[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 162 (Wednesday, November 28, 2001)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E2148-E2149]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                     GUATEMALA'S 36-YEAR CIVIL WAR

                                 ______
                                 

                          HON. EDOLPHUS TOWNS

                              of new york

                    in the house of representatives

                      Wednesday, November 28, 2001

  Mr. TOWNS. Mr. Speaker, the genocide that was committed during 
Guatemala's 36-year civil war, although far exceeding the death tolls 
reached in Bosnia, as well as in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Argentina and 
Chile combined, has yet to receive proper attention from the 
international community. Fortunately, the slow march of justice may 
finally be reaching Guatemala, as indigenous Mayan survivors of over a 
dozen massacres--out of an estimated 600 committed during that era--are 
speaking out, accusing former dictator Efrain Rios Montt of genocide, 
crimes against humanity and war crimes.
  An association of surviving indigenous Maya is specifically suing the 
ex-general on charges related to the massacres in which 1,200 lives 
were lost. At these bloodlettings, which occurred between March and 
December 1982, peasants throughout the Mayan highlands were raped, 
tortured and murdered, with their bodies tossed into the large pits 
serving as mass graves. The locations of these ossuaries were known for 
years, but left undisturbed until recently.
   During Guatemala's bloody three-decade old civil war, more than 
200,000 died and millions were displaced as Rios Montt rose to power, 
eventually leading a military coup that seized control of the 
government in 1982. Once in office, Rios Montt took the civil war to 
new levels of violence by attacking the thousands of indigenous Maya 
who he claimed comprised the bulk of the revolutionaries. Under the 
ensuing reign of terror, he utilized notorious Civil Defense patrols 
and ``model'' villages (officially known as social re-adaptation 
centers), which were akin to concentration camps. Males thirteen and 
older were required to serve in Civil Defense patrols, which operated 
as paramilitary units supervised by the army, with their mission being 
to act as informants and kill suspected guerrillas. The most 
devastating of Rios Montt's actions was the implementation of the 
``scorched earth'' policy, which called for hundreds of villages to be 
burned to the ground and thousands of innocent people to be tortured 
and murdered.
   To this day, Rios Montt continues to retain plenary power within 
Guatemala's government, as president of Congress and de facto president 
of the country, by controlling the country's nominal president, Alfonso 
Portillo, who has been denounced for alleged corruption by many 
Guatemalans. Furthermore, since the initiation of the case against Rios 
Montt, terror and incessant threats have followed those pursuing 
justice.
   Observers feel that if successfully argued, the case against Rios 
Montt could form the basis of hope for national reconciliation 
regarding the bitter memories of the victims of the atrocities 
committed against the Mayan community during the 36-year conflict. To 
only bring the case to trial would represent a most notable victory for 
those involved, as well as for the country's otherwise discredited 
judicial system, setting a precedent that hopefully could serve as a 
formidable deterrent for those contemplating the future use of terror 
against the public.

