[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 152 (Tuesday, November 6, 2001)]
[House]
[Pages H7846-H7850]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TRIBUTE TO JERRY WILLIAMS AND REPRESENTATIVE BOB DORNAN
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Shuster). Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 3, 2001, the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter)
is recognized for 60 minutes.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I congratulate the gentleman from Colorado
(Mr. Tancredo) for his very excellent statement about the state of the
country with respect to control of our borders and the important need
to hesitate at this point in our history and put together a strategy
that allows us to control our borders and to get a handle on
immigration, and on all of the people who have come into this country
legally but stayed beyond their legal limit and apparently did not
care. I would hope to work with the gentleman and lots of others in the
House over the next several months and try to get our arms around this
important issue. I thank my colleague for his statement.
Mr. Speaker, on 9-14, just a couple of days after the tragic
occurrence that we have been so focused on, a real American, a great
Westerner, passed away. That gentleman was named Jerry Williams. I knew
him as Mr. Williams because I had a lot of respect for him and for the
legacy that he represented.
If one drives north from my district in San Diego and you go past
Camp Pendleton, it is the only open area between San Diego and the
greater Los Angeles area, and you proceed north, you can drive for
hours without leaving the site of lots of pavement, lots of
construction, lots of traffic and lots of people. That is the southern
California that most Americans know. They see it on television. They
see it in person when they fly into LAX or San Diego or any other
metropolitan area in southern California.
But if one goes north and inland, one comes to a different
California. It is a California of rolling foot hills, and I am speaking
of the Santa Barbara area, big oak trees draped with Spanish moss, and
a legacy and a tradition of the Old West, a tradition that was started
with the founding of the missions along the California coastline.
There are not a lot of great Western families left in southern
California because we have urbanized enormously; but there are still a
few, and Jerry Williams was one of those great Western ranchers. He
represented a hospitality, a big heart, a sense of giving, a sense of
community, that is now more rare in the West than it was 20 or 30 years
ago.
I got to know him by knowing his sons, Rodney and J.P. Williams, and
their families, and their good neighbor, John Wiester and his wonderful
wife. The Santa Ynez Valley has a spirit of hospitality, just inland
from Santa Barbara 15 or 20 miles with one coastal range between the
valley and the Pacific Ocean.
President Ronald Reagan found that area to be the area that he wanted
to locate in and he put his house on top of that mountain range about
10 miles or so from the Pacific Ocean.
But that was the world of Jerry Williams. He was a rancher. He was a
farmer. He was a businessman extraordinare. Jerry gave of himself to
his community during his entire life. He and his wife, Nancy, lived in
the Santa Ynez Valley for 40 years. Wild Turkeys flew overhead, and
they had a pet raccoon or two. They had a wonder world for their
grandchildren, and I could see this was a Western family that really
cared about family.
Jerry Williams was a member of the Santa Barbara Cattlemen's
Association; the Santa Barbara Fiesta Days is an event that we all
remember. For 10 years he was a member of the board of that wonderful
event until for the last 10 years he was the chairman of that
particular board. This was a guy who represented a lot of California
that many of us knew and loved and would like to see return. It is the
California of graciousness and hospitality and goodness and people who
make business deals by shaking your hand, not by bringing in a troop of
lawyers. That was Jerry Williams.
Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to talk about Mr. Williams a little bit
and to honor his legacy and the tradition that he has left in the
California ranch country.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to talk about another individual. This
individual is very much alive. I thought about him today as I was going
through the New York Times and read the story about the defeat of
Daniel Ortega, who at one time was the leader of communist Sandinistas
in Nicaragua, and ran for president, and for the third time was
defeated, this time by Enrique Balanos who is a businessman who was
arrested a number of times, who always spoke out against the
Sandinistas and had much of his property confiscated during the Contra
wars.
This race was considered to be one that would go down to the wire.
Mr.
