[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 97 (Thursday, July 12, 2001)]
[House]
[Pages H3993-H3998]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 PAYING HOMAGE TO A SPECIAL GROUP OF VETERANS, SURVIVORS OF BATAAN AND 
                               CORREGIDOR

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 3, 2001, the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher) is 
recognized for 60 minutes as a designee of the majority leader.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to pay homage to a very 
special group of American veterans. As all veterans, these World War II 
survivors have sacrificed and have suffered for their country. But this 
special group is different.
  This group that I would like to call attention to tonight are men who 
continue to fight for justice even though these many years have passed 
since the close of World War II. These are men who fought and paid an 
enormous price for our freedom and for the peace and safety of the 
world, yet today, I repeat, continuing to struggle for justice to their 
own cause.
  Instead of fighting the emperors of Japan which they fought during 
the second World War, these brave veterans are now forced to fight 
lawyers, the lawyers of Japanese and international business giants, 
companies like Mitsubishi, Matsui and Nippon Steel. Instead of battling 
in the jungles, instead of battling on the islands in the South 
Pacific, these veterans are battling in the courtroom.
  Mr. Speaker, the greatest irony about what is happening today about 
the veterans of whom I speak, while they battled for our freedom in the 
Second World War, and today, as they say, they are battling lawyers of 
some of the biggest Japanese companies, the greatest irony is that 
these American heroes have the United States Government not on their 
side, but on the side of their adversary. They find themselves arguing 
against representatives of their own government.
  Let me make this clear. Some heroic veterans from World War II were 
trying to find justice for their cause, men who put everything on the 
line and, as we will find out, were held hostage and prisoner of war by 
the Japanese, these men now in seeking justice for their cause are 
having to argue against their own government. Their own government is 
now engaged in a legal process to thwart their efforts.
  This is the story of the American survivors of the Bataan Death March 
in Corregidor. These are some of the most heroic of America's defenders 
during the Second World War. When they were captured, they were forced 
to serve as slave labor for private war profiteering companies, 
Japanese companies during the Second World War. These men, these 
prisoners of war, these American heroes were deprived of food, medicine 
and clean water. These large Japanese companies, whose own work force 
was away fighting the war in the Japanese uniform, these corporations 
used our POWs as work animals. These Japanese companies, knowing that 
they were violating the international law, used our American soldiers, 
sailors, airmen and marines whom they had captured in the Philippines 
and other places around the Pacific, but mainly the Philippines, they 
used these people and often worked them to death. The standards they 
had to endure violated the most basic morality, decency and justice. It 
also violated international law.
  Instead of righting wrongs and admitting that violations had been 
made and violations of law existed, like German companies have done 
since the end of World War II, and the German companies have tried to 
close that chapter by giving compensation and recognizing the violation 
of rights that took place by their companies to the people whom they 
wronged, the Japanese corporations have ignored the claims of these 
American heroes.
  And why should they not? These large Japanese corporations ignore the 
pleas of American survivors for justice. Why not? After all, the United 
States State Department has sided with the Japanese and is working 
against our former POWs that were held by the Japanese during the 
Second World War. This is a travesty.
  Mr. Speaker, if the American people knew what was going on, I am sure 
there would be a wave of protest and indignation that would sweep this 
country, a wave that would sweep right into the State Department and 
perhaps sweep out these individuals who are siding in a battle against 
America's most heroic defenders.
  Dr. Lester Tenney, a survivor of the death march, a survivor of slave 
camps, says, ``I feel as if I am once again being sacrificed by our 
government, abandoned not for the war effort, as in the past, but for 
the benefit of big Japanese corporations.''
  Dr. Tenney is right. In the hours following the attack on Pearl 
Harbor, the Japanese attacked U.S. installations in the Philippines. A 
U.S. contingent there made up of our military forces retreated to the 
Bataan Peninsula and made their historic standing. They held off the 
Japanese military juggernaut while the United States had been crippled 
in Pearl Harbor, and gave us time to rally America, and gave us time 
to, and gave us time to organize an offensive to take back the 
territory that the Japanese had taken.
  Our defenders in Corregidor and on the Bataan Peninsula bought time 
for the whole United States, and they bought time at the greatest risk 
to their lives. Our government at that time was forced to make a heart-
tearing decision, and that decision was that they were going to have to 
sacrifice our brave heroes in the Philippines. MacArthur was pulled 
out, and our troops were left behind. And they were sacrificed because 
the planners in Washington, D.C., knew full well that much of our 
strength in the Pacific had been destroyed at Pearl Harbor, and if we 
tried to save these brave heroes on the Bataan Peninsula, we would have 
risked so many other military personnel. If we lost that battle, the 
entire war would have been lost. The risk was so great that it was 
impossible for us to go to save them.
  Yet these men and women, these brave defenders stood their ground and 
fought a heroic battle. As the song of the day went, their song, the 
battling bastards of Bataan, no mama, no papa, no Uncle Sam.
  After the fall of Bataan, after these men were overwhelmed and 
American-Filipino troops were captured, they were forced to walk more 
than 60 miles to their places of captivity, to the prison camps and 
concentration camps in which they were held. That 60-mile march is 
known in history as the Bataan Death March. They were denied water, 
beaten; and during the march, hundreds of them, many of them fell, and 
many of them were bayonetted to death. Some of them were cut to pieces, 
at least a few beheaded by Japanese officers who were practicing with 
their samurai sword.
  Let us remember at that time the Japanese culture reflected the view 
that any warrior who survived a battle and was on the losing side of 
the battle, any warrior who survived and surrendered was unfit to be 
considered a human being.

