill
today and the main reason that I vote for it as a fiscal conservative
is that it is absolutely in the national interest of the United States
of America for us to extend our influence around the globe.
I thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and I thank the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for their hard work.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), a distinguished member of the committee, a
ranking member of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, a
former ranking member of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export
Financing and Related Programs.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, first off, I want to commend the
distinguished chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Kolbe) and the ranking member, the excellent ranking member of the
committee for their strong bipartisan leadership which was so necessary
to bring this bipartisan bill to the floor today.
It represent a great deal of work on their part and it was not
without its difficult moments. I do intend to support the bill,
although I am not thrilled with the way that some of the compromises
were worked out, one would be the bill does contain the global gag
rule, but I will talk about that in a moment.
The bill provides important foreign aid investments that will boost
the economy of developing nations and take a giant step toward the
alleviation of poverty.
On that note, Mr. Speaker, I want to say what I say every year when
this bill comes up and when I was ranking member I did, and that is
that all of us in our country are familiar with the great words of
President Kennedy in his inaugural address which I, as a student,
witnessed firsthand in the freezing cold in Washington, D.C. in 1960.
In that address he said, and we all know these words to the people of
America, ``To the citizens of America, ask not what your country can do
for you, but what you can do for your country.'' We all know that.
Everyone knows those words.
But does everyone know that the very next sentence in the speech, the
[[Page H10457]]
inaugural address, the very next sentence says, ``To the citizens of
the world, ask not what America can do for you, but what we can do
working together for the freedom of mankind.''
And I believe, Mr. Speaker, that President Kennedy's words are the
clarion call for the bill that is before us today. Now, more than ever,
we need to cooperate internationally and to follow the lead of
President Kennedy. Since September 11 it is now, more than ever,
important to address the root causes of instability in the world by
working to alleviate poverty.
Alleviation of poverty would not have probably prevented what
happened on September 11. But the alleviation of poverty will go a long
way to alleviate also the fury of despair that springs from peoples who
have no economic options. They have no recourse. They have no place to
go. And so many of them are susceptible to demagogs. I think poverty
produces violence throughout the world.
We do know that now more than ever it is a good investment for
America to invest in stability in the world and in peace. Pope Paul, VI
said, ``If you want peace, work for justice.'' Part of that justice is,
of course, economic justice. And this bill, with its investments across
the world, helps to build the economies of a country, giving more
economic opportunities to people, alleviating poverty, raising the
standard of living, and again, hopefully defusing the fury of despair
that is out there.
As I mentioned, Mr. Speaker, there are many excellent parts of the
bill. The bill contains $475 million for HIV/AIDS funding, which is a
significant increase over the amount requested by the administration.
It is still not enough, mind you. We have a tremendous opportunity as
far as AIDS is concerned and the leadership that the United States
provides.
If you combined AIDS and poverty, you have a terrible combination.
But that is the combination that many people are faced with throughout
the world.
The bill also contains $50 million for the Global Health Trust Fund
with an option for the President to invest $50 million more. I
certainly had hoped for more funding for the Global Health Trust Fund.
The funding provided is increased and combined with the Labor HHS bill
that we passed earlier today in the supplemental appropriations bill,
will advance the fight against AIDS and encourage other nations to join
in contributing funding, what we can do together with other countries.
I want to especially commend the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Lowey), the ranking member on the committee for her work on increasing
funding for basic education. She has been a champion on this throughout
the years, and her leadership and the amount of money in the bill, $165
million, is due to her efforts over the years, and certainly this year.
I mentioned about family planning. The bill contains a compromise on
the family planning issue which enables international family planning
to be funded at an increase in funding $446.5 million, and UNFPA at $34
million. This was a hard-fought compromise. But the price to pay for
that is the global guide rule is not in the conference report. As my
colleagues will recall, one of the first acts, well, the first official
act that President Bush took when he became President of the United
States was to revoke the language that had been in our foreign ops bill
from last year, which eliminated the global gag rule from our public
policy. Unfortunately that was in the bill.
The current restrictions of the gag rule erect barriers to the
promotion of civil societies abroad and the enhancement of women's
participation in the political process and the credibility of the
United States in the international arena. Having expressed that dismay,
I still, of course, intend to support the bill.
I had also hoped for more funding for disaster assistance for El
Salvador in response to the devastating earthquakes. The chairman was
successful in providing $100 million in the bill. Only a portion of
this is new funding.
I look forward to working with the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe)
next year to provide needed construction funds to restore the
infrastructure there.
There are many good things in the bill. I commend the leadership of
the committee for increasing what we called when I was ranking member
and the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) was chairman, the
Callahan account to $1.43 billion for the child survival account, which
is a significant increase over the President's budget.
Mr. Speaker, with that, I want to commend the distinguished chairman
and the ranking member for a really a good piece of work. It is not
without its difficulties. It is, in some respects, a compromise, and in
other areas, it really made good strides in helping reach our
international goals to help reflect the leadership role of our country
in the world.
Now, more than ever, in light of September 11, we see what a small
investment this bill is in protecting our people at home by promoting
stability and alleviation of poverty and eradication of disease, not
only AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, et cetera.
