[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 144 (Thursday, October 25, 2001)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11096-S11097]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




             U.S.-CHINA COOPERATION IN THE WAR ON TERRORISM

  Mr. KYL. Mr. President, following the terrorist attacks in New York 
and Washington, Chinese officials pledged to join the global effort 
against terrorism. But comments made by Chinese officials following the 
attacks indicate that they may try to exact policy concessions from the 
United States in exchange for support for anti-terrorism efforts. For 
example, according to a Reuters article on September 18, China's 
Foreign Ministry Spokesman Zhu Bangzao stated, ``The United States has 
asked China to provide assistance in the fight against terrorism. 
China, by the same token, has reasons to ask the United States to give 
its support and understanding in the fight against terrorism and 
separatists.'' He went on to discuss the importance of combating 
Taiwan's independence activists. And more recently--at the Asia-Pacific 
Economic Cooperation summit in Shanghai--press reports have indicated 
that China's support is lukewarm at best.
  It is my hope that the Chinese government will ultimately choose to 
offer support in our war effort; however, it is important that as we 
seek China's assistance, we not lose sight of the myriad concerns that 
remain regarding the communist regime's failure to abide by 
internationally recognized norms of behavior--including Beijing's 
proliferation of technology used to make ballistic missiles and weapons 
of mass destruction, and military buildup aimed at our long-standing, 
democratic ally, Taiwan.
  The Chinese government's continuing sale of arms and other assistance 
to many of the countries on the State Department's list of state 
sponsors of terrorism is of particular concern. Beijing has sold 
ballistic missile technology to Iran, North Korea, Syria, Libya, and 
Pakistan. It has sold nuclear technology to Iran and Pakistan. It has 
sold Iran advanced cruise missiles and aided that country's chemical 
weapons program. And it has provided technological assistance to Iraq.
  We should also keep a close eye on the Chinese military's continued 
modernization and buildup--the immediate focus of which is to build a 
military force capable of subduing Taiwan, and capable of defeating it 
swiftly enough to prevent American intervention. According to the 
Department of Defense's Annual Report on the Military Power of the 
People's Republic of China, released in June 2000, ``A cross-strait 
conflict between China and Taiwan involving the United States has 
emerged as the dominant scenario guiding [the Chinese Army's] force 
planning, military training, and war preparation.''
  Amidst China's alarming behavior, on October 17, the Washington Post 
reported that the Administration was considering a waiver on the 
sanctions placed on China following the Tiananmen Square crackdown that 
would have allowed the U.S. sale to China of spare parts for Blackhawk 
helicopters. Richard Fisher, editor of the China Brief newsletter at 
the Jamestown Foundation, addressed that possibility in an op-ed 
published in the Washington Times on October 21. He stated.

       . . . it is not time to end Tiananmen massacre sanctions on 
     arms sales to China, such as allowing the sale of spare parts 
     for U.S.-made Blackhawk helicopters. The Administration is 
     considering this move to reward China and to allow it to 
     rescue U.S. pilots that may be downed over Afghanistan. China 
     has plenty of good Russian helicopters to do the job, and it 
     makes no sense to revive military-technology sales to China 
     as it still prepares for war against Taiwan.

  The Washington Post later reported that the administration is not 
planning to waive sanctions that would allow the sale of the helicopter 
parts. And it is my hope that the United States--in our effort to gain 
China's support for our war on terrorism--will not consider such a move 
as long as China fails to live up to its international commitments. As 
Richard Fisher also stated in his op-ed, ``...to qualify as a U.S. ally 
in the war on terrorism, China must stop lying about its nuclear and 
missile technology proliferation and prevent states like Pakistan and 
Iran from fielding nuclear missiles. Also, China must end its economic 
and military commerce with regimes that assist terrorists, like the 
Taliban and Iraq. In addition, China must halt its preparations for war 
against Taiwan, a war that will likely involve U.S. forces.''
  The past month has seen longtime foes, at least for now, espouse a 
common goal in America's efforts against terrorism. Scores of nations 
have taken the side of America in a battle to eradicate terrorists of 
global reach--but the most populous nation on the globe must truly back 
its words with actions. Until it does so, Beijing should not be 
rewarded by any relaxation of U.S. restrictions aimed at curbing the 
communist regime's unacceptable behavior.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the full text of that op-
ed be included in the Congressional Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

               [From the Washington Times, Oct. 21, 2001]

                     Looking to a Non-ally in China

                          (By Richard Fisher)

