[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 157 (Wednesday, November 14, 2001)]
[House]
[Pages H8174-H8180]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HATE CRIMES IN AMERICA
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Forbes). Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 3, 2001, the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Woolsey) is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority
leader.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise with my colleagues today to address
hate crimes, an important issue that is being ignored by this Congress.
First, I would like to thank my Democratic colleagues for joining me
today to talk about the importance of tolerance and why we must disavow
hateful acts, acts that are being committed across this Nation in the
wake of September 11. Their participation shows the commitment we as a
Congress must make to protect our children and our families and all
Americans from hate.
Mr. Speaker, I do not have to tell you that hate crimes are not new.
The problem today is they are not just isolated incidents. Instead,
they represent an alarming nationwide trend. This trend is shown on the
chart to my right.
As the chart clearly shows compared to the number of incidents
reported in the first 8 months of 2001, hate crimes against Muslim and
Arab Americans have increased dramatically since September 11.
Nationwide reports indicate a 162 percent increase in the number of new
hate crimes. As of August, 2001, there were 366 incidents reported
across our country.
But in the wake of September 11, this number has risen to 959
reported accounts of assault, intimidation, racial profiling, deaths,
and public harassment. This dramatic increase is found in several
States in particular, including New York, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and
Massachusetts.
Sadly, in the case of my home State of California, hate crimes have
risen by 225 percent. This underlines the seriousness of a new wave of
hate crimes, especially when California is the most diverse State in
our Union and certainly a State that thrives because of our diverse
population.
Many of my colleagues know the popular saying, ``As goes California,
goes the Nation.'' Well, we want that to be true in most cases; but in
the case of hate crimes, we must face the fact and realize that
California's 225 percent increase could become common place across the
Nation if we do not act now to stem the tide.
Mr. Speaker, that is why the communities that I represent and the
communities across the Nation, including Marin and Sonoma Counties,
just north of the Golden Gate Bridge, the counties that I work for, are
actually horrified by these acts of hate, these acts of fear,
ignorance, and bigotry. In particular, our constituents are outraged
that countless stories of harassment and shootings and bias are being
directed at our children.
We have read about the hate crimes being committed, the threat to a
turban-wearing Sikh in Connecticut, the attack of a woman on a Maryland
college campus, rocks thrown through the open bedroom window in
Roanoke, Virginia. But then we learn that the victim in Connecticut was
a second grader, the woman was a teenager attacked by fellow young
adults, and the child who was barely missed from being hit by a rock
was only 2 years old. The tragedy, the unacceptable nature of hate
crimes becomes all the more clear when we learn of these stories.
It is unacceptable that throughout our country Muslim or Muslim-
appearing children are fearful of attacks on their own streets, in
their homes, and at their schools in the wake of September 11. As a
result, some Muslim private schools have canceled classes; parents are
being asked to help patrol school yards; and according to the American
Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, parents are keeping their children
home from both public and private schools.
In fact, law enforcement officials and leaders in Arab American and
Muslim communities are preparing for more
[[Page H8175]]
trouble because children are still being attacked by fellow classmates
and schools are being vandalized.
Last week, two Malaysian students at Indiana University were
assaulted, and an Afghan student in New York was attacked by a fellow
student; and only last month a threatening note found at a Palmdale,
California, high school forced five Muslim American students home for
their own safety.
I ask my colleagues, is this what we want to teach our children? I
know the answer is a resounding no; but the fact remains that children
and their families are suffering as a result of ignorance, fear, and
hate.
Mr. Speaker, it is unacceptable; and it is exactly why this Congress
must send a very strong message that hate crimes will not be tolerated.
That is why we must strengthen our existing laws to protect families
and children against all hate crimes.
Fortunately, we have a bipartisan bill. It is legislation in this
House that has 199 cosponsors, and this legislation will help combat
these hateful crimes.
The gentleman from Michigan's (Mr. Conyers) bill, H.R. 1343, Local
Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act, will add teeth to the
existing laws by making it easier for Federal law enforcement to
investigate and prosecute crimes motivated by race, color, religion and
national origin, as well as adding gender, sexual orientation and
disability.
Yet even with an overwhelming number of bipartisan cosponsors, I told
my colleagues this bill has 199 bipartisan cosponsors, this legislation
has been cast aside by the Republican leadership, and that is just
plain wrong. If there is ever a time that we needed to be passing hate
crime legislation, that time is now.
That is why I am here today, Mr. Speaker, to encourage the Republican
leadership to address this important issue, to urge them to bring the
Conyers bill to the floor; and I have with me my colleague, the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Sawyer), who is going to talk to us about an
incident in Ohio. I thank him for joining me.