So this is the Lord's work, in addition to which there is business in
here, a trade promotion which is very important to our own economy. It
is a good bill. I urge its support.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Thornberry). The gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Kolbe) has 2 minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from New York
(Mrs. Lowey) has 3 minutes remaining.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Announcement of Measures to be Considered under Suspension of the Rules
on Wednesday, December 19, 2001
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, before I yield to the last speaker, I would
like to make the following announcement for the leadership. Pursuant to
the notice requirements of House Resolution 314, I announce that the
following measures will be considered under suspension of the rules On
Wednesday, December 19, 2001: H.R. 3487; H.R. 3504; and H. Con. Res.
292.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the remaining time to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Kirk). All the speakers that we have had on this side
have been members of our subcommittee. To close this debate, I would
like to call on an individual who has, over the years, contributed a
great deal to establishing the foreign policy for this country through
the work he has done here as a staff member, and today as a member of
the Committee on Armed Services, contributes greatly to the national
security of this country.
Mr. KIRK. Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support for the Foreign
Operations conference report, and I want to especially commend the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) on his first bill, and the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for her work.
While the foreign assistance program may not be the most popular, the
events of September 11 underscore its importance. By supporting U.S.
allies in a time of war against terror, we reduce U.S. casualties and
shorten this conflict.
Speaking as a member of the Committee on Armed Services, I would
liken this program to its predecessor, the Land Lease Aid of World War
II. Foreign assistance represents some of the most effective national
defense dollars we provide, and also as a member of the Committee on
the Budget, I will fight next year for function 150 funding to make
this subcommittee's job easier.
I want to highlight two keys aspects of this bill. First, after great
delay, this bill provides the full measure of assistance to our allies
in the Middle East, including Israel. If there is anytime to show
tangible support to Israel, it is now. Democracies should stick
together and this bill does that.
I also want to commend the compromise to provide resources for family
planning. The average Afghan woman has six children. Many young Afghans
have few prospects and are tempted to extremism. This bill helps dry up
the wells of discontent in central Asia, stabilizing new allies in the
war on terror, both through the Agency for International Development,
and especially through the UNFPA.
I want to commend the committee and staff of the subcommittee and
urge rapid adoption of this bill.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this conference
report. I want to commend Chairman Kolbe and our ranking member,
Congresswoman Lowey, for crafting a fair and comprehensive bill that
addresses the needs of many nations throughout the world.
[[Page H10458]]
As conflict continues around the globe, from Northern Ireland to the
Middle East, this bill has taken the appropriate steps to provide the
tools for future prosperity and the potential for reconciliation.
As the cycle of violence continues in the Middle East, it is
essential that we take the appropriate steps to facilitate an
atmosphere of peace. The Middle East package in this appropriations
bill takes great strides toward that end by including balanced funding
for Israel and Egypt, as well as essential support for Jordan and
Lebanon.
Specifically, this bill provides economic funding in the amount of
$720 million for Israel and $655 million for Egypt. Additionally, it
provides $2.04 billion in military financing for Israel and $1.3
billion for Egypt.
I would like to make a special note to commend Israel for being the
only country to voluntary request a reduction in its economic
assistance. It is my sincere hope that this funding will foster an
atmosphere for reconciliation that is so desperate needed. I would also
like to thank the Committee for recognizing the work of the Galilee
Society. The Galilee Society works with Israeli-Arabs and Israeli-Jews
on projects that are in the mutual interest of both communities. From
water purification to child immunizations, Galilee has looked beyond
the religious and cultural differences that are often divisive in this
part of the world, for the betterment of the society as a whole.
Furthermore, the funding provided for the International Fund for
Ireland in the amount of $25 million is a crucial element in
facilitating an environment in Northern Ireland in which all sides can
live together and prosper for the common good. With the peace process
on tenuous ground, programs such as the International Fund for Ireland
are essential for Irish youth from the North and from the Republic to
work together to improve the future of their respective homelands.
On behalf of the Congressional Caucus on Bangladesh and the South
Asian Community in New York's Seventh Congressional District, I would
like to express our gratitude for $23.5 million for International
Disaster Assistance. Specifically, the $5 million earmark for relief
efforts in South Asia. The South Asian region has been decimated by
earthquakes and flooding throughout this difficult year. The funding
included in this bill will make great progress toward rebuilding the
communities hardest hit by these tragic events.
I wish to thank the Committee for the funding provided for the United
Nations Population Fund. This important funding will save the lives of
thousands of women and children throughout the developing world.
Though I am pleased overall with the funding levels included in this
bill, I have many concerns regarding the Andean Initiative.
Despite the fact that this funding is a vast improvement over Plan
Colombia, I believe that it fails to address the needs of countries,
such as Ecuador, to effectively combat the spillover effect from the
drug war in Colombia. Furthermore, this initiative continues to provide
financial and military assistance to the Colombian military. With an
abysmal human rights record, the Colombian military should receive no
support from the United States.
It is my hope that these funding deficiencies will be addressed and
rectified in future foreign aid packages.