[[Page H7847]]
Balanos won a fairly convincing victory, but it is not just the victory
of Mr. Balanos over the former Sandinista leader that I think is
impressive and reminds me of this other guy I am going to talk about;
but it is the fact that there was an election, and it is the fact that
there was a former communist leader running in that election, putting
himself before the will of the people, before the electorate, to let
them pass judgment of his fitness for judgment. That is the miracle of
Central America and the miracle of the Reagan administration a lot of
Members of what this House of Representatives and the other body did in
the 1980s to bring about in a Central America that before was one in
which military dictatorships were the order of the day, but to bring
all of those military dictatorships, whether it was Nicaragua or
Salvador or Guatemala, to bring those countries to become fragile
democracies.
{time} 2230
Obviously this democracy in Nicaragua has endured longer than many
experts had predicted.
One of the gentlemen who really worked in those days to help this
country win that freedom for Central America was a guy named Bob
Dornan. Bob Dornan is a great friend of mine and a friend of many
members of the House here. I see my good friend the gentleman from
California (Mr. Rohrabacher) here, who stood side by side with Bob and
myself and many others during the Contra wars.
He was a great friend of ours. And because his election was so close
and was contested for so long, we never had a chance to sit around or
to gather on the House floor as we often do when a Member retires or
leaves office pursuant to an election and talk about that Member. We
have not had that opportunity. We never did that, because that election
was contested for such a long time that we never went through that
tradition.
And so I just wanted to say a word or two today and invite my good
friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher) to say a few
words about this guy Bob Dornan.
I am reminded when our troops were killed in Somalia, when the
American Rangers were killed and we had that crisis, that Bob Dornan
was the one member of the House Armed Services Committee who flew for a
dozen hours by himself to go to that location, to meet with the
survivors and then came back and personally talked with the families of
every American who had given his life in that particular mission, that
very dangerous mission. That was Bob Dornan.
Bob Dornan knew every aircraft that was ever made in this country and
a few that were made in other countries. He flew everything. He flew
every jet aircraft and every bomber and every recon plane that we had.
But it was really the people that he loved the most.
He did a wonderful job as the chairman of the Personnel Subcommittee
on the House Armed Services Committee, and he loved people so much and
loved people who wore the uniform so much that he was the one guy you
could count on to meet with families when there had been a tragedy,
when there had been a firefight, when there had been a death, and talk
to them about the value of their loved one to the United States of
America. I will always remember Bob for that and remember him for his
great expertise as a fighter pilot who knew the equipment that we were
voting on in the committee and on the House floor.
Of course, everybody has their favorite Bob Dornan story, but I can
tell you, he was one guy when I was a freshman as a candidate for the
House Armed Services Committee back in 1980 and we had a lot of great
Members like former colleague Dan Lungren and Pete McCloskey and Bill
Lowery and lots of others who were well qualified, probably more
qualified than me for that position, and Bob Dornan himself all running
for that post.
Bob got up when we were about ready to take the vote and said, you
know, there is one guy there who is an Army veteran from Vietnam who
has got a district that is a military district and probably deserves
this seat or needs this seat more than anybody else, and that is Duncan
Hunter. I was as much shocked by that as all my other colleagues, but
Bob Dornan, instead of voting for himself, voted for me and let me as a
freshman have that particular seat. What a wonderful display of
generosity and selflessness that represented. That was the true Bob
Dornan and is the true Bob Dornan.
One great thing about him is Bob Dornan stays current with the
affairs of the day. He is still in the media. He is doing lots of work
now in radio. And so the people across the country still have the
opportunity to listen to this guy and listen to that good conservative
wisdom that he has displayed so often.
I would be happy to yield to my good colleague, the gentleman from
California.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I think the gentleman is right. This is
a very good day for us to remember Bob Dornan, the day after Daniel
Ortega has lost again in a free election in Nicaragua, because I have
no doubt if it was not for Bob Dornan and a few stalwarts, and I was
very proud to be at your side and at Bob's side during this time during
the Cold War when very, very few people were up making the case for
supporting the Nicaraguan resistance, Bob was there.
