[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 107 (Friday, July 27, 2001)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1463-E1464]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                       TURKEY INVASION OF CYPRUS

                                 ______
                                 

                         HON. MICHAEL BILIRAKIS

                               of florida

                    in the house of representatives

                         Friday, July 27, 2001

  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, as I have done every year, I rise again 
today to reiterate my fierce objection to the illegitimate occupation 
of the island of Cyprus by Turkish troops and declare my grave concern 
for the future of the area, The island's twenty-seven years of internal 
division make the status quo absolutely unacceptable.
  In July 1974, Turkish troops captured the northern part of Cyprus, 
seizing over a third of the island. The Turkish troops expelled 200,000 
Greek-Cypriots from their homes and killed 5,000 citizens of the once-
peaceful island. The Turkish invasion was a conscious and deliberate 
attempt at ethnic cleansing. Turkey proceeded to install 35,000 
military personnel. Today, these troops, in conjunction with United 
Nations peacekeeping forces, make the small island of Cyprus one of the 
most militarized areas in the world. Over a quarter of a century later, 
about 1,500 Greek-Cypriots remain missing, including four Americans.
  The Green Line, a 113-mile barbed wire fence, separates the Greek-
Cypriot community from its Turkish-Cypriot counterpart. The Turkish 
Northern Republic of Cyprus (TNRC), recognized by no nation in the 
world except for Turkey, prohibits Greek-Cypriots from crossing the 
Green Line to visit the towns and communities of their families. With 
control of about thirty-seven percent of the island, Turkey's military 
occupation has had severe consequences, most notably the dislocation of 
the Greek Cypriot population and the resulting refugees.
  Twenty-seven years later, forced separation of these two communities 
still exists despite efforts by the UN and G-8 leadership to mend this 
rift between north and south. So far, the UN, with the explicit support 
of the United States, has sponsored six rounds of proximity talks 
between the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Mr. Glafcos Clerides, 
and Mr. Rauf Denktash, the self-proclaimed leader of the TNRC.
  Regrettably, the implementation of any agreements has been thwarted 
by the intransigent position taken by Mr. Denktash, with the full 
backing of the Turkish Government. His refusal to participate in the UN 
sponsored talks until demands for the recognition of Northern Cyprus as 
a separate state are met is unacceptable. Mr. Denktash has made it 
clear that his position on the issue is non-negotiable, leaving very 
little room for progress. In his recent testimony before the Senate 
Commerce, Justice, State, and Judiciary Appropriations Subcommittee, 
Secretary of State Colin Powell specifically singled out Mr. Denktash 
as the main obstacle in developing a comprehensive solution to the 
problem.
  Impressively, even with this division constantly taking center-stage, 
the Republic of Cyprus has flourished and grown as an economy and 
society. Growth has been averaging 6% per year and its per capita 
income ranks near the top of all developed countries. Its unemployment 
rate of 3.6% is lower than that of the United States. It is a Europe-
oriented nation that is of strategic, economic, and political 
importance to the region and to the rest of the world.
  This success has brought Cyprus to a critical turning point in its 
history. For the first time, the people of Cyprus have the opportunity 
to seal their future by becoming part of the European Union which is 
about to accept a large number of new members. Upon accession to the 
European
  The Republic of Cyprus and the United States share a common tradition 
of respect for human rights, a faith in the power of democratic 
institutions, and a commitment to free market economics. Our two 
governments have similarly had close ties. Consequently, it is in the 
interest of the United States to see a strong and vibrant Cyprus which 
will enhance the future strength of our alliance. To that end, the most 
meaningful way to ensure that outcome is to promote Cyprus's membership 
in the European Union.
  Union membership for Cyprus also has the potential to resolve some of 
the ongoing disputes in the Mediterranean region. At the European 
Council meeting in Helsinki in December 1999, Turkey was granted the 
status of a candidate country for accession to the EU. In accordance 
with the Accession Partnership Document of Turkey, which was endorsed 
by the European Council meeting in Nice in December 2000, Turkey must 
strongly support the UN Secretary General's efforts to bring about a 
successful conclusion to the process of finding a comprehensive 
settlement of the Cyprus problem.
  The European Council decision taken in Helsinki in December 1999 also 
states that the Council's decision on accession for Cyprus will not be 
preconditioned on a settlement to the Cyprus problem. On the other 
hand, it is understood that accession negotiations with Turkey cannot 
begin until Turkey complies with the stipulations and conditions laid 
down by the European Council decisions in Helsinki, Copenhagen and 
Nice.
  The United States government has strongly supported the Helsinki 
Conclusions both on the issue of Cyprus' accession and Turkey's 
candidacy for membership and should continue to do so. Additionally, 
serious efforts have been undertaken by the UN Secretary General to 
resume negotiations between the two communities in Cyprus. These 
efforts have always enjoyed the full support of the United States.
  It is obvious that resolution of the perennial dispute between Greece 
and Turkey on Cyprus remains the key to a successful and lasting 
settlement of the problem. Although the Helsinki decision does not 
consider a Greco-Turkish agreement on Cyprus a precondition for the 
accession of the Republic of Cyprus to the European Union, such an 
agreement would remove any obstacles to the accession of Turkey to the 
European Union, benefitting all parties concerned in the current 
dispute.