I congratulate Mr. Kolbe and Mrs. Lowey for their diligent work on
this conference report, and I urge my colleagues to support its
passage.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I will support this conference report
with the express hope that we can do better next year. Foreign affairs
is one of the most important investments we make as a nation, and that
fact was underscored by the catastrophic events of September 11.
In his first public appearance after that tragic day, former
President Jimmy Carter said on November 15 at the Carter Center that
the chasm between rich and poor nations is ``by far the most important
single problem in the world.'' If more were done for the poor, he said,
``there would be a lot less animosity and a lot less inclination to
commit suicide to kill an American.''
I congratulate my colleagues Doug Bereuter and Howard Berman for
leading a letter to President Bush last month urging increased funding
for the fiscal year 2003 function 150 International Affairs budget as
part of our Nation's comprehensive response to the September 11 attack
on America. Foreign assistance makes a difference. Since 1960, life
expectancy in poor countries has risen from 45 to 64. Since 1970, the
illiteracy rate has fallen from 47 percent to 25 percent. And, since
1980, the number of poor people has fallen by about 200 million--this
at a time when world population increased by 1.6 billion. These are
impressive gains, but the U.S. is not doing as much as we should.
Through the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and
the Group of Seven, the world's richest economies have committed
themselves to halving world poverty by 2015, and devoting .7 percent of
their individual gross national products to overseas development
assistance. As a percentage of national income, U.S. foreign aid has
dropped steadily since the early 1990s, leaving the U.S. at the very
bottom among the 22 OECD members, with barely .1 percent of GNP going
to development assistance.
I commend to my colleagues the excellent Op-Ed I am submitting for
the Record that was written by the CEO of Mercy Corps, headquartered in
Portland, Oregon. In it, Neal Keny-Guyer states that ``we have to speak
plainly and forcibly about the resources required to confront the real
battle. . . . As Congress ponders a blank check for military defenses,
national and homeland security and increased intelligence capabilities,
we have to significantly increase programs that attack the roots of
terrorism.''
I agree with Mr. Keny-Guyer's conclusion that, ``We need to declare
that it is a moral outrage to have the resources to reduce global
poverty, but not the will to carry out change.'' I pledge to do what I
can to work that will to strengthen U.S. foreign assistance along with
my colleagues on the House International Relations Committee and
through the FY03 budget process.
[From the Oregonian, Nov. 26, 2001]
Help Injured World Heal With a Sustained Effort
(By Neal Keny-Guyer)
All the military might that America can muster will not end
terrorism. Not by itself. It requires a sustained assault
against those conditions on which terrorism breeds and feeds:
abject poverty and social inequality, mass ignorance and
disease, despair and intolerance, violence and conflict.
The frontline battalions and brigades in this war are the
humanitarian organizations such as Oxfam, CARE, Save the
Children and Mercy Corps. Never has their role been more
important. And never have these organizations been more
challenged to think and act differently.
It is no longer enough to attack the physical conditions of
poverty--income levels, adequate housing, health care, infant
mortality rates. Pure acts of mercy and relief may help
alleviate individual suffering and make the actors of charity
feel better, but they do not redress or affect root causes
and conditions. Even if we were to lower global infant
mortality rates by 25 percent tomorrow (and, of course, we
should pursue this noble goal) it is not clear at all that
the world would be a more stable, less violent place. It is
not self-evident that the forces of terror would be in
retreat.
So what is it that we aid agencies should really be doing
to make a difference?
First, we have to speak plainly and forcibly about the
resources required to confront the real battle. Americans are
generous people, but the U.S. government's global aid budget
needs to increase significantly beyond the paltry level of
less than 1 percent of our federal budget that we give today.
Most industrialized nations devote far greater percentages of
their budgets to international relief and development. As
Congress ponders a blank check for military defenses,
national and homeland security and increased intelligence
capabilities, we have to significantly increase programs that
attack the roots of terrorism. But let's make sure that we
are not just throwing money at good causes or buying
political and military cooperation through aid.
Second, international aid agencies and nongovernmental
organizations have to replace traditional programs that meet
basic human needs and promote development with
more innovative initiatives. We need programs that both
feed the hungry and teach agriculture skills and, at the
same time, promote land reform and democratic
participation. Health programs must provide not only basic
maternal and child medical care, but also promote basic
rights for women and children. We need micro-credit
programs that do not simply provide credit for the poor
but that also link, for example, Serbian producers with
Albanian suppliers in Kosovo. We need humanitarian
assistance programs that consciously promote, if not
require, active cooperation among various religious
factions in so many down trodden countries.
In Afghanistan today, the role of aid agencies is not
simply to feed starving people or to rebuild war-torn
buildings and infrastructure. Our real job is to provide aid
in a way that truly builds a foundation for a peaceful,
pluralistic future. Our multi-ethnic, multi-tribal teams need
to represent a working model of cooperation and tolerance. We
need to witness against human rights abuses and reprisals
while we help create Afghan models for a healthy civil
society.
Humanitarian and development assistance, always and
everywhere, has to promote political participation among
marginalized groups, respect for human rights and the rule of
law. Aid agencies, always and everywhere, have to deliver
assistance in the ways that build bridges of understanding
and cooperation among religious, ethnic and cultural
communities affected by conflict.