Mr. SAWYER. Mr. Speaker, I am grateful to my always thoughtful
colleague, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey), for her work
on this important issue. I join her in thanks to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Conyers) for his effort, his always civil, thoughtful,
and insightful approach to issues of this kind.
I am not here to make a speech so much as I am to tell a story, but I
hope that it is one of those stories that will illustrate what brings
both of us and others later on this afternoon to the floor on this
subject.
I do not believe, I certainly do not want to believe, that it is a
story of hatred, but it is a story I believe of ignorance; and it is
the kind of ignorance which, unchecked, leads to hatred. It is the kind
of ignorance which, unchecked, gives license to hateful behavior; and
it is the kind of ignorance which needs to be addressed at its core.
I am going to try to make sure that I do not mention the name of the
institution because I tell you that the place where this occurred is
well known to most Americans. It is a wonderful institution. When I get
done, I hope you will agree with me, that they have made a serious
mistake or may well have made a serious mistake; and I think it is
important that they have the room and the latitude in which to
reconsider that mistake.
The story is basically this: it begins shortly before nine o'clock on
the morning of September 11. Dr. Taranjit Sangari, a physician, was
coming off of his work in the ICU, and was talking with a colleague of
his in their native Punjabi. His English is perfectly usable, but they
were sharing a joke; and as they walked past a group of people who were
unknown to them and who did not know either physician, were speaking
animatedly and laughing.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Would the gentleman yield just a minute?
Mr. SAWYER. Surely.
Ms. WOOLSEY. That was before September 11?
Mr. SAWYER. This was on the morning of September 11, just before 9
o'clock. As we all know, the events were unfolding at this very moment.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Right.
Mr. SAWYER. In as much as the doctor had been in the intensive care
unit, he had had no access to a television. He saw people gathered
around a television, had no idea what was going on; and the truth of
the matter is that later on in the day, he was accused of inappropriate
behavior in an area occupied by patients.
He was accused of celebrating what was being revealed on the
television at that point, laughing about it, gesturing, when, in fact,
in all probability, since they were both speaking in Punjabi, no one
could have told what they were saying, and he had no idea and no
opportunity to know what had happened in the world. I quote from his
account as he spoke, in writing, to the appeals committee of the
institution at which he works.
He says: ``I am a Sikh from India. I have never been to the Middle
East nor have I been to Pakistan. To accuse a Sikh of sympathizing with
any terrorist reflects a complete misunderstanding and ignorance of the
history of the Sikhs. If anything, anyone who knows anything about
Sikhs and their history should have expected that a Sikh would have had
a deeply rooted antipathy for the culture that produced the terrorists.
I do not. I practice tolerance and acceptance of all cultures and
religions, including Muslims. It is unfortunate that my accusers do not
subscribe to the same values.
``On September 11 I made the mistake of wearing a turban and a beard
to work and joking with a colleague while speaking Punjabi. I wear the
traditional ceremonial turban and beard of Sikh men. At the time I
spoke with my colleague I had no understanding whatsoever that
terrorists had attacked the World Trade Center. When I laughed with my
friend, I was teasing him and sharing a joke I had heard earlier that
morning. Obviously, as a dark-skinned, bearded man in a turban speaking
in a strange tongue and laughing on the very morning of the terrorist
attacks I was prejudged by my accusers.
{time} 1630
I did not know at the time that terrorists had attacked the targets
in New York and Washington and my accusers did not know me.''
The tragic fact is that over the course of the next month, in an
attempt to relay the experience that he had been through, he found
himself a month later in front of a panel where he was afforded very
little opportunity to defend himself. The meeting was held without
third party observers or disinterested coworkers. Dr. Sangari was
unable to identify or confront his accusers or to bring witnesses. He
was not permitted to read witness statements. He was not permitted to
have counsel. And, in fact, he has lost his residency at this
extraordinary institution without anything that most of us here,
regardless of our views of any of this, would regard as due process.
I tell this story because on the one hand I very much hope that this
institution will reconsider the way in which it reached its conclusion,
but even more importantly, I think it is critically important for those
of us who gather here and those who listen to these words to understand
that this is as fundamental a violation of the principles for which we
struggle and which were attacked on that day. It is every bit as much a
travesty, although on a far smaller scale, as the tragedy that has
taken place throughout this country and throughout the world.
My hope is that we will learn from this kind of experience; that we
will recognize the obligation we all have to one another; that we will
understand the enormously important role that Diaspora communities from
all over the world can play in assuring the security that we all enjoy
in this country; and in recognizing that truly we are all in this
together and that a miscarriage of justice through total failure of
process is as much an attack on all of the rest of us as it is on Dr.