And now we have free elections in Nicaragua, but not only just
Nicaragua. Had we not had those freedom fighters that we were
supporting to fight the Sandinistas, we would have lost all of Central
America. There would not have been a disintegration of the will of the
Soviet Union's leadership which happened during Afghanistan and
Nicaragua. If they would have seen instead that the Communist forces
were just making their way up Central America towards Mexico, you can
bet they would have been emboldened rather than weakened as they were.
That was an incredible fight.
Bob Dornan, he does not get the credit for it; you are right. People
look back right now, they are not going to give Bob Dornan credit for
that, but I have no doubt that if it was not for the strength and the
vigor and the energy and the excitement that he put into that, I do not
think we would have won that. I can honestly look back and think that,
because Bob was there 100 percent.
When he was with you, he was with you 100 percent. The Afghans know
that. The Vietnamese who were fighting the Communist dictatorship knew
that. People all over the world who were struggling against Communist
oppression, he would just pop in on them, he would pop right in and
say, ``Hold firm, we're going to be with you. Don't worry about it.
We're with you right now. What can we do?'' He would get right in the
action.
We have a cloakroom back here where the Republicans sit. Bob Dornan
would sit there for hours telling us about these various personalities
that he had worked with that love America, that need our help and were
in a very precarious situation. Or he would be telling us about a new
weapons system, because not only was he for strengthening those people
who were struggling against the Soviet Union, he was for bolstering the
strength of the ultimate freedom fighters, and those ultimate freedom
fighters are the ones who wear the uniform of the United States of
America, because he knew that our freedom fighters, the people in the
United States military, had been done a great wrong, especially during
the 1970s when we permitted their strength to be so drained that they
were at risk. Their own lives were at risk, not only was our country at
risk. Bob would talk about that.
I remember him talking about the food stamps that these kids in our
military had to be on at the time. Bob was there not only for the
freedom fighters overseas but he was for our freedom fighters as well.
When I was in the White House, and I was in the White House during
most of the 1980s, Bob had had his ups and downs. I do not know if he
remembers, but when he was on a down time one time in his career, I
think he had given up his seat for somebody else, I think that is what
it was, he ended up making my office sort of his command center. He
took over my desk and, sure enough, he was right at home there.
Mr. HUNTER. That is true. Bob Dornan never had an office. He always
had a command center.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. He certainly did. I was looking back in my photos
[[Page H7848]]
the other day. Sure enough, there we were.
Which leads me to another thing about Bob. Bob really worked his
heart and soul out for Ronald Reagan, and he worked his heart and soul
out for George Bush, Sr. Let us all admit, Bob made people mad, we all
know that. He got people angry because he is an Irishman who has got a
temper. We all know that. But Bob never got the appreciation that he
deserved for the things that he did.
I know George Bush, Sr., he worked a full year trying to make sure
that man became President of the United States. Then when Bob was down
and out, as I say, he was there during the Reagan years, and it was not
President Reagan, it was his staff, they did not do right by Bob.
Mr. HUNTER. That is true. Bob Dornan, I think, went to more States
for George Bush than anybody else.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Than George Bush did, I am sure.
Mr. HUNTER. Except George Bush.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. I bet he went to more States than George Bush did.
Mr. HUNTER. You are probably right; he probably did.
We have all seen that the great thing about great Republican
Presidents is you continue to love them even when their bureaucracy
sometimes does not measure up to their measure of goodness. I think Bob
understands that. I think we all have to deal with that on a day-to-day
basis.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. If the gentleman will yield further, as I get older,
I realize that all of us, every single one of us, has our good traits
and our bad traits. We have things that are very admirable and other
parts of us that perhaps are not as admirable. Sometimes, because Bob
had such a temper, it blinded some people to the very good things that
he was doing.
I know many times in technology development issues, most people think
of me now because I am so involved with this Afghan thing that they
think of me as the Afghanistan guy or the international relations guy,
but actually I have spent a lot of time on technology issues in the
Science Committee. I am the chairman of Space and Aeronautics.