It is no longer enough to be simple angels of mercy. Aid
agencies today have to be ambassadors of peace,
reconciliation and hope--
[[Page H10459]]
hope for more secure, just and meaningful future.
Finally aid agencies today need to find creative,
compelling ways to connect their supporters with a deeper
understanding of the world. We need to declare that it is a
moral outrage to have the resources to reduce global poverty,
but not the will to carry out change. We cannot stand on the
sidelines of history while 50 million people are refugees
from war and persecution, while 25 million children are
killed, maimed or made homeless in a decade's time, while
35,000 children die each day from hunger and disease.
A seamless web of compassion connects homeless child in
Poland with a hungry, desperate child in Afghanistan. And
when one child is helped anywhere, all of God's children can
rejoice. In this understanding, terrorism cannot win. In this
discovery, in this conviction, a better America and a better
world will emerge.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, this Member rises in strong support for
the conference report to H.R. 2506, the Foreign Operations
appropriations bill. This Member would particularly like to thank the
distinguished gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe), the Chairman of
Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, for his efforts in
bringing this conference report to the House Floor. Additionally, this
Member would like to thank the distinguished gentleman from Florida
(Mr. Young) the Chairman of the Appropriations Committee, for his
continued leadership.
This Member would like to focus on three following parts of this
conference report to H.R. 2506: the 150 International Affairs Budget,
the Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im Bank), and the International Fund for
Agricultural Development (IFAD).
First, the conference report to H.R. 2506 includes appropriations for
the 150 International Affairs budget. Through the 150
International Affairs budget, the U.S. funds its programs which are
critical to protecting U.S. security, economic, and diplomatic
interests overseas. Indeed, these programs, which include U.S.
humanitarian assistance programs; foreign economic and military
assistance; public diplomacy efforts; and export promotion programs,
are the tools which American diplomats, aid workers, and businesses use
to promote the American story of freedom, democracy, and free markets.
Without these tools, other countries and regimes have a greater
opportunity to define in an unfavorable light what America stands for
and to promote causes which are in direct opposition to U.S. national
interests.
Mr. Speaker, this Member joined his colleague, the distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), and 61 other distinguished
Members of this Body from both sides of the aisle in sending to the
President a letter which expresses support for an increase in the
fiscal year 2003 150 International Affairs budget. Currently, funding
for the 150 International Affairs budget comprises less than 1 percent
of the overall Federal budget, and these funds will play a very crucial
role in the war on terrorism. Indeed, increasing the 150 International
Affairs Budget will provide the Administration more flexibility to wage
the diplomatic component of the war on terrorism.
Second, this Member supports the $727 million appropriation for the
program budget of the Ex-Im Bank and the $63 million appropriation for
its administrative budget. The Ex-Im Bank is an independent U.S.
Government agency which provides direct loans to buyers of U.S.
exports, guarantees to commercial loans to buyers of U.S. products, and
insurance products which greatly benefit short-term small business
sales. To illustrate the importance of the Ex-Im Bank, in FY 2000, it
supported over $15 billion worth of exports through loans, guarantees,
and insurance for American businesses, both small and large.
As the Chairman of the House Financial Services Subcommittee on
International Monetary Policy and Trade, this Member takes a particular
interest in the appropriation for the Ex-Im Bank since he has
introduced legislation (H.R. 2871) which would reauthorize the Ex-Im
Bank for four years, until September 30, 2005. This legislation, the
Export-Import Bank Reauthorization Act of 2001, passed the House
Financial Services Committee on October 31, 2001. This Member is
awaiting this legislation to be taken up on the House Floor. It should
be noted that, at the request of certain U.S. Senators, the conference
report includes an extension to March 31, 2001, for the authorization
of the Ex-Im Bank.
With respect to the program budget, the conference report provides
funding for Ex-Im Bank's loans, guarantees, and insurance products. In
the administration's budget for fiscal year 2002, it reduced the
program budget of the Ex-Im Bank to $633 million. The fiscal year 2001
level for the program budget was $865 million. This conference report
restores some of the funding for the program budget by appropriating
$727 million for fiscal 2002. It is important to note that under the
Export-Import Bank Reauthorization Act of 2001, the program budget is
effectively authorized for such sums as are appropriated through fiscal
year 2005.
With regard to the administrative budget for the Ex-Im Bank, this
conference report appropriates $63 million. This is an increase by $1
million over the $62 million level for the administrative budget for
fiscal year 2002. Funding for the administrative budget is essential as
the Ex-Im Bank is in a desperate need of a technology upgrade which
would particularly benefit small business users of the Ex-Im Bank. To
illustrate this importance, this Member's legislation, H.R. 2871,
authorizes $80 million for the administrative budget, which includes
funding for information technology for fiscal year 2002, and indexes
this authorization level for inflation for fiscal year 2003 through
fiscal year 2005.
This Member would also like to note that this conference report
contains an authorization of $30 million to IFAD. IFAD provides loans
and grants for agricultural and rural projects for the world's poor who
live in such rural areas. Almost 75 percent of the world's 1.2 billion
poorest people live in rural areas. Furthermore, approximately two-
thirds of IFAD loans are concessional. This authorization of $30
million for the Fifth Replenishment for IFAD is identical to the
Administration's request.