                   The Council on Hemispheric Affairs

       The Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), a nonprofit, 
     tax-exempt independent research and information organization, 
     was founded at the end of 1975 to promote the common interest 
     of the hemisphere, raise the visibility and increase the 
     importance of the inter-American relationship, as well as 
     encourage the formulation of rational and constructive U.S. 
     policies towards Latin America. In 1982, COHA's board of 
     trustees voted to expand its mandate to include monitoring 
     Canadian/Latin American relations. Since its inception, COHA 
     has been one of the most active and broadest-based U.S. 
     private bodies dealing with the entire spectrum of political, 
     economic and diplomatic issues, as well as the economic and 
     political challenges confronting the Inter-American nations.
       From its founding, COHA's board consisted of the leadership 
     of some of this country's most important trade unions, 
     professional organizations and religious groups, well as 
     distinguished civic and academic figures who joined together 
     to advance their common belief in support of representative 
     government and pluralistic institutions throughout the 
     hemisphere.
       COHA subscribes to no specific political credo nor does it 
     maintain partisan allegiances. It supports open and 
     democratic political processes just as it consistently has 
     condemned authoritarian regimes of any stripes that fail to 
     provide their populations with even minimal standards of 
     political freedoms, economic and social justice, personal 
     security and civic guarantees.
       COHA is entirely staffed by a professional core, who 
     contribute their services, supplemented by a large number of 
     volunteer graduated and undergraduate students who often 
     receive academic credit from their home institutions for the 
     experience gained through their work here. Over the years, 
     retired government employees also have cooperated with COHA 
     in preparing monographs on such topics as regional 
     development, trade policies, technology transfer, the 
     operations of multinational corporations and the 
     controversial development strategies of the international 
     lending agencies. The staff is assisted by a number of extra-
     mural professionals coming from an academic background who 
     serve as COHA senior research fellows, who are generally 
     considered to be leaders in their respective fields of 
     expertise.
       COHA's analyses are frequently sought after by the major 
     media, with its long-time director, Larry Birns, as well as 
     other senior personnel regularly being called upon by the 
     major national and international press, along with network 
     radio and TV public affairs programs, to provide commentary 
     on breaking regional issues. COHA contributors also appear 
     regularly in the opinion columns on editorial pages 
     throughout the country, and its findings frequently have been 
     heard and seen over the BBC, Voice of America, CBC, Radio 
     Marti, Radio Havana and U.S. radio programs. COHA personnel 
     also have appeared one or more times on CNN, C-Span, Firing 
     Line, Crossfire, Nightline, the CBS, ABC and NBC evening 
     news, as well as the network Larry King program, ``Good 
     Morning America'' and the ``Today Show,'' and many National 
     Public Radio public affairs programs.
       COHA's personnel have been interviewed, or the 
     organization's findings have been referred to in such 
     publications as Time, Newsweek, the Atlantic Monthly, U.S. 
     News and World Report, New York Magazine, Harper's, the New 
     Yorker, the New Statesman Barron's, and Maclean's. On almost 
     a daily basis, the results of COHA's work appear in the press 
     of Latin America and Europe. COHA also has been cited in 
     numerous occasions in the New York times, the Washington 
     Post, Los Angeles Times, the Christian Science monitor, the 
     London Observer, the Boston Globe, the Miami Herald, the 
     Toronto Globe and Mail, the Toronto Star, the London 
     Independent and the Guardian, among many other newspapers.
       COHA has been referred to in the floor of the Senate as 
     ``one of our Nation's most respected bodies of scholars and 
     policymakers.''

                                  ____
                                  

                   Guatemala's Four Decades of Terror

                            (By Chanin Webb)

       Genocide committed during Guatemala's 36-year civil war, 
     although far exceeding the death tolls reached in Bosnia, as 
     well as in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Argentina and Chile 
     combined, has not received proper notice from the 
     international community. Fortunately, the slow march of 
     justice may finally be reaching Guatemala, as indigenous 
     Mayan survivors of over a dozen massacres--out of an 
     estimated 600 committed during that era--speak out, accusing 
     former dictator Efrain Rios Montt of genocide, crimes against 
     humanity and war crimes.
       Supported by the Center for Human Rights Legal Action 
     (CALDH), a local NGO which serves as a co-prosecutor in the 
     case and offers legal council to the victims, an association 
     of surviving indigenous Maya is suing ex-General Rios Montt 
     on charges related to the massacres in which 1,200 lives were 
     lost. At these bloodlettings, which occurred between March 
     and December of 1982, peasants throughout the Mayan highlands 
     were raped, tortured and murdered, with their bodies tossed 
     into the large pits serving as mass graves. The locations of 
     these ossuaries were known for years, but left undisturbed 
     until recently, due to fear of retaliation. The indictment 
     against Rios Montt is based on the testimonies of the 
     survivors, as well as the deceased, in the form of these 
     recently uncovered burial sites.


                     Rios Montt's terrorist network

       Shortly after the CIA's sponsored coup in 1954, which 
     toppled the democratically-elected government of Jacobo 
     Arbenz and placed the country under military rule, 
     revolutionary groups began being formed to combat 
     authoritarian rule. The result was a civil conflict which 
     lasted for 36 years, leaving more than 200,000 dead and 
     millions displaced. It was during this bloody conflict that 
     Rios Montt rose to power. By 1972, he had achieved the rank 
     of brigadier general, and was, at the time, already being 
     accused of using his new authority to orchestrate the 1973 
     massacre of over 100 indigenous Maya. In 1982, Rios Montt led 
     a military coup that seized control of the government, 
     overthrowing Gen. Lucas Garcia (who also has been accused of 
     major war crimes).