Sangari.
I thank the gentlewoman for the opportunity to tell that story and
hope it speaks for itself.
Ms. WOOLSEY. If the gentleman will yield a minute, I want to ask him
a question about this.
Mr. SAWYER. Certainly.
Ms. WOOLSEY. So the turban was something the young resident wore
daily?
Mr. SAWYER. He wears it daily. He wears a beard daily.
Ms. WOOLSEY. The beard, yes. The language. Had he, in the past, been
speaking Punjabi?
[[Page H8176]]
Mr. SAWYER. He has, from time to time. His English, I have to tell
say, is as usable as yours or mine. But he was sharing a social moment,
as I am told. He was sharing a social moment with his friend. It was no
more, no less than that.
Ms. WOOLSEY. I thank the gentleman very much for sharing that story.
That is just an example of what we are up against, and that was pretty
far-reaching as far as dealing with something like that.
Mr. SAWYER. This is a serious issue the gentlewoman brings before us
today and I am grateful to her.
Ms. WOOLSEY. That was a rock or a bullet in a different form against
that young man. I thank the gentleman.
Now I would like to introduce another colleague, the gentlewoman from
Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), and I thank her for joining us this
afternoon.
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. I want to thank the gentlewoman from California for
this opportunity. When I heard that she had dedicated an hour to making
a special call for tolerance and to disavow hate crimes, I did not want
to pass up the opportunity. And based on my district, I felt a special
obligation and desire to come down here and speak.
I represent certainly the most diverse district in Illinois, and
probably one of the most diverse districts in the country. People view
my district on the north side of Chicago, and some of the near northern
suburbs, as a kind of gateway to the United States. Immigrants from all
over the globe make their home in Chicago, in my district, seeking to
become citizens, to send their children to school, to create their
livelihood, to fulfill the American Dream that they brought with them
from all parts of the world to live out in our country and to seek the
promise of freedom and tolerance and the ability to practice their
religions.
Generally, that has been true in the district. We all get along, we
celebrate together and work together. There is every religion being
practiced there and lots of good solid community feelings. But I knew,
as soon as we identified those attacks on the Twin Towers as a
terrorist attack, and as soon as it was identified as being wrought by
terrorists that were using the name of Islam in their attacks, that
there was going to be fear in my district among the Muslim and Arab
American community in particular. Then I started hearing about comments
that were being made to Sikhs.
Again, I think it is important to just note that that reflects a
misunderstanding of Sikhs to begin with. But nonetheless, I think
anybody who was dark skinned, darker skinned or different, was feeling
a sense of fear. So what I decided to do, just to address that a little
bit, was the Sunday after the terrorist attack I invited people in the
district to take a walk down Devon Avenue.
Now, people who know Chicago know that it is a commercial street that
has many, many shops of people of Pakistani origin, from India, and in
a certain section there is a lot of immigrants from the former Soviet
Union, an orthodox Jewish community, and so everybody works and lives
in that neighborhood. About a thousand people joined for a peaceful
walk down the street. There were no speeches. We just joined arms and
walked together, some chanting ``Long Live USA,'' with different
accents, different faces, and there was certainly a solemnity about it
because of the terrible incident, but there was a comfort and a joy
about that, too.
But when I talked to people on the walk and subsequently, and every
week that I have gone back, I know that there is a lot of fear and that
it is grounded. And when I look at the chart that is here, I am sorry
to see that, under hate crimes against Muslim and Arab Americans by
State, Illinois was not doing so well before September 11, but in the 2
months since that we certainly have had way too many.
So I was hearing from women who were reluctant to go out of the house
with their heads covered, who were talking about keeping their children
home from school, who were fearful about security around the mosque,
who were changing their behavior as a result of threats that were made
to them. Not all the comments were hate crimes in the sense of violence
or attacks, but hurtful comments that were being made to them on the
street or things that were said to taxicab drivers, some of them who
decided actually not to drive for a while. I do not know if they are
back to driving.
So I guess the thing that should be of concern to all of us is that
what the September 11 attack has done is made us reflect on what are
the things that are most precious about the United States, about the
lives that we live as individuals and the values that we share. And I
think none is more precious than the value of tolerance, of individual
freedom to be who you are in this country. The recognition that we are
a Nation of immigrants, a people coming from all over the world who
want to live here, and that we open our arms to those who want to share
our values and live them out in their lives, and that when we turn on
one another, then in a devastating way the terrorists have struck a
blow and that we have to guard against that with as much fervor as we
fight the terrorist threat externally. As we search for Osama bin
Laden, we also have to search for tolerance. We cannot turn one against
another.