As the Chairman of the House Financial Services Subcommittee on
International Monetary Policy and Trade, which has authorization
responsibilities over the regional multilateral development banks
including IFAD, this Member introduced H.R. 2604. This legislation
reauthorizes the U.S. commitment to the Asian Development Fund and IFAD
and sets forth additional policies regarding the other regional
multilateral development institutions. This legislation, H.R. 2604,
particularly addresses the subjects of HIV/AIDS, user fees, and
transparency as it relates to the different regional multilateral
development institutions.
This legislation, H.R. 2604, passed the House Financial Services
Committee by a voice vote on October 31, 2001. This Member is awaiting
this legislation to be taken up on the House Floor. It is important to
note this conference report does not authorize the Asian Development
Fund. The Administration had requested an authorization for a four year
$412 million U.S. contribution to the Seventh replenishment of the
Asian Development Fund. Since this authorization is not in the
conference report of H.R. 2506, it is imperative that the House Floor
take up this Member's legislation, H.R. 2604, in the immediate future
since it contains the authorization for the Asian Development Fund.
In conclusion, for the above reasons and many others, this Member
urges his colleagues to support the conference report to H.R. 2506, the
Foreign Operations appropriations bill.
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant support of the Fiscal
Year 2002 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act. Though the bill
includes language that gives me serious pause--in particular that
related to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), I will cast my
vote in support of this legislation today to ensure our continued
support for the people of Israel in their time of great crisis.
The people of Israel have lived with violence and unrest since the
birth of their nation more than 50 years ago. But in recent years, it
has appeared that with serious effort, a reasonable peace could be
achieved in that region. Over the past several weeks, however, that
dream of peace has crumbled. The leadership of the Palestinian
Authority has been lacking either the wherewithal or the will to
control the escalating violence and the Israeli leadership has
retaliated in the only way it can see fit. Regrettably, innocent lives
on both sides often pay the price for this impasse.
In this time of turmoil, Mr. Speaker, we must show our support for
our ally, Israel. This bill fully funds the President's requests for
foreign military financing and economic assistance to Israel. Thus,
despite my objections to the UNFPA language and other provisions, I
must support this funding bill.
The compromise language developed by the conferees increases the
appropriation for the UNFPA by 40 percent over last year. In recent
months, the UNFPA has come under increasing scrutiny for its policies
that support coercive abortion policies in China, Peru, and elsewhere.
Furthermore, as Congressional criticism of their complicity in these
inhumane
[[Page H10460]]
policies has increased, the UNFPA has become less and less willing to
provide information that Congress needs to conduct its required
oversight. In fact, only two months ago, the UNFPA refused a request by
the International Relations Committee to even testify on this matter.
There can be little doubt that coercive abortion and one-child
policies prey upon the most vulnerable people in our global society.
They force young women, disabled women, and poor women into giving up
the families that they want through abortion or infanticide. They lead
to the deaths of countless innocent children all around the world. By
intentionally ignoring that these policies exist, the UNFPA passively
supports them. And, this is a practice that must stop.
While I am opposed to the bottom-line increase in funding for UNFPA,
I am encouraged by the fact that this funding level is meant to be an
appropriations ceiling. I am very hopeful that the President and his
Administration will use the discretion that this mechanism provides to
ensure that funding is commensurate only with the appropriate purposes
of this program and that it is not used to support these despicable
family planning programs.
In addition to my concerns about the UNFPA funding, Mr. Speaker, I am
also skeptical that it is appropriate to be increasing our
international funding obligations to this extent at a time when our
economy is still demonstrating a marked sluggishness. While I recognize
the importance of remaining fully engaged in the international
community in times of peace as well as in times of war, I am not
certain that the increase in funding in this bill represents the
appropriate balance of our national priorities. In fact, this funding
bill includes a nearly $2 million increase over the funding level
requested by the President.
Mr. Speaker, I do appreciate the difficult task that the conferees
had in forging this compromise legislation. And, though I am conflicted
on the merits of that compromise, I will support it today.
Mrs. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support
of this bi-partisan conference report. I would like to thank my
colleagues, Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey for their tireless
work and impressive effort in producing this comprehensive report. I
would also like to specifically thank Chairman Young and Ranking Member
Obey for their support on a number of important issues.
Thanks to the hard work of this subcommittee and with the direction
of Chairman Young, over 250,000 ``at risk'' children in Bosnia will now
be helped. Since the tragic war in Bosnia, it is estimated that 13
percent of children in Bosnia and Herzegovina live in extreme poverty
and 2,673 children do not have parental care. These children need and
deserve a stable, safe environment where they can grow up and enjoy the
support of a loving family.
I am proud that my colleagues have addressed this need and have
appropriated $3 million to help these children, many of whom live in
terrible conditions.
I would also like to thank my colleagues for the increase of funding
for the U.N. Population Fund to $34 million--a $12.5 million increase
from last year! What a victory for women and children around the world!