                              {time}  1815

  The Japanese treated our prisoners as less than human beings. They 
treated them as animals and they murdered them. Over 650 to 700 
Americans died on that 60-mile march, the famous Bataan Death March. 
These were truly heroes, and their sacrifice inspired our Nation. The 
outrage that swept across our Nation gave us strength to fight against 
the Japanese militarist thrust in the Pacific and to stand up to the 
Nazis in Europe, because we saw the heroism of these men. And then, 
after enduring this hell and taken out of sight of the American people, 
our prisoners of war that were being held by Japan there in the 
Philippines, many

[[Page H3994]]

thousands of them were taken from the Philippines in what are called 
hell ships. These hell ships took our prisoners to Japan and to 
Japanese-occupied territories like Manchuria, they were packed into the 
cargo hold of these ships, and our POWs struggled just to grasp a 
little air in temperatures that reached 125 degrees. It is estimated 
that over 4,000 Americans died aboard these ships that were 
transporting them to, as I say, other Japanese-held territories, 
especially the islands of Japan itself and in Manchuria.
  Our POWs struggled to survive in the harshest conditions imaginable. 
These heroes were forced to toil beyond human endurance, in mines, in 
factories, in shipyards, in steel mills. Yes, they took the place of 
the Japanese men who were away serving in the Japanese military. This 
was in itself a violation of international law. But the jobs that these 
prisoners were given, these American heroes were given by the Japanese 
and the treatment they received was well beyond just a violation of 
international law; it was a crime against humanity.
  They worked the most dangerous jobs, the most terrible conditions, 
and were treated like animals. They were treated worse than animals. 
The Japanese would not have treated their animals as they treated our 
prisoners. Company employees would beat them and harangue them. They 
were starved and denied adequate medical care. They suffered from 
dysentary, scurvy, pellagra, malaria, diptheria, pneumonia and other 
diseases. One of our prisoners of war had his leg amputated because it 
was crushed in a rock slide, and it was amputated by another American 
POW, the only doctor who happened to have survived this long, and that 
doctor amputated that leg without anesthetic. The rations that they 
were given were unfit for human consumption. Our POWs were reduced to 
skin and bone, looking very much like the prisoners in Auschwitz and in 
the concentration camps in Europe.
  Today, while many of those survivors, of course, died during the war 
and after the war just from the complications, and today those who 
managed to survive over these many years have many health problems that 
relate directly to their slave labor and the conditions that they were 
kept in during the Second World War. When you hear the survivors tell 
their stories, it raises the hair right in the back of your neck and 
sends chills down your body.
  Frank Bigelow, 78 years old, from Brooksville, Florida, was taken 
prisoner at Corregidor. Mr. Bigelow was shipped to Japan where he 
performed labor in coal mines owned and operated by Mitsubishi. Now, 
this is a name that we have heard. Mitsubishi. ``We were told to work 
or die,'' Mr. Bigelow recalls. Injured in a mining accident and, as I 
mentioned a moment ago, it was Mr. Bigelow who had his leg amputated 
without anesthetic by a fellow POW. At the war's end, though Mr. 
Bigelow was 6'4", he weighed just 95 pounds when he was liberated.
  Lester Tenney, 80 years old, of La Jolla, California, became a 
prisoner at the fall of Bataan in April of 1942. He survived the Bataan 
Death March and was transported to Japan aboard a hell ship. In Japan, 
he was sold by the Japanese Government to Mitsui and forced to labor 
for 12 hours a day, 28 days a month in the Mitsui coal mine.
  ``The reward I received for this hard labor was being beaten by 
civilian workers in the mine and constantly humiliated,'' said Dr. 
Tenney. These are just a couple of stories. The horrors that they 
suffered at the hands of these Japanese corporations, who were making a 
profit off the work they were doing for the war, the horrors that these 
men suffered could fill books; and let us in those books and in this 
recalling what happened not forget who it was who was doing this. These 
were Japanese corporations. Many of these same Japanese corporations 
still exist today.
  The case of our POWs is clear. These facts cannot be denied. Their 
claims cannot be dismissed or just simply explained away. And that is 
why it makes it even more difficult for us to understand why our State 
Department refuses to assist these American heroes, these veterans of 
the Bataan Death March, these men who stood at a time when it took such 
great courage and endured the unspeakable for us, and now our State 
Department will not stand with them. In fact, it is standing against 
them.