I think as leaders of this country, we want to create that sense in
our districts, to make sure that we help infuse, to create the culture
of tolerance back home in our districts. So that when we check those
numbers next month and next year, we see that they have fallen. And,
hopefully, with the passage of the Hate Crimes Prevention Act as well
that we not just talk about it but we put in to the words of our laws
that we stand firmly against intolerance.
I again want to express my appreciation for the opportunity to come
down here and just support the words of the gentlewoman from California
and to speak on behalf of my district and my community.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Well, I thank the gentlewoman from Illinois for coming
and for being such an outspoken colleague for human rights and civil
liberties and humanity in general. I think what the gentlewoman has
done, and I compliment her on taking ahold of the issue immediately
after September 11, she has prevented some hate crimes, I am certain of
that.
And one of the ways we can know that, if my colleagues will look at
Virginia and Maryland on this chart, both those States were addressing
the issues before September 11. Hence, they do not have an increase in
hate crimes in their communities. They were already dealing with
something they knew was sensitive and must be addressed and they needed
their communities working together.
So the gentlewoman made that difference, too, and I thank her.
I am now honored to introduce my colleague, the gentlewoman from
North Carolina (Mrs. Clayton). I thank her for joining us.
Mrs. CLAYTON. I want to thank the gentlewoman from California for her
continuous and tireless work on this legislation and so many other
pieces of legislation. This legislation to pass hate crime legislation
was a valuable piece of legislation prior to September 11 and certainly
it has been made more essential now since we have had the incident of
September 11.
The gentlewoman from Illinois, I think, said it correctly and very
eloquently; that what we have come to as a Nation is to begin to value
ourselves as Americans, but in that process we have come to value what
it is to be an American and what we stand for. And what are those
principles? Certainly the principle of diversity, tolerance, freedom to
worship, freedom to speak, and that we do not associate misdeeds or
crimes with certain people who look a certain way. We call that
profiling. We must not profile people because we know they are related
to a certain religion that may not be our own faith as Christians and
because we think someone in that religion might have done something
that is evil and that is unacceptable and so then we brand everyone.
Certainly hate crime legislation was to allow us to treat incidents
of crime, assault, speech or violence against someone because they were
different for just what it was, that it was only because they were
different and, therefore, it was labeled appropriately as hate crime.
Now, since this incident has come about, we cannot imagine that we
would not want to pass this legislation.
[[Page H8177]]
Really, when I think about it, I am astonished that we have not
embraced this. Just as we embraced giving the police more authority for
tools to arrest people because they had violated the Criminal Code in
terms of physical assault or for murder or for destruction of property,
we should also be aiding law enforcement with tools to arrest and for
prosecution and administering of the law and prevention in this realm
of crime, because they are a combination. That is what terrorism has
the effect of doing, is creating an environment where we hate each
other, and so it brings terror to us and it alters our thinking and our
reasoning.
I would think that we would want to enable and empower our law
enforcement with this very tool to say that, as we are getting those
who indeed perpetrated this heinous, unthinkable, horrific crime
against us, we also want tools that would constrain and prosecute and
convict individuals who are perpetrating these crimes.
{time} 1645
One would think there would be some balance in this. More
importantly, it reinforces who we are as Americans, what it is we are
all about, is the freedom and liberty of being separate and different
and being able to worship as we want to and being able to speak freely
about issues that may not be a popular issue or be able to have an
independent thought that goes against the norm. That is what it means
to be free, and those are our civil liberties that we are so envied for
throughout the world. That is what our young men and women go into the
military and fight and die for.
It is a precious right to be an American, and anything that violates
that would be the taking away of those liberties. I commend the
gentlewoman and would just review what are we afraid of in this law. It
is really very straightforward. It gives local authorities, meaning
State and local government, the empowerment and authorizes the Attorney
General to provide technical, forensic, prosecutorial and other
assistance in the criminal investigation or prosecution of any crime
that, one, constitutes a crime of violence under the Federal law; two,
is motivated by prejudice; and also it authorizes the Attorney General
to award assistance and grants to give them information and technical
assistance through resources that we can provide.
It further directs the U.S. Sentencing Commission to study and
provide sentencing for juveniles who commit hate crimes. It is a range
of services and tools both for enforcement, both for prevention and
intervention, and gives some guidance on how to deal with young people
who are guilty of that.