Whenever we would be in a tight spot and we needed to make sure that
a critical piece of technology for America's space program that perhaps
had dual use for our military as well, we would go to Bob and Bob would
make sure it got done. I can think of two or three times where it was
so important and Bob made sure he did it. He took the time and energy
to buttonhole the appropriator and make sure that he understood the
magnitude of the decision of how much money was going to be spent
developing a piece of technology.
Mr. HUNTER. That is true. I think one reason Bob was so helpful on
aerospace issues and on military issues and was so good to this House
and such a leader in the House is that Bob Dornan loved and appreciated
American air power.
Somebody mentioned the other day that American troops had not been
killed by foreign air power, that is, by an adversary's air power, for
something like 40 years. That is the period of time during which we
have held total mastery of the skies in all the engagements that we
have been involved in.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. That did not just happen.
Mr. HUNTER. It did not just happen. It is a function of a lot of
great expertise, leadership and technology, and guys in the House of
Representatives like Bob Dornan. Bob was one of a kind in supporting
that continued superiority of air power.
You have got to have a good old Irish temper if you are an Irishman.
I think that is one of the great things about Bob Dornan. When you were
in a tight spot, you just wanted Bob to get angry at your adversary and
you were taken care of.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. That is correct. I should say, if you are not
getting people mad at you, perhaps you are not doing your job if you
are a Congressman.
But sometimes, I have to admit, Bob lost his temper. But I will say
this about Bob, and he does not like it when I say this, he has a
temper; but you can see through the temper and you know that he has, he
had and has, a wonderful heart. He has a heart of gold. He hates me to
use that expression, for whatever reason, but I think he does have a
heart of gold. He had a lot of passion in him. He cared a lot. That can
get you in trouble sometimes.
With his own constituents, I know sometimes the news media would just
take a picture when he had lost his temper about something. I will just
have to say that I think it is, again when you say when someone is not
appreciated, I think it is wrong what happened to Bob in the end in
this body, what happened in the end here, we permitted, and I know that
you worked a lot on this and so did I, but the rest of our Members did
not.
Bob Dornan did not lose his election. That last election that he had
was stolen with the use of illegal immigrant votes. Everybody here
knows it and every now and then when you try to confront people with
it, they will pull you aside and say something, oh, well, Bob Dornan,
he flies off the handle and does this or that.
No, Bob Dornan won his election and his opponent in that election, or
maybe not his opponent, maybe it was just his opponent's campaign team,
who knows whether his opponent knew about it personally or not, but I
can just say that clearly it was illegal alien votes that made the
margin of victory. We should never have let that stand. When we let
that stand, we did ourselves a disservice and we did Bob Dornan a
disservice.
Mr. HUNTER. My colleague is absolutely right. Bob Dornan won the
majority of the legal votes cast in that particular race. It is sad
that so many officeholders who were in a position to do something about
that, to pursue the investigation, became intimidated and allowed that
thing to fall through. That happened throughout the State of
California. Folks that were supposed to be subpoenaed left and went to
other countries.
In the end the race card was played by the opponents of Mr. Dornan's
campaign. That is sad, because everybody, regardless of your ethnic
background or your religious background, everybody has got a stake in
free and fair and honest elections. Bob Dornan got the majority of the
votes in that election.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. The gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) was here
a few moments ago talking to us about how illegal immigration has
gotten so totally out of control. There is no doubt about this. Again
he mentioned the fellow who was just caught up at O'Hare in Chicago
trying to smuggle the knives and the stun gun onto an airplane. That is
a horrible thing no matter who was doing it, but that person was here
illegally. He was an illegal immigrant into our country. Not only
should he have been arrested, of course, for trying to smuggle these
weapons onto the airplane, he should never have been here at all.
{time} 2245
I think that it was during this time period when Bob's election was
stolen from him and other people backed away that the message went out
that government was not going to do anything about illegal immigration.
We would even let one of our own Members have his House seat taken by a
margin created by illegal alien votes. So I think that was a bad
disservice for Bob, it sent a very bad message to the country, and we
should regret it in many ways right now.