  It makes it hard to fathom when you think about this why the State 
Department is doing this when you consider that in Germany, in Nazi 
Germany, where so many people were wronged and we know about what 
happened in the concentration camps there and how horrible that was, 
the Germans have tried to compensate those people, especially German 
corporations, have tried to compensate those people who they wronged 
during the war. They have tried to close the book. That is what should 
happen.
  But instead, on the other side of the world, our American heroes have 
been denied justice by these Japanese corporations. And while our 
government has encouraged the repayment by German corporations and 
especially in the case of, for example, Swiss bankers who were ripping 
off the Holocaust survivors from the deposits that their families had 
made and the huge German insurance companies, while we have encouraged 
that and tried to side with those victims, our own State Department and 
our government are siding against our defenders who were captured by 
the Japanese and mistreated in a very similar way.
  The lawyers for the State Department have allied themselves with the 
war profiteers, these Japanese corporations who made enormous profits 
in supplying Tokyo's war efforts, and they have allied themselves 
against the American victims. Let me just say that their excuse for 
what they are doing is that they are claiming that the peace treaty 
that we signed with Japan bars our veterans from these claims. Let me 
note that that is nonsense. It is total nonsense. If any claims are 
barred, it is claims against the Japanese Government by American 
civilians. There is nothing in that treaty that bars our heroic POWs 
from suing the Japanese corporations that treated them like animals, 
that violated their human rights and committed war crimes in doing so.
  The argument by our State Department is an argument in which our own 
government is bending over backwards to try to find an excuse for this 
great violation of rights of our greatest heroes; they are bending over 
backwards to try to find an excuse when, in fact, these people deserve 
us to be doing everything we possibly can to try to find the arguments 
on their side.
  These people are not going to be with us for very long. These people 
might not be with us for another 10 years. They are dying off every 
day. They are older men. And our government is trying to do its best to 
try to find arguments, to try to undercut their claims against the 
people who violated their rights, the Japanese corporations that 
treated them like slave labor during the war. We should be paying honor 
to these men, and we should be doing everything we can to help them 
rather than put roadblocks in their way. The State Department should be 
ashamed of itself.
  First, as the State Department has elsewhere conceded, the waiver of 
claims by U.S. private citizens against private companies of another 
country is not merely unprecedented in history, in the history of the 
United States, it is not recognized in international law and raises 
very serious constitutional and fifth amendment questions.
  What we are talking about here is that there is no State Department 
waiver of the rights of private citizens to sue people who have 
violated their rights and they have a just claim. There is no right of 
our government to waive that, the rights of our citizens. Now, they 
maybe can waive the rights against a government, but they certainly 
cannot waive a claim against a corporation that still exists.
  By the way, let us remember this: a corporation is a legal entity. If 
that corporation made mistakes in the past and it is the same corporate 
entity, it has responsibilities for what the actions of that 
corporation took in years past. I do not care if it was during the war 
or during peacetime. A Japanese corporation bears the same 
responsibility as an individual bears a responsibility. That is why you 
have corporations. They take upon themselves that legal responsibility.
  A close look at the history of the 1951 treaty that we have that 
ended the war with Japan reveals that the negotiators considered treaty 
language