Even more important, what are we teaching our young people when we
are not speaking out for them? Our young people learn a lot from us,
and we should set the example. Young people many times have an
opportunity to be very cruel to each other, but young people are also
quick learners. They know when it is unacceptable, and we ought to set
the mark because they want to achieve the high mark. I thank the
gentlewoman for challenging us and our colleagues. We just need a few
more. There is an extraordinary, large list of bipartisan support; and
I urge the leadership to bring this up for a vote.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman. She has confirmed
that the time is now. It is time to vote for expanding the intelligence
community's privileges and giving law enforcement more tools as far as
going after terrorists. I think the time is now to show our young
people that we do not tolerate hate crimes, that we do not paint
everybody with the same brush. If one person has shown that they are
evil, that does not mean everybody that looks like that person is evil,
and that there is no excuse for the United States Congress not to pass
a hate crimes bill before we recess for the year.
Mrs. CLAYTON. We can almost pass this on suspension.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, it has 199 cosponsors. It is bipartisan.
Let us make it happen. I thank the gentlewoman.
Now I am delighted to be joined by the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Solis).
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support H.R. 1343, the hate
crimes bill sponsored by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey),
and I am a cosponsor of the legislation. I am glad that we are
beginning that discussion here on the floor tonight.
As Members know, this Nation has seen a sharp rise in hate crimes
against individuals perceived to be Muslims or of Arab descent. There
have been over 1,140 complaints since September 11. That is more than
triple the number of all last year. I am not proud of the fact that
California has seen one of the largest increases in hate crimes of all
of the States this year. Since September 11 in Los Angeles County, the
county that I represent, there have been 156 reported incidents of hate
crimes against Arabs or Muslims. That includes two homicides. This is a
huge increase over last year when there were 12 reported incidents in
Los Angeles County.
I am alarmed at the senseless acts of cowardice which have included
physical assaults, hate mail, public harassment and even death. We hear
reports of hate groups throughout the country, particularly in the
Midwest, that are calling out for people to become recruits and to join
in to harass people who look different from them. I think this is
wrong, and I think the gentlewoman's legislation will help move us in a
direction that will help inform young people to prevent these heinous
crimes.
In my own congressional district, I would like to share that, in
fact, shortly after the September 11 incident, there was an Egyptian
shopkeeper who owned a store in the city of San Gabriel for the last 20
years. People would come and have coffee at his shop. At 3:00 in the
afternoon on a Saturday, two young men shot him point-blank. They did
not take one dime from the cash register. They thought he was a radical
Muslim or something of that nature. Unfortunately, his family is now
grieving.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I think we can assume that it was a hate
crime.
Ms. SOLIS. Yes. Indeed, the FBI is looking at it. They have not
declared that it is a hate crime, and I am urging them to continue that
investigation.
Along with that, there were other incidents reported where young
women attending a local community college in my district were assaulted
because they were wearing scarves over their heads. They literally had
to have gentlemen of their own descent walk them to classrooms. They
were doing nothing wrong. They were students going to class.
The other things that have come up as well, hate crimes against
people who look Muslim and Arab who look like me. I have been asked if
I am of Middle Eastern descent in Washington, D.C. In my own district,
one Latino gentleman was chased on the freeway and beaten by two
individuals who thought he was from the Middle East. I would like our
laws to go after individuals who abuse our rights and freedoms.
Ms. WOOLSEY. And if the gentlewoman were from the Middle East, she
would be proud of it; and it does not mean that she is an evil-doer or
was going to do something wrong because she came from some part of the
world.
Ms. SOLIS. We need to educate and teach our young people that
diversity is our strength, particularly in places like Southern
California where we exchange different languages, different cultures;
and we enjoy that strength. We have unifying symbolisms there that
people can join. We need to talk about that more forcefully here on the
floor as the gentlewoman is doing tonight. I commend the gentlewoman,
and on behalf of the people in the 31st Congressional District, I know
that they want to see some improvement with respect to hate crimes
legislation.
One of my cities has had numerous hate crimes against African
Americans because there are very few there. That has created a big
problem in that city. We need to provide support, financial support,
whether it be through our law enforcement efforts to do more
sensitivity training and outreach, community policing, but also in the
schools and even in our churches and mosques and other centers of
religious teaching where people can begin to break down those barriers
and really begin to have a thoughtful discussion on what it is to be an
American, what that really means.
Ms. WOOLSEY. If the gentlewoman would yield, on this chart are
Virginia
[[Page H8178]]
and Maryland, the difference between the increase since September 8 was
hardly even experienced because those two communities have been working
with their Muslim American and their Arab American communities, and
understood the sensitivities and what needed to be done. So when
September 11 happened, their communities were already sensitive and
caring about each other. So it works if we put the energy into it.