Mr. HUNTER. There is one other area that Bob was very concerned
about, and I think most Americans today, especially in the wake of the
September 11 attacks are concerned, and that is the problem that we
have, and the problem is that we have no defense against incoming
ballistic missiles.
The argument against having a defense against missiles has always
been that somehow it is unthinkable, it is unimaginable, that cities in
the United States could be attacked by incoming missiles. It is not
that there are not dozens of countries around the world making these
missiles, and I would just hold up this chart to show the dozens of
countries. Each one of these lines and boxes represents ballistic
missiles that are being developed by various individual countries
around the world. It is not that dozens of countries are not making
these missiles, which are becoming increasingly capable of covering
large distances, meaning a number of them can now reach the United
States from various locations around
[[Page H7849]]
the world. But it was somehow that it was too Buck Rogerish to imagine
a missile attack on the United States.
Remember when we first started talking about missile defense, and
Ronald Reagan started talking about it in 1980, the put-down, and in
politics you always try to get, whether you are conservative or
liberal, you use a put-down with a touch of humor, and the put-down was
this was Star Wars; that this was somehow so unimaginable that we would
have an incoming missile hit an American city, that it was something
that was more appropriate for a movie screen, where people would go and
leave the real world for a few hours and watch a movie, than in real
life. So that was a derision that a lot of journalists accorded the
idea you should defend yourself against incoming missiles.
Of course, we defended ourselves against every other invention of
warfare in this century. We defended ourselves against tanks; we came
up with counter measures. We defended ourselves against machine guns.
We defended ourselves against aircraft. We learned how to make radar to
shoot down aircraft. When our own aircraft were shot down with radar,
culminating in hundreds of planes being shot down in the Vietnam
theater, we developed an airplane that could avoid radar, that at some
places could not been seen by radar, the so-called stealth airplane. So
every time there has been a technology that could defeat America's
military developed by another country, we always built a
countertechnology to defend ourselves.
For the first time in this century, in fact, in our history, we had
people saying we should not defend against incoming ballistic missiles.
Of course, we made the treaty with the Soviet Union where we promised
not to defend ourselves, they promised not to defend themselves, and
the idea was no matter who threw the first rock or missile, there would
be such a huge response from the other side that both sides could be
assured of destruction. That was called the MAD doctrine, mutually
assured destruction. To a large degree, we still operate under that
with the Soviet Union. We still have no defense against incoming
missiles.
But today there are lots of countries, dozens of countries, who never
signed that agreement not to defend themselves, or not to attack an
America that did not defend itself, building ballistic missiles around
the world. So right now President Bush is meeting with President Putin
of Russia, and they are both acknowledging the reality that while we
have made this agreement between our two countries for better or for
worse, there are lots of countries that never signed the agreement who
are building these systems with increasing capability to go further and
further; and a number of these missiles can now reach the United States
of America.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. If the gentleman would yield, I think it is
sometimes mind-boggling to be here and to just understand that there
are people who will permit something that is so horrendous a threat to
the United States of America and just brush it off, just not even think
about it, just sweep their hand as if it is not an issue because it is
so stupid even to consider it.
There is an arrogance, a personality of arrogance in some of these
debates that are overwhelming. Whether it is illegal immigration, where
clearly, I mean, millions of people coming in, are bound to have a
terrible impact on us in some way; or, I might add, during the last
8 years when I was up giving speeches trying to convince people we
could not permit Afghanistan to go the way it was. Just the last
administration, the Clinton administration, I might add, some of them,
my fellow Members of my Committee on International Relations, just
brushed it away as if I was being delusional or something, by
suggesting that the last administration was actually having policies
that helped the Taliban.
Then missile defense, based, as Ronald Reagan said, on an immoral
theory. The immoral theory is we should kill millions of innocent
people because our innocent people have been killed. That is an immoral
theory. We should have MAD, mutually assured destruction. We are not
just destroying their military capabilities. It is based on the idea we
are going to slaughter tens of millions, if not hundreds of millions,
of women and children.
Now, that is an immoral premise. That is what MAD, that strategy
leaves us with. Having a defense system, as Ronald Reagan said, is a
moral decision, is a moral stance facing this type of challenge.