[[Page H3995]]

which would have permitted POW lawsuits against Japanese companies, 
those same Japanese companies that had used them as slave labor. But 
that reference was deleted in the final draft after a demand by other 
Allied powers was made to that agreement, to that wording to the U.S. 
delegation.
  Now, what does that mean? What is going on here is that we considered 
actually putting something in the treaty that specifically permitted 
them. Well, the argument was that we can't constitutionally prevent 
them from doing it, anyway, so why are we putting this in the treaty 
that could probably be a cause of concern for the Japanese?
  And why were we so concerned about the Japanese in 1951? What was 
that all about? Well, 1951 was another era. And I am afraid that in 
1942 when America had to abandon these heroes on the Bataan Peninsula 
and leave them to their fate and let them be captured and murdered and 
tortured and worked like slave labor by the Japanese, when we abandoned 
them to that fate, we abandoned them a second time. That was because 
again America's security was in jeopardy. America's security was in 
jeopardy because during the Cold War we needed Japan on our side. And 
perhaps that was the motive at that time of our government and of the 
State Department and of people who were concerned about our country, 
and perhaps these survivors of the Bataan Death March can understand 
that.
  Because at that time had the world witnessed a Japan going towards 
communism, it would have shifted the balance of freedom and democracy 
in the world and the whole Cold War might have ended a different way. 
It might have caused the loss of millions of American lives if just 
that balance of power in Japan would have been shifted. So maybe we 
needed to bend over backwards to prevent the Japanese at that time, and 
I just say maybe.