Mr. Speaker, now is the time because we are putting energy into these
areas. We voted for an airline bailout bill for $15 billion. We can put
energy into that. We can put energy into a stimulus package that gives
huge tax breaks to the large corporations in the country. So certainly
we have time to bring the legislation of the gentleman from Michigan
(Mr. Conyers) to the House floor and it could pass on a suspension in a
minute. We have started the drum beat, and we are not going to stop.
Another reason we are not going to stop is another reality that hate
groups are using, they are using the events of September 11 to gain new
recruits, and they are specifically targeting the youth. It was
reported in last Saturday's Washington Post that white supremacy groups
have recently used images of the burning World Trade Center towers on
fliers as a way to argue that the United States needs to close its
borders to new residents. Some are using the images on their magazine
covers and Web sites to increase support and numbers at their rallies.
In the last year, 33 percent of white nationalist groups engaged in
efforts to recruit and organize young people. This is a 10 percent
increase over the year before. For example, the National Alliance
members in Columbus, Ohio, blanketed the University of Ohio with fliers
warning against interracial relationships. Fliers featuring a skull and
crossbones with the slogan ``Race mixers beware'' were slipped under
the doors of African American professors at the University of Illinois
at Champaign-Urbana.
Unfortunately, such incidents are not confined to one university.
Such efforts to simultaneously terrorize and recruit are becoming
disturbingly commonplace on campuses, and we must pass legislation that
makes a statement to our youth and to Americans in general that we do
not tolerate hate crimes in the United States of America.
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Speaker, I also read that article. It appeared in one
of my local papers, in the San Gabriel Valley Tribune. I hope our law
enforcement will do the utmost that they can to find out who the
individuals are that are spreading this hateful type of literature on
the Internet, and other means that they are using to provoke people in
the community. It is horrible that goes on.
Mr. Speaker, I see young people in my district putting flags on their
cars and trunks, but at the same time some of those youths think that
taking their frustrations out on a group of people is just senseless,
and we have to stop it.
Ms. WOOLSEY. There is a lot of anger and we need to find ways for
people to deal with anger and their differences, and the entire
situation in the Mideast tells us that we have to do that.
{time} 1700
We can start at home. It is very important that we start at home. I
thank the gentlewoman so much for joining me.
Ms. SOLIS. I thank the gentlewoman from California for this special
order.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I have the privilege of introducing the
Democratic leader, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Gephardt), and I
thank him very much for joining us.
Mr. GEPHARDT. I thank the gentlewoman from California for taking this
time, this special order, and bringing up this matter that is so
important to all Americans. I admire the work that she has done
consistently over a long period of time to try to get hate crimes
legislation passed here in the House of Representatives.
Mr. Speaker, last year we came very close to making this bill the law
of the land. Bipartisan majorities supported it in both Houses of
Congress. We argued that the country needed to take a strong stand
against brutal crimes committed against people because of who they are.
We said attacks on Americans because of race, color, national origin,
religion, sexual orientation, gender or disability were attacks not
just on individuals but assaults against all Americans. We argued that
law enforcement agents at all levels should have better tools and
resources to find those responsible for these crimes and to see that
they were brought to justice. We had heard too many stories of people
beaten and brutalized and murdered because of who they were.
Matthew Shepherd was tied to a post and left to die by two men
because he was gay. James Byrd, Jr. was tied to a truck and dragged
through the streets and killed because he was black. Ricky Brydsong was
shot dead on the streets of Chicago because he was an African American.
Children at a Jewish community center in Los Angeles were fired upon
and then the perpetrator went and killed a Filipino American.
There are countless other stories of people who have been victimized
or assaulted that did not make headlines and went unreported. But in
the end, the Republican leadership thwarted the will of the majority
and blocked the bill from being enacted.
Today, in light of the events of September 11, I believe with all my
heart that this law is needed more than ever before. We need to bring
this bill up and pass it in order to increase the power of law
enforcement officials and send a message to the entire country and to
the world that hate crimes in the United States will not be tolerated.
We need to demonstrate today that we will not let terrorists with hate
in their hearts divide the greatest country in the history of the
world. We will not let them turn Americans against one another in the
most diverse society on the face of the Earth. We will not let them
instill fear of our fellow citizens because of appearances or
perceptions or heritage or backgrounds. We must, and I repeat must, pay
close attention to divisions breaking out among our citizens in the
wake of September 11.
We need to avoid the mistakes of our past in targeting certain
citizens. We need to remember what happened in World War II to Japanese
Americans and to my colleagues and friends, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Honda) and Norm Mineta, who were put in camps because
of who they were.