[[Page E1464]]

  First, it will act as a catalyst in resolving the problem of Cyprus, 
which has been poisoning the relations among the parties to the 
conflict, their NATO allies, and the United States. Second, improvement 
in the relations between Greece and Turkey will also strengthen the 
South-Eastem flank of NATO so it can function in its full capacity, 
unhindered by ancient frictions that have virtually prevented any 
cooperation between the two allies at periods in the past.
  Third, an agreement between the conflicting parties will enhance 
stability and security in two troubled regions of the world, the 
Middle-East and the Balkans. These areas are vital to the national 
interests of the United States and any stabilizing influence might 
serve to facilitate other peace agreements.
  In pursuing this goal, it should be made clear to the Turkish 
leadership and Mr. Denktash that their position on these issues is 
unsatisfactory. No effort should be made to appease the Turkish-Cypriot 
leader in order to entice his return to the negotiating table. Not only 
should he return, but he should negotiate in good faith in order to 
reach a comprehensive settlement within the framework provided for by 
the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions, This includes 
the establishment of a bizonal, bi-communal federation with a single 
international personality, sovereignty, and a single citizenship.
  It would also be in the best interest of Turkey to cooperate with the 
United Nations and the rest of the international community on Cyprus in 
order to advance its own membership in the European Union. In addition, 
Turkey spends more than $200 million annually to sustain northern 
Cyprus; it also maintains 35,000 of its own troops illegally in the 
region. With settlement on the matter of Cyprus, this huge financial 
obligation will be removed. Northern Cyprus will perhaps be the 
greatest beneficiary of Cypriot membership and resolution of the entire 
affair. It is currently in a state of economic distress, being 
bolstered only by Turkish support. By joining the rest of Cyprus, it 
would become part of an already progressive economy, eliminating its 
financial dependence on Turkey.
  So far we have seen that both Turkey and Mr. Denktash have sought to 
create preconditions on Cyprus' accession by tying that process to the 
resolution of a comprehensive settlement in Cyprus. The United States 
should remind Turkey that any threat against the Republic of Cyprus 
will be met with strong determination and opposition and that Turkey 
does not possess any veto power over European Union membership. 
Promotion of Cyprus' membership will remove what has been a stumbling 
block in comprehensive settlement negotiations, and it will allow 
Turkey to strive toward the laudable goal of its own accession.
  We are all standing at the threshold of a historic opportunity that 
will shape the futures of generations of Cypriots, Greeks, and Turks. 
We have a responsibility to these ensuant generations to secure their 
futures by contributing to the efforts to create a peaceful world.
  It is precisely to stress the above stated points that I have felt 
compelled to submit House Concurrent Resolution 164 which expresses the 
United States' support for Cyprus' admission to the European Union 
according to the Helsinki Conclusions of 1999 which state that while a 
solution to the political crisis in Cyprus is preferable prior to EU 
accession, it is not a precondition for entry.
  Mr. Speaker, we have a moral and ethical obligation to use our 
influence as Americans to reunify Cyprus--as defenders of democracy, 
and as defenders of human rights. There have been twenty-seven years of 
illegitimate occupation, violence, and strife; let's not make it 
twenty-eight.

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