                              {time}  1830

  There is no excuse like that today. The Cold War is over. We should 
not be bending over backwards today. If we do not move forward today to 
permit these American heroes to at least redress their grievances and 
to receive some compensation and to find justice, if we do not act now, 
we are abandoning them for the third time.
  They were abandoned in Bataan. They were abandoned after the war. Are 
we going to abandon them again? Are we going to watch them slip away 
quietly without knowing how much the American people appreciated what 
they did for us? How will they know how much we appreciated it if we 
are turning our backs on this claim, this legitimate claim they have 
against Japanese corporations who worked them as slave laborers while 
all around the world other peoples have been able to sue those 
corporations that violated their human rights during the Second World 
War and how other people, in fact, have been able to sue Japan and 
those corporations for what they did to them.
  No, the only people left out will be the survivors of the Bataan 
Death March. This is an insult. It is absurd. It is insane. It does not 
speak well of our State Department. It does not speak well of us if we 
let it happen, and we should not and we will not let that happen.
  The treaty in 1951 also includes a clause which automatically and 
unconditionally extends to the allied powers any more favorable terms 
than that granted by Japan in any other war claims settlement. Japan 
has entered into war claims settlements with the Soviet Union, with 
Burma, Spain, Switzerland, Sweden, the Netherlands and others. These 
same rights that we are talking about, that we are asking for our own 
people, have already been granted to the people of other countries. 
Yet, the State Department in our country continues to work against our 
heroic Bataan Death March survivors' right to seek justice in the 
courts against the Japanese corporations that worked them during the 
war, even though other countries and other peoples have received 
justice and the book has been closed on their cases.
  On the public record to date, the State Department simply ignores 
these people's claims, these brave heroes' claims, or tries to 
obfuscate the facts. Several weeks ago, Fox News on the Fox News Sunday 
program, a news program on the weekend, it was probably more like 2 
months ago now, Colin Powell, our Secretary of State, promised to 
review the State Department's erroneous and unyielding stand against 
the Bataan Death March survivors. He provided a little bit of hope that 
the survivors may well be able to obtain justice at long last.
  I have yet to hear, and that might have been 6 weeks to 2 months ago, 
I have yet to hear from the Secretary of State. I would hope that the 
bureaucrats over at the State Department get this message tonight. We 
expect the Secretary to pay attention to this issue, and we expect that 
our country and our government to be more concerned with these claims 
than they have been in the past and that we expect them to be on the 
side of our people rather than the side of these Japanese corporations.
  We have a Japanese prime minister who has visited this country. We 
have had exchanges with the Japanese government going on. We have a new 
ambassador that is being appointed to Japan, Howard Baker. This issue 
should not go away. This issue should be something that our 
representatives bring up with representatives of the Japanese 
government, and that we should change the rules of engagement, so to 
speak, so that our heroes can at last receive justice.
  Of the more than 36,000 American soldiers who were captured by the 
Japanese, only 21,000 made it home. The death rates for American POWs, 
this is an important statistic, the death rate for American POWs was 30 
times greater in Japanese prison camps than in German prison camps.
  I met recently with a member of the Japanese Embassy staff, and he 
said that it was unfair of me to compare the Japanese in World War II 
to the Germans and to the Nazis and that is just not the case. I told 
him, I said with all due respect, sir, the Japanese militarists of 
World War II, of which this gentleman's generation he was not part of 
that generation, committed the same type of atrocities and war crimes 
as did the Germans, and it is very comparable what the Japanese did to 
the Chinese people, for example, but also to every prisoner that they 
captured.
  Again, I reminded this young man from the Japanese Embassy that his 
generation does not bear responsibility for this. He was not even 
alive. But those Japanese corporations that existed at that time and 
were involved in that behavior do bear legal responsibility, and that 
the Japanese people today, our efforts to receive justice for these 
American POWs, we in no way mean it as a slap in the face against the 
Japanese people of today. The Japanese people of today have a strong 
democracy and they have around the world proven themselves to be a 
force for good, but during the Second World War these were not the same 
Japanese people. They had different values. They had different values 
and they were a different people. They were told at that time they had 
been trained from youth to be militaristic and to brutalize anyone who 
was weaker than them, especially soldiers who surrendered.

  Even though the Japanese companies profited from the slave labor, 
these companies have never even offered an apology, much less repayment 
to our POWs. Today, as I say, there are fewer than 5,400 surviving 
POWs. These survivors are pursuing justice not just for themselves but 
for their widows and for their families of these POWs who died 
prematurely because of the conditions that they lived under during the 
war. The POWs finally have a chance for justice and we should not, we 
cannot, abandon them again.
  The gentleman from California (Mr. Honda) and myself have introduced 
a bill. It is the Justice for POWs Act of 2001. It is H.R. 1198, and 
there are over 100 of my colleagues now who have cosponsored this bill 
which will grant our POWs from the Bataan Death March the right to sue 
those Japanese corporations that tortured them and worked them as 
animals during the war. Our legislation gives them that right to seek 
legal redress against those companies.
  Mr. Speaker, I would at this time be happy to yield to my friend, the 
gentleman from La Jolla, California (Mr. Issa), from southern Orange 
County and northern San Diego County.
  Mr. ISSA. Mr. Speaker, I rise and came here with the profound desire 
to speak just a few moments in support of the very courageous 
legislation of the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher). I, like 
the gentleman, was

[[Page H3996]]