We need to send a clear message to all that we will never accept or
condone violence or hatred against any of our citizens. We need to put
a stop to recent attacks on American Muslims and Arab Americans.
A Pakistani store owner was shot and killed a few days after
September 11 because of who he was. Two girls were beaten at a college
in Illinois because they were of Middle Eastern descent. A gas station
owner in Arizona was shot and killed in his store because he was a Sikh
who was wearing a turban.
The attacks must stop. These attacks are un-American. They violate
not just the rights of individuals but they are an affront to us all.
They are crimes against all of us, and we must strengthen our law
enforcement and our society to better deal with these acts.
I recall what Abraham Lincoln said during the wrenching challenge of
the Civil War: ``Think anew and act anew. Rise with the occasion and
then we will save our country.''
I urge my colleagues opposed to this legislation to think anew, to
act anew, to bring this bill up and work with us to renew the spirit of
tolerance that makes America great.
I thank the gentlewoman for holding this special order.
Ms. WOOLSEY. I thank the gentleman for joining us and being willing
to work with us, because it is time. It is time to pass hate crimes
legislation, Mr. Leader.
Mr. GEPHARDT. I thank the gentlewoman. I obviously agree.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I want to take this time to thank my
colleagues for participating in this special order. This Congress can
no longer ignore the need for hate crimes legislation. As I stated
earlier, my colleagues' participation this evening sets an example of
the commitment we as a Congress share in protecting our children and
families from hate. Hate crimes legislation must be a priority. The
Conyers bill, H.R. 1343, must be brought to the floor and passed and
passed immediately. I have tried to do
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my part by sending out letters to my colleagues with information about
hate crimes, the record of what is happening across the country, what
is happening against Arab and Muslim Americans.
Mr. Speaker, organizing these speeches today is not the end of what
we are going to do. We are going to work with all of our colleagues to
ensure that this issue is addressed by the Republican leadership and it
is one of my top priorities. We heard from our leader, Leader Gephardt,
it is very important to him. We are going to continue this drumbeat
until the Republican leadership allows this Congress to debate hate
crimes and to vote on hate crimes and protect our children now and in
the future from hate.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, under the Violent Crime Control and Law
Enforcement Act of 1994, Congress has defined a hate crime as ``any act
of violence against a person or property based on the victims' race,
color, gender, national origin, religion, sexual orientation or
disability.''
We have all seen the many forms that crimes of hate can take. We have
witnessed crimes perpetrated against persons based on their ethnicity
or race; due to a person's sexual orientation; or based on a person's
religion. Recently, we have witnessed numerous, heinous crimes against
Muslims and Shiks based on their identity and religion. These are
crimes of hate perpetrated against Americans and should be prosecuted
with a heightened sense of responsibility.
FBI statistics revel that in 1999, a total of 7,876 bias-motivated
criminal incidents were reported. Of these incidents: 4,295 were
motivated by racial bias; 1,411 by religious bias; 1,317 by sexual-
orientation bias; 829 by ethnicity/national origin bias; 19 by
disability bias; and 5 by multiple bias.
As we discuss this issue, I believe that there are two questions our
nation must answer.
First, why should we care?
I submit to you today that we should care because our nation was
built on a foundation of democracy and independence for all. Our
Declaration of Independence states: ``We hold these truths to be self
evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life,
Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.''
We all take pride in these words, but we all have a duty, as American
people, to recognize that this principle applies to all of our nation's
citizens regardless of their race or national origin, gender, sexual
orientation, religion, or disability status.
I believe that in this time of national emergency it is critical that
we remain a ``unified America'' and reach out across our differences in
ethnicity, race, and religion to respect each other and to celebrate
the differences. We must all remember that although we are a melting
pot of various cultures, ideals, and physical makeups, we are all one
human race.
As one 16-year-old recently wrote:
He prayed--it wasn't my religion.
He ate--it wasn't what I ate.
He spoke--it wasn't my language.
He dressed--it wasn't what I wore.
He took my hand--it wasn't the color of mine.
But when he laughed--it was how I laughed,
and when he cried--it was how I cried.
The second question our nation must answer is ``How can we put an end
to hate violence?
The American people must take action. We must have a united and
determined partnership of elected officials, law enforcement entities,
businesses, community organizations, churches and religious
organizations, and schools.