       While the United States is correct to seek Chin's 
     assistance in what will be a long war against terrorism, it 
     should harbor no illusions that China will share all of the 
     same goals in this fight, or that China will cease being a 
     longer term adversary.
       Yes, Chinese President Jiang Zemin was swift to condemn the 
     Sept. 11 terrorist attacks in the United States, and China 
     has shared some counterterrorism intelligence. And it would 
     be welcome to have Beijing's full cooperation for the many 
     battles ahead. But as he meets Jiang Zemin in Shanghai, 
     President Bush should be mindful that any future Chinese 
     assistance in the war on terror can only be effective if 
     China reverses the aid that it has given to a number of rogue 
     states. For example, should Osama bin Laden or his allies 
     obtain a nuclear weapon in the future, it is likely that many 
     of its components will come via Pakistan or Iran, and could 
     very well carry the stamp ``Made in China.'' China's 
     assistance to Pakistan's nuclear weapons program dates back 
     to the mid-1970s and includes the training of engineers, 
     provision of nuclear-fuel-reprocessing components, and 
     perhaps even the plans to make nuclear weapons. China has 
     sold Pakistan more than 30 of the 180-mile range M-11 
     ballistic missiles. China has also sold Pakistan the means to 
     build solid-fuel 450-mile-range Shaheen-1 and 1,200-mile-
     range Shaheen-II missiles.

[[Page S11097]]

       China has sold Iran nuclear-reactor and nuclear-fuel-
     reprocessing components and cruise missiles that could 
     conceivably carry a small nuclear device.
       For more than a decade the United States has been 
     ``engaging'' Chinese officials in a repetitive pattern of 
     U.S. complaints, Chinese denials and promises not to 
     proliferate, occasional U.S. slap-on-the-wrist sanctions, but 
     with no definitive cessation of Chinese proliferation. So 
     far, Beijing is correct to question U.S. resolve. It took the 
     Bush administration until August this year to impose some 
     sanctions on Chines companies selling Shaheen missile parts 
     to Pakistan, a program that likely began early in the Clinton 
     administration, which produced no Shaheen-related sanctions 
     during its two terms.
       This failure to stop Chinese proliferation helped fuel the 
     nuclear missile race between India and Pakistan. And as the 
     later weakens under pressure from radical pro-Taliban forces, 
     the danger increases that nuclear weapon technology could 
     fall into the hands of terrorist groups like bin Laden's. But 
     rather than isolate radical Islamic regimes that harbor or 
     aid terrorists, Beijing engages them, too. In recent months, 
     China has been caught red handed helping Saddam Hussein to 
     build new fiber-optic communications networks that will 
     enable his missiles to better shoot down U.S. aircraft. 
     Beginning in late 1998, according to some reports, after they 
     gave Beijing some unexploded U.S. Tomahawk cruise missiles, 
     the Taliban began receiving economic and military aid from 
     China.
       The more important subtext is that China engages these 
     regimes because it shares their goal of cutting down U.S. 
     power. And, incredibly, China may be attracted to using their 
     methods as well. Bin Laden himself has a fan club in some 
     quarters of China's People's Liberation Army (PLA). In their 
     1999 book ``Unrestricted Warfare,'' two PLA political 
     commissars offer praise for the tactics of bin Laden. They 
     note that bin Laden's tactics are legitimate as the tactics 
     that Gen. Norman Schwartzkopf used in the Persian Gulf war. 
     Of bin Laden, they state that the ``American military is 
     inadequately prepared to deal with this type of enemy.''
       While some U.S. analysts downplay ``Unrestricted Warfare'' 
     as written by officers with no operational authority, it is 
     well known that the PLA is preparing to wage unconventional 
     warfare, especially cyber warfare. Should China attack 
     Taiwan, the PLA would want to shut down the U.S. air 
     transport system.
       The PLA now knows this can be done with four groups of 
     terrorists, or perhaps by computer hackers that can enter the 
     U.S. air traffic control system and cause four major airline 
     collisions.
       So to qualify as a U.S. ally in the war on terrorism, China 
     must stop lying about its nuclear and missile technology 
     proliferation and prevent states like Pakistan and Iran from 
     fielding nuclear missiles. Also, China must end its economic 
     and military commerce with regimes that assist terrorists, 
     like the Taliban and Iraq. In addition, China must halt its 
     preparations for a war against Taiwan, a war that will very 
     likely involve U.S. forces.
       In this regard, it is not time to end Tiananmen massacre 
     sanctions on arms sales to China, such as allowing the sale 
     of spare parts for U.S.-made Blackhawk helicopters. The 
     administration is considering this move to reward China and 
     to allow it to rescue U.S. pilots that may be downed over 
     Afghanistan. China has plenty of good Russian helicopters to 
     do that job, it makes no sense to revive military technology 
     sales to China as it still prepares for war against Taiwan.
       In his Sept. 20 speech, Mr. Bush correctly declared that 
     ``any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism 
     will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.'' 
     China's aid to the Taliban and its continued nuclear 
     proliferation are not friendly actions. The United States 
     should press China to undo all it has done to strengthen the 
     sources of terrorism.

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