Thanks to Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member Lowey in the House and
Senator Leahy in the Senate, we can now directly fund effective modern
contraception for nearly 1.6 million women in low-income countries,
prevent 780,000 unintended pregnancies, prevent 365,000 unwanted
births, help women avoid over 312,000 abortions, prevent thousands of
maternal and child deaths, reduce the spread of HIV/AIDS infection in
dozens of high-risk countries, and help poor countries develop stable
economies.
This is truly a cause for celebration!
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2506, the Foreign
Operations Appropriations bill for FY 2002. With American forces
engaged in battle, it is essential that Congress provide the
Administration the tools it needs to meet our foreign policy
objectives, which include playing an active role in the Middle East
peace process.
The events of the past weeks have again reminded us the troubled
waters through which we must tread in the Middle East. The cycle of
violence that has embroiled the region for the last 14 months has in no
way helped Israel or the Palestinians. The longer this violence
persists, the worse it will be for all parties, including the United
States. Already, American credibility vis-a-vis the peace process has
been seriously questioned.
The violence unleashed in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, and elsewhere by
Palestinian suicide bombers is wrong. There is no justification for
killing innocent civilians, and the deaths of 27 Israeli citizens is
outrageous and must be condemned by all. I fail to comprehend what
would compel a young man to strap explosives to his body, and surrender
his life in an immoral, misguided effort to kill innocent people.
In response to the suicide attacks in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, Israel
has again launched a powerful military response intended to scare
Palestinians into submission. This strike has caused numerous
Palestinian casualties, and destroyed Yasser Arafat's headquarters.
While Israel intended to send a message to Palestinians, I do not think
the message they sent--delivered from helicopter gunships and F-16's--
is one they wanted the Palestinians to receive. A commentator drew an
apt parallel when he noted that if the English bombed Belfast and
Dublin in response to an IRA attack, the Irish would hardly be more
eager to work with the British on matters of security.
Mr. Speaker, the Israel-Palestinian conflict is headed toward a
precipice, which poses a grave danger to Israel, the Palestinians, and
the United States. On November 19, Secretary Colin Powell indicated a
renewed, active U.S. initiative to end violence and get the peace
process back on track. Powell noted that obtaining a just and lasting
peace between Israelis and Palestinians is our central diplomatic
challenge, and that our vision is to help build, ``a region where
Israelis and Arabs can live together in peace, security, and dignity.''
He also stated that both parties must take steps, some painful, in
order to reach a just conclusion to this conflict.
This is not the time for our country and this body to play the role
of partisan. We must not be pro or anti-Palestinian, nor must we be pro
or anti-Israeli. We must sanction the conduct of those who insight
violence or dictate their will by force alone, and criticize any
activity that undermines confidence, security, and peace. We must urge
both parties to rededicate themselves to the path of peace. This is the
only path in the long-term interest of the United States, and is
certainly the only one offering real security for Israel and statehood
for the Palestinians.
Mr. Speaker, as the Secretary Powell noted, United Nations Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338, Camp David, and all agreements made in
the last decade have spelled out the principles upon which a final
peace settlement will be made. Israel will get security and the
opportunity to forge economic, political, and cultural ties to its
neighbors; Palestinians will get an independent state. Israeli and
Palestinian citizens alike will all have the opportunity to live normal
lives. Both parties win. Only rejectionist and extremists lose.
The first step to peace is implementing the Mitchell Committee
Report. The Mitchell Committee studied the ongoing violence over a
period of months, and the report is submitted included objective
findings and constructive recommendations as to how to end the violence
and rebuild confidence that will enable the parties to return to the
negotiating table. Both Israel and the Palestinians have accepted the
Mitchell Committee Report. It alone offers the one thing that is most
needed today: hope.
Mr. Speaker, I would note that I have introduced H. Con. Res. 253, a
resolution which expresses support for the Mitchell Commission report.
It is supported by the Administration, and I would hope that more
members would register their support for the peace process by endorsing
Mitchell and cosponsoring H. Con. Res. 253.
``I truly tell you: we have before us today an opportunity for peace
which time will never repeat and we must seize it if we are really
serious in struggling for peace. If we weaken or fritter away this
opportunity we shall end in a new blood-bath; he who has conspired to
lose it will have the curse of humanity and history on his head.''
Mr. Speaker, these are the words of Anwar Sadat spoken to the Knesset
in 1977. Sadat, like Yitzak Rabin, paid the highest personal price for
peace. Let us remember them, and champion efforts to bring about a just
and lasting peace. Now is a historic opportunity for between peace and
war. Let's be on the right side of history.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, while I support H.R. 2506, the Foreign
Operations Conference Report, regrettably, the conference report before
us does significantly damage the Annual Drug Certification Process. The
certification process is an important Reagan era tool to garner the
cooperation of major drug producer and major drug transit nations that
want the benefit of US aid.
It is simply, the Drug Certification Procedure mandate that before a
major illicit drug producer or major transit nation is entitled to our
foreign aid, the President must certify to Congress that such nation is
``fully cooperating'' with us in our fight against these illicit drugs.
As we full know today illicit drugs helped finance global terrorism
whether Bin Laden in Afghanistan, or the FARC and ELN in Colombia, or
other terrorist networks around the world.