not alive and did not participate in World War II but what I do 
understand, having dealt with people from around the world and 
especially in Asia, that this is exactly the kind of a bill that Japan, 
for their own sake, needs to make sure is paid.
  The people of Japan are very interested in face. They are also a 
people who never fail to pay a just debt. This is a just debt. When 
people work in any capacity, they need to be paid. No Japanese 
employer, not Mitsubishi, not any of the heavy industry companies that 
we are talking about here today, not one of them would fail to pay a 
worker for a day's work. This is the only time in which these companies 
have gotten labor for which they have not yet paid.
  I absolutely support the legislation of the gentleman. I commend him 
for something that has been long overdue for bringing it to the 
forefront. I am pleased to be one of the cosponsors; and I look forward 
to pushing this through the Congress to, in fact, remind the Japanese 
people that this is the only way they will put the war behind them is 
to pay the debts that they know they owe, have the corporations pay 
what they need to pay, with interest, and move on. That is what we do 
in a civilized society.
  Japan is now one of the great nations of the civilized world, and we 
need them to free themselves of the burden of this past debt. I want to 
thank the gentleman for yielding, and I want to thank the gentleman 
once again for authoring this bill with the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Honda). And I look forward to seeing it on the floor and enacted.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Issa), I might add, is one of the great entrepreneurs as well as 
patriots here in the Congress. I would like to ask him a question. I 
have no corporate background myself, but I made several times the point 
that corporations do have responsibility for their actions. Even though 
it happened a while ago, a corporation would still have legal 
responsibility for the actions in the past?
  Mr. ISSA. Here in America, we have unlimited and permanent liability. 
There are cases on the American books where a lathe maker who made 
products in the 1930s had to pay for damages caused to a worker in the 
1980s. That is not always considered fair, but corporations understand 
that one of the advantages they get for that pride of having a plaque 
that says 50 years or even 100 years in business is in fact that they 
have to have paid off all of their debts, including the ones that have 
not yet arisen.

  That kind of obligation is understood here in America and very much 
understood in Japan. As a matter of fact, it is probably more 
understood in Japan.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, let me also note, and it is important 
for us to make this point because not only are we talking today to the 
Japanese people and to the American people, we are talking about our 
relations between our countries and I do not want anyone to think that 
the American people or even this American thinks less of the Japanese 
people and that this is in some way anti-Japanese. The co-author of 
this bill, the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda), is one of two 
Japanese Americans who is a Member of Congress. The gentleman from 
California (Mr. Honda), during the Second World War, his family was 
interned during the Second World War here in the United States. The 
gentleman from California (Mr. Honda) is certainly not anti-Japanese 
whatsoever, and I do not consider myself anti-Japanese at all.
  I, in fact, lived in Japan when I was a younger person, and I visited 
Japan on numerous occasions. My family has many Japanese friends. This 
in no way is an attack on the Japanese people of today. What we are 
suggesting in H.R. 1198 is that there is a debt to be paid. Japanese 
corporations, as the gentleman from California (Mr. Issa) has just 
stated, have a legal debt to pay and our State Department and our 
government should not be thwarting these heroic Americans in trying to 
go to court and receive justice that they deserve for being treated 
like they were by Japanese corporations during the Second World War.
  However, the Japanese people themselves did not commit these crimes 
today. The Japanese people of today did not commit these crimes, and I 
do not believe that they personally should be held responsible at all. 
In fact, as I say, over the last 20 years, Japan has worked with the 
United States to promote democracy. Japan has had a democratic system. 
We have a relatively free press, and we have had a situation of freedom 
of religion, et cetera. And Japan has played a very positive role in 
this world; but during the Second World War and in the beginning 
decades of this century, that was not the case.
  Now, many people probably wonder why I got involved in this in the 
first place. If I do not have a grudge to bear against the Japanese 
people, which I do not, and I acknowledge they are wonderful people and 
it is a wonderful country, I acknowledge that today and I have many 
Japanese friends, why am I doing this?