Instead of saying we are going to kill all of your women and children,
you are saying no, we are going to defend ourselves.
Mr. HUNTER. Another thing has happened since September 11, and that
is a lot of Americans realize there are people in the world who do not
care about mutual assured destruction; and there are people who have
technology, who understand how to leverage technology. Today the
experts call it asymmetric warfare, that is, you do something that has
a great deal of leverage and damage capability, far beyond the parity
or the proportionality of your military to the other military. That is,
you may have a very small military that could not in a conventional war
take on the United States of America; but if you can use a
technological weapon, and that includes today missiles, you can do a
lot of damage, far beyond your size.
So I think since September 11 it is no longer unimaginable that one
of these thousands of missiles that are now being built by our
adversaries may in fact be used by them at some point. In fact, with
all the construction of ballistic missiles that is taking place right
now, it would be the first time in our history that all this
construction and development and technology dollars went into a program
and it was never utilized.
When we saw technology go into the building and development of tanks,
they used tanks. When we saw building and technology development go
into the development of machine guns, they used them. The same thing
with aircraft and artillery. So the idea that the bad guys are building
these missiles but they do not intend to ever use them is itself a
myth. I think it is becoming harder and harder to explain why we are
not building defenses against missiles.
Finally, we now have a lot of Americans who were killed in that
Desert Storm attack with Saddam Hussein's Scud missiles, that killed
Americans; and we saw for the first time on the battlefield American
casualties caused by ballistic missiles. We sent up our Patriot
missiles to try to intercept them. The Army thinks they got about 80
percent hits. We had some private experts from the outside that said
they did not think we got any hits. Probably the truth is somewhere in
between. But right now we have more capability to knock down those Scud
missiles.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. The phoniest argument against missile defense that I
know is that we should not build it because it will never work. Well,
who would advocate building a system that does not work? If it does not
work, it will not be built. The fact is that no one on this side of the
aisle or either side of the aisle who believes in missile defense would
ever consider building a system that did not work.
But the major decision we have to make is if we can build a system
that works, should we build it? And those people who are opposing the
missile defense system, they do not want to face that argument. They
just want to say it will not work, and, then, again, brush it away in
an arrogant manner.
Mr. HUNTER. That is the offering that George Bush, President Bush, is
making to the American people with this defense budget. He is
requesting the dollars to expand our missile testing range, which
presently is in the Pacific. We fire our missiles now, our test
missiles, out of Vandenberg. We fire them due west. They cross over
Hawaii at about 148 miles above the Earth's surface. And we fire an
intercepter missile from Kwajalein Island at that incoming target
missile. When they hit, they are both going about three times the speed
of a 30.06 bullet.
The last test we did a couple of months ago it was a success,
although it was an easier test. We had a transponder part-time in the
missile going out. We shot that same shot a number of times, because we
have a very limited test range.
So what President Bush has offered to all Members, whether you are
for missile defense or against missile defense, is to do some really
tough testing. He has said, and General Kadish, who heads up the
Ballistic Missile Defense Office, said was, okay, let us do
[[Page H7850]]
some tough testing. The critics want it; they say this is too easy. Let
us have some tough angles. You shot that pheasant going straight away.
Have angles where they cross. Let us have some higher speeds; let us
have some difficult geometries. Let us have some more difficult radar
acquisition.
To do all of that, you have got to build a bigger test range. You
cannot just have this narrow alley where you throw the same target up
in the same position every time and you shoot it from the same
position.
So we are now expanding this test range in this defense bill to
Alaska, to a location at Fort Greely and a location at Kodiak, Alaska.
So we are now going to have some very difficult shots.
It will also allow us to shoot-look-shoot. We will have multiple
engagements. We throw up a missile, and if we miss it with first shot,
we will try to get it with a second one. So we will have a chance to
evaluate our success just seconds after we fired our first intercept;
and, if we miss that intercept, we come back with a second intercept.