We need the full cooperation of these major producer and/or major
transit nations to stop the flow of drugs here, and the profits to the
global terrorists. Now is not the time to weaken American law in the
fight against illicit drugs and global terrorism.
[[Page H10461]]
The Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics Control,
Randy Beers, who served both Clinton and now under Bush, has said of
the drug certification process that it is ``a policy tool which is
controversial, not because it has failed, but because it is working.''
Yet in this year's annual foreign operations appropriations bill
Secretary Beers negotiated a major change in the drug certification
law, without our input that lowered the bar (``demonstrably fails'') on
the cooperation we are entitled to receive from these nations, which
makes it harder for us to fight illicit drugs abroad.
We question, why now when we are in the fight of our lives against
global terrorism would we want to surrender one of the most effective
tools against the source of much of its financing, the illicit drug
trade. It makes no sense.
It is the wrong message at the wrong time especially now as we fight
global terrorism often financed by the illicit drug trade.
Accordingly, I urge Mr. Kolbe's Committee to re-examine the
importance of preserving the Drug Certification Process.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this conference
report.
I want to commend Chairman Kolbe and my friend Nita Lowey for
negotiating a fair and comprehensive conference report that reflects
the new challenges that we face in working with the international
community.
On behalf of the Bangladeshi caucus and the entire South Asian
Community in my district, I would like to express our most sincere
gratitude for $235.5 million in funding for International Disaster
assistance with at least $5 million going toward South Asia.
The South Asian region has been decimated by earthquakes and flooding
throughout this difficult year.
The funding provided in this bill will make great strides toward
rebuilding the communities hardest hit by these tragic events.
I would also like to express my gratitude for the inclusion of $25
million for the International Fund for Ireland.
The funding provided for IFI is crucial to facilitating an
environment in Northern Ireland in which all sides can work together on
issues of mutual concern and benefit.
Finally, I wish to thank the Committee for the funding provided for
the United Nations Population Fund.
This important funding will save the lives of thousands of women and
children throughout the world.
The projects of which I am supportive are too numerous to mention in
such a short time, but suffice it to say that it is a privilege to vote
in favor of this conference report.
Mr. SCHAFFER. Mr. Speaker, the Conference report related to foreign
operations--currently under consideration by the House--contains an
improved level of funding for Ukraine. These funds move us closer to
achieving America's objectives there. The Conferees of the Foreign
Operations Appropriations Bill are to be commended for realizing the
strategic and economic significance of Ukraine to the United States and
for favorably judging my recommendation for higher funding levels.
As you may recall, Mr. Speaker, I rose in opposition to the actions
previously taken by this House when it funded America's activities in
Ukraine at an amount substantially lower than that recommended by the
president. The president's budget called for an expenditure of $169
million for fiscal year 2002. The House approved an amount not to
exceed $124 million.
Upon passage of the House bill on foreign operations appropriations,
I petitioned our colleagues in the Senate to set in its companion
appropriations bill a figure for Ukraine in excess of the president's
recommendation. My appeal was warmly received, and I am pleased by the
Senate's reply in proposing the Ukrainian line be funded at no less
than $180 million.
The figure proposed in the report before us now is $154 million
which, while admittedly subordinate to our president's more prudent
recommendation, strikes me as a reasonable compromise between the two
chambers of the Congress and certainly worthy of our approval today. I
appreciate the efforts of the House conferees to accommodate such a
significant portion of my request, and I hereby pledge my continuing
effort to monitor the efficacy of these scarce resources. I intend to
continue in my capacity as Co-chairman of the Congressional Ukrainian
Caucus, to oversee and judge the utility of the programs enabled by the
generosity of the American people through the Congress. I will endeavor
to routinely report to the subcommittee chairman and our colleagues in
general regularly the conclusions of my findings. It is my earnest
desire that my observations, and those of the Caucus, weigh heavily in
the formulation of future budgets regarding our interests in Ukraine.
Moreover, I am grateful for the Subcommittee Chairman's receptivity to
this proposition.
Funding proposed in the current bill comes at a very critical point
in Ukraine's development as a democracy. In March 2002, Ukrainians will
have the opportunity to elect a new parliament. There is great concern
internationally for the strong possibility of election tampering,
outright fraud during this election, and compromised results. If
Ukraine is to stay the course toward a mature democracy, the upcoming
elections must yield a fair and accurate representation of popular
intentions, attitudes, opinions, and beliefs.
Mr. Speaker, I warrant it the duty of the United States to promote
democracy and freedom whenever and wherever possible. I have been this
institution's strongest supporter of Ukraine in its struggle for
democracy throughout my tenure in congress and long before my service
here. I regard America's support integral to the growth of democracy,
free-markets and property rights in Ukraine. Without question,
America's continued help will hasten Ukraine overcoming the various
threats of domestic corruption. Our financial assistance will help
sustain Ukraine's unmistakable progress in achieving its place among
the global community of democratic nations.
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is
working in Ukraine, representing America's interests by coordinating
many democracy-building projects. In fact, I have made various
recommendations to USAID for specific programs designed to promote
democracy and citizenship, and I'm confident this appropriation will
foster timely development of these important projects.