Congress must also take action. Yes, statistics have shed light on
the prevalence of hate crimes in our society. However, hate crimes are
often under reported. Although we gather significant information as a
result of the Hate Crimes Statistics Act, this act makes the reporting
of hate crimes by state and local jurisdictions voluntary, leaving gaps
in information from key jurisdictions. (For example, of the 100 most
populous cities in the U.S., 10 did not participate in the reporting of
hate crime data in 1997.) We should encourage all jurisdictions to
collect, record, and report hate crime data so that we may have a true
understanding of the depth and nature of this issue.
It is also our duty to ensure that our nation's laws fully protect
all of its citizens. Our existing civil rights laws protect citizens
against crimes involving acts of violence because of race, color,
religion, or national origin. The Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes
Prevention Act of 2001 (H.R. 1343) would for the first time broaden
federal jurisdiction under civil rights law by adding gender,
disability, and sexual orientation to the categories protected by these
laws. In addition, it would remove limits on the prosecution of hate
crimes that are not committed under ``federally protected'' activities
under existing civil rights laws, such as voting, attending school,
serving on a jury, or traveling for purposes of interstate commerce.
As such, I call for immediate consideration and passage of the Hate
Crimes Prevention Act which would allow prosecution of serious, violent
hate crimes, regardless of whether a federally protected right was
being exercised.
Nonaction translates into not caring.
Nonaction translates into condoning the hatred that continues to
permeate this nation.
But most significant, nonaction translates into silence.
And as Martin Luther King stated: ``We will remember not the words of
our enemies, but the silence of our friends.''
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, since the April 3, 2001 introduction of
H.R. 1343, the Hate Crimes Prevention Act, 199 members from both sides
of the aisle have added their voices to the call for comprehensive
legislation that will provide assistance to state and local law
enforcement and amend federal law to streamline the investigation and
prosecution of hate crimes.
The events of September 11th have demonstrated the destructive power
of hate to rend the fabric of a community and a nation. Domestically,
hate crimes statistics are a disturbing barometer of the state of the
nation. In spite of national success in lowering overall crime rates,
hate crimes have proven resistant to that trend. Data collected for
2000, pursuant to the 1990 Hate Crimes Statistics Act, documented 8152
hates crimes, an increase of 3.5 percent from 1999 figures.
Overall, racial bias accounted for 54.3 percent of incidents, with
religious bias accounting for 16.5 percent, sexual orientation 16
percent and ethnicity 12.4 percent of incidents. Notably, anti-black
bias accounted for 35.6 percent of all racial bias and anti-Semitism
accounted for 75.5 percent of all religious bias incidents.
In the wake of the terrorist attacks, the Arab-American Anti-
Discrimination Committee has investigated, document and referred to
federal authorities over 450 incidents. These incidents include the
murders of an a Muslim Pakistani store owner in Dallas, TX, and an
Indian-American gas station owner in Mesa, AZ, where a suspect was
arrested shouting, ``I stand for America all the way.''
The Department of Justice, however, has initiated only approximately
40 investigations of hate crimes directed against institutions or
people of Arab or Middle-Eastern decent. As the James Byrd and Matthew
Shepard tragedies suggest, the investigation and prosecution of this
flood of hate crimes will strain the resources of state and local law
enforcement agencies.
Current law limits federal jurisdiction to federally protected
activities, such as voting for even covered classes of persons, so all
these incidents will not be subject to federal jurisdiction. Moreover,
current law does not permit federal involvement in a range of cases
involving crimes motivated by bias against the victim's sexual
orientation, gender or disability. This loophole is particularly
significant given the fact that ten states have no hate crime laws on
the books, and another 21 states have extremely weak hate crimes laws.
Our bill will remove these hurdles, so the federal government will no
longer be handicapped in its efforts to assist in the investigation and
prosecution of hate crimes. Through an Intergovernmental Assistance
Program, federal authorities will be able to provide technical,
forensic or prosecutorial assistance to state and local law enforcement
officials. In addition, the legislation authorizes the Attorney General
to make grants to state and local law enforcement agencies that have
incurred extraordinary expenses associated with the investigation and
prosecution of hate crimes.
The Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2001 is a constructive and measured
response to a problem that continues to plague or nation--violence
motivated by prejudice. It is vital that both government and
individuals distinguish the beliefs of the Arab-American and Muslim
communities from the perpetrators of September 11th's violence, and
recognize that these Americans share our values and contribute
significantly to our communities.
All Americans should stand to condemn any acts of bigotry, violence
or discrimination against Arab-Americans, South Asians and American
Muslims and call upon Americans of every faith and heritage to stand
together in this time of national crisis. Our sense
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of community with fellow Americans of Arab and South Asian decent and
those of the Islamic faith should not be counted as another casualty of
September 11th's senseless violence.
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