So President Bush has taken the challenge from all the naysayers that
you talked about that said it does not work. A lot of the naysayers say
we do not even want to test it. It is so unthinkable, we do not want to
test it. That is no longer a reasonable position. That is why we need
every penny of funding that the President has requested in this defense
bill for missile defense.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. I think what we also to have understand, if the
President is successful in his strategy, missile defense will actually
in the end cost us less, much less, than what President Reagan
envisioned missile defense costing, because if President George W. Bush
is successful, we will be working with the Russians, as Ronald Reagan
had suggested we might do in a more peaceful world; and we could
actually work with the Russians to build this shield. It would help
bring down the cost. This is something that would make the world a lot
safer.
But for us to just suggest that no country, that we could rely on
this mutually assured destruction, which was a policy from the 1950s
and 1960s, is so ridiculous. China or Korea, for example, you have
regimes that murder their own people by the tens of thousands. Why do
they care then if we would retaliate against them and kill 100,000 or
200,000 of their people? They do not care. That does not deter them at
all.
Mr. HUNTER. We just had an attack by people who did not care about
mutually assured destruction.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Absolutely. I would like to thank the gentleman for,
number one, his leadership, and also for helping us recall that Bob
Dornan played such an important role on issues like this and other
defense issues that have made the country safer.
I am pleased to be standing here at your side now, and wish Bob a lot
of success in his radio program that he has on, I guess, on a daily
basis.
Mr. HUNTER. I want to thank my good friend for his contribution to
this Special Order. I think it is appropriate that we started in
southern California talking about Jerry Williams, who was a great
cattleman and really carried forth a tradition and legacy of the West
in his home and with his great family up in the Santa Ynez Valley where
Ronald Reagan settled, and where you and I and Bob Dornan campaigned a
number of times.
That was really, to some degree, the heart of the political movement
that supported then Governor Reagan through a couple of campaigns for
the U.S. Presidency and ended up with leadership in the 1980s that
proved the validity of peace through strength. That is the idea that we
in the United States would become so strong that we would be able to
deter aggression. That means we could not only protect ourselves, but
we could protect lots of others.
{time} 2300
We did a lot of great things for the world. We freed a lot of people.
This little article from the New York Times about the President or the
head of the Communist Sandinistas, former dictator of Nicaragua, being
beaten in a free and fair election in Nicaragua is great evidence of
the validity of the idea of peace through strength that we engendered
in the 1980s.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will yield, let us
note that for the record, I noted about a week ago on the Los Angeles
Times editorial page, they had some leftist, as they always do,
lamenting about Latin America and how horrible it was, this war in
Latin America in which we stopped the Communists from taking over Latin
America, and yes, it was certainly an imperfect war, and there never
was a perfect war; innocent people were hurt and there were some
unsavory characters on our side at times. But I say to the gentleman,
there would be no democracy there; all of these countries would be like
North Korea.
Mr. HUNTER. Or Cuba.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Or Cuba, if we would have lost then, but here we
have in the L.A. Times, giving column inch after column inch to these
old leftists who are proven wrong every time, and here again we have an
election in Nicaragua where the people soundly reject everything this
leftist was claiming about Latin America, everything he was claiming
about Nicaragua, and the people down there do not believe a darned word
of it.
But guess what? Guess what? The L.A. Times gives people like that all
of that coverage, and they would not say a good word about Bob Dornan
in his entire career. The L.A. Times would not give him one column
inch. Detractors, yes. People who were espousing the virtues of the
Sandinistas and these people who would have enslaved the people of
Latin America, the Communists, they get all of the space they need. Bob
Dornan has never gotten a column inch.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, that is true. Daniel
Ortega is probably sitting in an empty room right now in Nicaragua with
an old copy of the Los Angeles Times predicting that he was going to
win this election in one hand, and a ``Dear Commandante'' letter from
the more liberal Members of this House of Representatives in the other
hand, assuring him of his primacy. That is all he has left.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman is correct.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for participating. Mr.
Speaker, God bless the family of Jerry Williams, God bless Bob Dornan
and his family, and God bless Ronald Reagan and his family and the
strength that he brought to our country.
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