This election will be a thorough test of USAID's effectiveness in
Ukraine. If the elections are to be genuine, USAID must coordinate not
only its assets for poll watching, but must preempt election fraud by
guiding Ukrainian voting officials in providing ballot security, voter
education, and legal compliance.
Prior to and throughout my years in Congress, I have had the
privilege of meeting many Ukrainians and Ukrainian leaders. These
people, whose history of democracy is short, understand its
significance better than many who have enjoyed a lifetime in a free
society.
It has been ten years since Ukraine discarded the yoke of Society-
style communism and oppression and embarked on the road to freedom. The
progress of reforms has been slow, to be sure, but this cannot deter
American assistance. The case is now stronger than ever for assertive
American assistance and leadership in Ukraine.
Despite slow reforms, Ukraine has consistently demonstrated its
commitment to building alliances with the western world. Ukraine has
supported the U.S. in various peacekeeping missions. Ukraine has been
completely cooperative in non-proliferation issues and in nuclear
disarmament. Ukraine supported America in the war on terrorism, opening
air space and providing ground transportation for coalition supplies.
Most recently, Ukraine has supported President Bush in withdrawing from
the ABM Treaty, calling it a morally justified decision, and the treaty
obsolete.
The Ukrainian people are resolute in their desire to live in a
democracy and enjoy national self-determination. The United States
stands to benefit greatly from a strong alliance with Ukraine,
economically, strategically, and culturally. American support is
paramount in the achievement of these important goals and I urge the
House to look favorably on this particular portion of the Committee
report.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to support this conference
report.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is
ordered on the conference report.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the conference report.
Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 357,
nays 66, not voting 11, as follows:
[Roll No. 505]
YEAS--357
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Allen
Andrews
Armey
Baca
Baird
Baldacci
Baldwin
Ballenger
Barrett
Barton
Bass
Becerra
Bentsen
Bereuter
Berkley
[[Page H10462]]
Berman
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop
Blagojevich
Blumenauer
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonior
Bono
Boozman
Borski
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (FL)
Brown (OH)
Brown (SC)
Bryant
Burr
Burton
Buyer
Callahan
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carson (IN)
Carson (OK)
Castle
Chambliss
Clay
Clayton
Clyburn
Coble
Collins
Condit
Conyers
Cooksey
Costello
Cox
Coyne
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Dooley
Doyle
Dreier
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Ehrlich
Emerson
Engel
English
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fletcher
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fossella
Frank
Frelinghuysen
Frost
Gallegly
Ganske
Gekas
Gephardt
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gilman
Gonzalez
Gordon
Goss
Graham
Granger
Graves
Green (TX)
Green (WI)
Greenwood
Grucci
Gutierrez
Harman
Hart
Hastings (WA)
Hill
Hilliard
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoeffel
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Horn
Houghton
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Inslee
Isakson
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
John
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind (WI)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kleczka
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kucinich
LaFalce
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren
Lowey
Lucas (KY)
Lynch
Maloney (CT)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Mascara
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Millender-McDonald
Miller, Dan
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mink
Mollohan
Moore
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Morella
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Nethercutt
Ney
Northup
Nussle
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Osborne
Ose
Oxley
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Phelps
Pickering
Pomeroy
Portman
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reyes
Reynolds
Riley
Rivers
Rodriguez
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roukema
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (WI)
Sabo
Sanchez
Sanders
Sandlin
Sawyer
Saxton
Schaffer
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrock
Scott
Serrano
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shows
Simmons
Simpson
Skeen
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Spratt
Stenholm
Strickland
Stupak
Sununu
Sweeney
Tauscher
Tauzin
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Thune
Thurman
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Traficant
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Velazquez
Visclosky
Vitter
Walden
Walsh
Waters
Watkins (OK)
Watson (CA)
Watt (NC)
Watts (OK)
Waxman
Weiner
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Young (FL)
NAYS--66
Akin
Bachus
Barcia
Barr
Bartlett
Berry
Blunt
Chabot
Combest
Crane
Cunningham
Davis, Jo Ann
Deal
DeMint
Doolittle
Duncan
Everett
Flake
Goode
Goodlatte
Gutknecht
Hall (TX)
Hansen
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Herger
Hilleary
Hostettler
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kennedy (MN)
Kerns
Largent
Lewis (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Manzullo
McInnis
Mica
Miller, Jeff
Myrick
Norwood
Otter
Paul
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Pombo
Roemer
Rohrabacher
Royce
Ryun (KS)
Sensenbrenner
Shuster
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Stearns
Stump
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Toomey
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
NOT VOTING--11
Baker
Clement
Cubin
Hall (OH)
Hastings (FL)
Luther
Meek (FL)
Owens
Stark
Wexler
Young (AK)
{time} 1704
Messrs. JONES of North Carolina, HANSEN, LEWIS of Kentucky, HILLEARY,
BACHUS, LUCAS of Oklahoma, SAM JOHNSON of Texas, HAYWORTH, EVERETT,
SHUSTER, and LARGENT changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
So the conference report was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________