                              {time}  1845

  Why am I the author of H.R. 1198? Well, I can tell you, it is a very 
easy answer, but it requires a little story. I was married about 3\1/2\ 
years ago to the love of my life, Rhonda Carmony, who is now Rhonda 
Rohrabacher. Rhonda's father, my wife's father, passed away about 5 
years ago of cancer, and at our wedding someone else had to give her 
away because her father had passed away.
  You might say the grand old man of Rhonda's family is a man named 
Uncle Lou. Now, Uncle Lou is a survivor of the Bataan Death March, who 
was taken by the Japanese to Manchuria and worked and lived in a slave 
labor camp, in a concentration camp in Manchuria, until the closing 
days of the war when he was liberated, and Uncle Lou told me the 
stories, and I met with Uncle Lou's friends who told me the stories of 
their ordeal.
  These men, who are probably some of the most heroic people I have 
ever met, told me of the conditions they were kept in, and then they 
told me that they were unable to sue these Japanese corporations who 
had used them as slave labor, and they were unable to find justice 
through the legal system because our own State Department was thwarting 
them.
  My goal is not to humiliate the Japanese or to make the Japanese feel 
bad, even though in the past they did bad things. The Japanese people 
did bad things in the distant past, and that was another generation. My 
goal is to do justice for Uncle Lou and those 5,400 American heroes who 
survived the Bataan Death March. That is what our goal is.
  Before they pass away, let us give them justice. We need to pass H.R. 
1198. We need to pass H.R. 1198. It needs to come to the floor for a 
vote, and we need to do justice by these men and give them a thank you, 
a thank you for what they did for our country.
  Mr. Speaker, there is nothing that would help Japanese-American 
relations more than to close this chapter in an honest and honorable 
way. Nothing would be better for Japanese-American relations than for 
us to pass H.R. 1198 and to have these Japanese corporations then seek 
to find a settlement with our American POWs and just close the chapter. 
Let us finish this. Let us end it in an honorable way before these men 
die.
  I would ask my colleagues to join me in requesting our leadership to 
bring H.R. 1198 to the floor. I would hope that people would talk to 
their Members of Congress and get them to support my bill, Congressman 
Dana Rohrabacher's bill, H.R. 1198.
  Now, when we talk about Japan and we talk about how we reacted and 
how we react today and are we going to do what is right, those same 
decisions, we are right now trying to close this chapter, but let us 
learn from this chapter in history. We need to learn from this chapter 
in history because some other things are going on in this town that go 
right back to the lessons that we should have learned by the sacrifices 
of these men in the Bataan Death March and our soldiers who gave their 
lives, the men and women who gave their lives and put their lives on 
the line during World War II.
  You see, Uncle Lou was captured in the Bataan Death March, but my own 
father, who passed away 3 years ago, my father was part of the Marine 
military. He was a pilot during the Second World War who took part in 
the liberation of the Philippines. So my father

[[Page H3997]]

helped push the Japanese out of the Philippines, and Uncle Lou was 
captured there when they took over the Philippines in the first place.
  That generation is passing away. My father fought during World War 
II, and during the Cold War, he was in the Marine Corps, and there are 
a lot of lessons to learn from that generation. We owe so much to that 
generation.
  Next week, or sometime soon, I am not sure if it will be on the 
calendar next week, we may be voting on a waiver that will grant normal 
trade relations to Communist China. We need to learn from the lessons 
of history. We need to remember the sacrifices of our brave defenders, 
like Uncle Lou, and, yes, my father as well.
  It seems the more things change, the more they stay the same. During 
the 1920s and 1930s, a militaristic Japan was the primary threat to 
peace and freedom in Asia, and, yes, as part of its alliance with the 
Nazis in Europe, that Axis power, that Axis alliance, was the greatest 
threat to freedom and peace in the world. They were about to usher in a 
new dark age and destroy or put freedom wherever it was under threat.
  During the 1920s and 1930s, and, by the way, Japan could have gone 
either way at the turn of the century, and we did not support the 
democratic movement in Japan. They were murdered, and the internal 
politics in Japan, the militarists kept control of Japan and murdered 
the democratic opposition there, and by the second decade of that last 
century, in the 1920s, Japan emerged as a militaristic expansionist 
power in the Pacific, and they emerged as a potential enemy of the 
United States because of that.
  The Japanese, as I say, were the primary threat in Asia. They were a 
fanatical tyranny in the 1920s and 1930s. They were racist. They 
thought they were racially superior and had a right to dominate all of 
Asia. As I say, they were militaristic, they were beefing up their 
military, and they were expansionists. They were taking control of 
islands and fortifying them all over the Pacific as they built up their 
own military into an offensive power.

