[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 125 (Monday, September 24, 2001)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9735-S9736]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
THE WORLD SITUATION AFTER THE TERRORIST STRIKE
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in
the Record a speech delivered by a member of the U.S. Court of
International Trade, Evan Wallach. A graduate of Cambridge and a
Nevadan, this expert international jurist and expert in the law of war,
with clarity reviews the world situation, only days after the terrorist
strike of September 11, 2001.
There being no objection, the speech was ordered to be printed in the
Record, as follows:
Speech, 21 September, 2001 Hughes Hall College, Cambridge
It is good to be home. Whether it is because we as peoples
share the same language and laws, value the same rights of
humanity, and pray to the same God, or because I have
developed so many ties and deep friendships since I first set
foot in these halls some twenty-one years ago, I cannot feel
myself a stranger in this house and in this fair land. It is
good to be home and to share with you our common hopes and
our common tragedy.
When President Richards invited me to speak here some
months past, I had in mind a few words about my personal
history at Hughes, and some specific thoughts about how much
Cambridge has meant to the cause of freedom. I meant to speak
about how England stood alone and undaunted in those dark
days of May and June, 1940, as the only bulwark between the
free world and the dark night of unending barbarism. Long
before we Americans were forced into the affair, even before
her empire could effectively rally to the colors, this island
held the line; and this small town, with its great
university, was at the center of that resistance, providing
many of its pilots, much of its intelligence apparatus, and a
great deal of its military leadership.
My original thought was to come here to thank you yet
again, and to speak about the links forged in that crucible
of war which bind us still.
That was before Tuesday, September 11.
On that morning I was talking to my secretary Linda Sue as
she prepared coffee. When we heard the first explosion I
thought it was a bomb. We were relieved when the television
said it was an airplane. It had to be an accident. We watched
the second aircraft fly into the WTC. In one second it
changed everything. We knew we were at war.
New Yorkers reacted very well. They reminded me so much of
Londoners in the Blitz. Our court is exactly a half mile from
the WTC. There was no panic. People helped someone when they
stumbled, urged one another on, and were kind to strangers.
It was as Dickens says, the best of times and the worst of
times.
We are much a family, we Americans, a very large, very
extended and often very dysfunctional family. When our
brothers and sisters come into harm's way we react as does
any family; we cry, we grieve, we pray, we hold each other
close, and then we go on living.
Make no mistake about it, we will go on. The continental
Europeans have a conception of America which has a strong
kernel of truth. We are still, somewhat, the vaguely
isolationist, happy-go-lucky plough boy who can be insulted
by foreign waiters, euchred by a sidewalk grifter, blow his
month's pay on a pretty bar girl, and still go home convinced
he had a real nice time in the big city.
But when you slap us across the face, we know we've been
wronged and it is not in our nature to slap you in return.
Rather, our national instinct is to destroy your armies,
drive your population into exile, pillage your cities and
plow salt into the ground where they stood; in short, to act
like Europeans. Then, however, being Americans we pass out
chewing gum and foreign aid to help rebuild what we just
destroyed.
That baser instinct, however, is fortunately also mitigated
by one equally strong which we suckled at the breast of our
mother country with the milk of Magna Carta. I refer, of
course, to the sanctity of the rule of law. As Edmund Burke
said in 1775: ``In this character of the Americans a love of
freedom is the predominating feature which marks and
distinguishes the whole . . . This fierce spirit of liberty
is stronger in the English colonies, probably, than in any
other people of the earth [because] the people of the
colonies are descendants of Englishmen.''
We learned our lessons well at your knee. We learned from
Entick v. Carrington that though a citizen lives in the
rudest hut with no door or window, though the wind may blow
through and the rain may pour in, the King of England with
all his armies may not pass over his thresh hold without an
invitation to enter.
We have taken the rights and liberties of Englishmen and
extended them even further. We have enshrined them in a
written Constitution and from time to time, as we have done
wrong to individuals and learned our lesson from that wrong
doing, we have added additional protections.
We have been attacked by people from one particular part of
the world. I am not an Arabist or a scholar of that region's
history to any great degree but I think I can say those who
planned this attack are mistaken about the United States in
many ways. I believe they thought to wound us deeply by
attacking our national symbols, and that they viewed the WTC
as one such symbol. They thought, I imagine, that as a
capitalist state, worshipping the almighty dollar, we would
reel back, shaken and demoralized, by the loss of this great
temple of Mammon. Truly they mistake us.
We reel back, not at the loss of a building, because
bricks, and mortar can always be restacked; we usually tear
down our great edifices every few decades or so anyway, to
construct something larger and more modern. What wounded us,
what cut us to our souls, what enraged us beyond the
comprehension of these bombers, was the loss of five thousand
of our sons and daughters, moms, and dads, firemen,
policemen, janitors, bankers, doctors and lawyers. For this
we shall not forgive the perpetrators; this we shall never
forget. They are sadly mistaken.
If I could say one thing to those attackers and to their
followers it would be this: ``Beware of false prophets, which
come to you in sheep's clothing but inwardly they are
ravening wolves. Ye shall know them by their fruits . . .
Every tree that bringeth not forth
[[Page S9736]]
good fruit is hewn down and cast into the fire. Wherefore,
by their fruits shall ye know them.''
I trust we will not again make the mistake of the Second
World War and presume that because an individual or his
forefathers came from that region or worships our common God
in its way, that he is anything other than someone entitled
to mutual rights and mutual respect. There will be no mass
roundups based on race, there will be no mass internment
camps based on religion. We are not the same people as we
were in 1941, and thank God, we are not the same people as
those with whom we are at war.
I take some pride, that as a member of the federal
judiciary I have taken an oath to do equal justice to all who
come before me, and I have great confidence that not only
shall we honor that oath, but that the executive branch will
equally honor its obligation to protect the rights of those
who reside within our nation whatever their race or religion.
If restrictions there are, and there will be, if some
limitations arise on the freedom from government interference
with our ability to travel, and there will be, they will be
applied equally. If individual officials make mistakes simply
because of someone's color or creed, we will correct those
mistakes as quickly as possible and apologize for the error.
We will all face the burden together, we shall spread it as
fairly as possible, and we shall bear it with quiet
determination and good humor, for we are at war.
Make no mistake about it, we are at war. It is a different
war than those of the recent past, and we Americans tend to
be so forward looking that we confine our vision only to the
front, but there is historical precedent for what we are
about to do. When our nation was still in its infancy we
fought an undeclared war with your neighbors across the
Channel, we sent our young navy to the Mediterranean to
battle the corsairs of Barbary, and over the years we have
chased bandits and pirates beyond our borders whenever
our national interest required it. Often, and for many
decades, we shared that job with the Royal Navy.
I cannot, in this English language, say anything about this
endeavor upon which we now embark in any way better than my
hero who led your fight for civilization in the last world
war. Let me quote from two speeches by Mr. Churchill: ``There
shall be no halting or half measures, there shall be no
compromise or parley. These gangs of bandits have sought to
darken the light of the world; have sought to stand between
the common people and their inheritance. They shall
themselves be cast into the pit of death and shame, and only
when the earth has been cleansed and purged of their crimes
and villainy shall we turn from the task they have forced
upon us, a task which we were reluctant to undertake, but
which we shall now most faithfully and punctiliously
discharge.
* * * * *
``We do not war primarily with races as such. Tyranny is
our foe, whatever trappings or disguise it wears, whatever
language it speaks, be it external or internal, we must
forever be on our guard, ever mobilized, ever vigilant,
always ready to spring at its throat. In this, we march
together.''
In this indeed, I know, we shall march together.
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