[[Page E2149]]

       Many hoped that, due to his evangelical background, Rios 
     Montt would reduce the cruelty; instead, he took the war to 
     new levels of violence by attacking the thousands of 
     indigenous Maya who allegedly comprised the bulk of the 
     revolutionaries. Rios Montt believed that other Maya were 
     providing the guerrillas with food and shelter, thus making 
     them collaborators and subversives. According to CIA records 
     released in February of 1998, under the Rios Montt 
     dictatorship, there was a marked increase in military 
     violence and destruction of Mayan villages.
       Under the ensuing reign of terror, Rios Montt utilized 
     notorious Civil Defense patrols and ``model'' villages 
     (officially known as social re-adaptation centers) which were 
     akin to concentration camps, housing the survivors from 
     various Mayan communities decimated by the armed forces. 
     Males thirteen years and older were required to serve in 
     Civil Defense patrols, which operated as paramilitary units 
     and were supervised by the army. Their mission was to act as 
     informants and they were expected to kill suspected 
     guerrillas as need be, as well as fellow villagers. According 
     to Andrea Leland, author of A Long Road Home, these civil 
     patrols put the indigenous boys and men in the forefront of 
     danger, compelling them at times to kill members of their 
     community, consequently destroying the fabric of their Mayan 
     heritage.
       The most devastating of Rios Montt's actions was the 
     implementation of the ``scorched earth'' policy, which called 
     for hundreds of villages to be burned to the ground and 
     thousands of innocent people to be tortured and murdered. One 
     documented incident of this policy in action took place in 
     the village of El Quetzal on July 17, 1982. Soldiers divided 
     the families, placing the men in the local schoolhouse and 
     the women and children in the church. After several hours, 
     the soldiers took a group of men from the schoolhouse and 
     executed them with stones and machetes; those remaining were 
     killed when the military threw grenades into the building. 
     The younger women were raped, tortured, and killed, while the 
     older women were murdered with their children, when the 
     military threw grenades into the church. In all, over 360 
     people died in this tragic event.
       In another massacre, which took place at the Mayan 
     community of San Francisco, more than ten thousand villagers 
     were displaced, aside from those brutally murdered. The 
     random cruelty of the military is revealed by the fact that 
     children were found with their stomachs cut open, while 
     others had been grabbed by their legs and smashed against 
     trees and upright beams within their houses. At the time, the 
     Rios Montt administration blamed the attacks on radical 
     right-wing vigilante groups; however, then-U.S. ambassador to 
     Guatemala, Fredric Chapin, noted in CIA records that ``I am 
     firmly convinced that the violence is government of Guatemala 
     ordered and not ``right-wing violence'' and that these were 
     not rightist militant squad executions, but again executions 
     ordered by armed service officers close to President Rios 
     Montt.'' On August 1983, Rios Montt was himself dethroned by 
     a military junta lead by General Mejia Victores. During Rios 
     Montt's short rein as dictator, thousands of victims were 
     added to the death toll fact sheet.


                         Bringing down a tyrant

       To this day, Rios Montt continues to retain plenary power 
     within Guatemala's government, as president of Congress and 
     de facto president of the country, by controlling the corrupt 
     nominal president, Alfonso Portillo. The latter was elected 
     on the Frente Republicano Guatemalteco (FRG) ticket, which is 
     led by its founder, Rios Montt. The FRG controls congress and 
     has quickly become one of Guatemala's most corrupt regimes in 
     recent history, according to CALDH's director, Frank La Rue. 
     The case against Rios Montt is consistent with the 
     conclusions of the Commission for Historical Clarification 
     (the UN-sponsored Truth Commission), which stated 
     ``Guatemalan authorities must prosecute those with the main 
     responsibility for the serious human rights violations.'' 
     Newly appointed prosecutor Mario Leal, assisted by CALDH and 
     the association of Mayan victims, continues to push the 
     genocide case against Rios Montt forward. Since 1973, under 
     Guatemalan criminal law, there is no immunity from 
     prosecution for those who have committed crimes of genocide, 
     war crimes and crimes against humanity, meaning that Rios 
     Montt cannot hide behind his current incumbency.
       Since the initiation of the case against Rios Montt, terror 
     and incessant threats have followed those pursuing justice. 
     This past July, Anselmo Roldan, representative of the 
     communities that filed that legal case against Rios Montt, 
     was attacked and seriously wounded by Santiago Emilio Perez, 
     who escaped by hiding in the house of a FRG supporter. But 
     with this increased level of danger, the case is moving 
     forward, according to CALDH, which believes Mr. Leal's team 
     will begin taking testimonies of the eyewitnesses to the 
     massacres this month. They believe it is possible to have the 
     investigation completed by July 2002.
       Observers feel that this case could form the basis of hope 
     for national reconciliation regarding atrocities committed 
     against the Mayan community during the 36-year conflict. To 
     only bring it to trial would be a most notable victory for 
     those involved, as well as for the country's otherwise 
     discredited judicial system, setting a precedent that 
     hopefully will serve as a formidable deterrent for those 
     contemplating the future use of terror against the public.

     

                          ____________________