  Last, which is an interesting comparison, they were also involved 
with trade with the United States. They were a wealthy power. They had 
a very strong economy and a high standard of living, and they depended 
a great deal on trade with the United States. In fact, the Japanese 
were engaged in a lot of business with American corporations, and we 
provided them, at a great profit to these American corporations, I 
might add, we provided them with steel and oil and scrap metal, and, 
yes, even some of our aerospace companies were involved with working 
with the Japanese. All of this, if it rings true a little bit when you 
think about the comparisons about what has been happening with the 
Communist Chinese, it is rather frightening.
  Yes, there have been reports of, and we know now that some of 
America's aerospace corporations are actually cooperating with them, 
and one of our companies is actually trying to develop a manufacturing 
unit that would help them manufacture their equivalent of the B-17, a 
long-range bomber.
  This is incredible now. What American corporation would do this at a 
time when the Japanese were the biggest human rights abuser in the 
world by what they had been doing in China and to the people that they 
had subjugated, and that they were militaristic and a threat, and they 
were dictatorial, with no sight of liberalization? Why would we let 
American corporations guide American policy while that was going on?
  That is with precisely what was going on then, and that is precisely 
what happened, and that is what is precisely happening today. The 
Communist Chinese are the greatest threat to peace and freedom in Asia 
today, and, in fact, I would say in the world today, because they are 
allied with the worst and most evil forces in the world, just as the 
Japanese militarists were during the 1920s and 1930s.
  The Chinese Communists are a fanatical tyranny. Those ruthless 
individuals who control Communist China will let nothing get in their 
way or nothing threaten their power. They are a fanatical tyranny, just 
like the Japanese militarists of World War II and before that. If you 
watch the Chinese military marching along, one can only be reminded of 
the Japanese troops that marched in that very same arrogant fashion.
  Yes, the Chinese who control Beijing today are racist. They believe 
that they have a superior race and that they have a right to dominate 
all of Asia. And, yes, of course, they are militaristic.
  The worst part of their military expansion, however, is that the 
United States of America, in permitting the economic rules of 
engagement in which we interact with Communist China, is permitting the 
Communist Chinese to have an $80 billion annual trade surplus with the 
United States. With this $80 billion of hard currency, what is being 
done by the Communist Chinese? What is being done is they are building 
up their military. They are acquiring weapons systems that will enable 
them to incinerate Americans by the millions in terms of their nuclear 
weapons capacity and their missile capacity. But they are also 
obtaining weapons that will permit them to sink American aircraft 
carriers and shoot down American airplanes and to kill American 
military personnel.
  They are not only militaristic, however, they are also expansionists, 
just as the Japanese were expansionists. Take a look at what the 
Japanese claimed. They had a map of the coprosperity sphere. We have 
Chinese maps which show they, too, believe there is a coprosperity 
sphere, and guess who is in the center of it? And it is a far greater 
area of control that the Chinese have in mind than the Japanese.
  The Chinese have in mind that they control the entire South China 
Sea, that they control all the way up to the shoreline of the 
Philippines and of Indonesia and of Vietnam and Southeast Asia. They 
have a right to control all of Tibet and the greater expanses of Asia 
and Southeast Asia, and they have a right to the great Siberian areas 
of Russia.
  This is an expansionist power. These are people who are mad with 
power, just as the Japanese militarists were in the 1920s and 1930s. 
And just as the Japanese militarists were fortifying islands with their 
military weapons and their capabilities during the 1920s and 1930s, 
China is in the process of doing that now.
  In the Spratly Islands, which are an island chain that are claimed by 
five different countries and are 600 miles away from China, but about 
100 miles away from the Philippines, and also mainly claimed by the 
Philippines, Chinese Communists are in the middle of an island 
grab, and what they are doing is sending their warships there, and they 
have already built fortifications.

  Let me add that I, this Congressman, Dana Rohrabacher, tried to visit 
the Spratly Islands. For years I tried to visit the Spratly Islands and 
was prevented from doing so by roadblocks that were put up by who? Who 
do you think put up those roadblocks so as a Member of Congress, as a 
Member of the Committee on International Relations, that I would not be 
able to see what the Communist Chinese were doing in the Spratly 
Islands? Who put up those roadblocks? My gosh, the same company that is 
preventing our POWs from suing the Japanese. It is called the United 
States State Department.
  So when I finally got to the Spratly Islands on an old C-130, I might 
add, from the Philippine military, it was the only one that could fly, 
I managed to fly out in an old C-130. I had Skunk Baxter with me and a 
couple of staffers and some folks from the Government of the 
Philippines. The pilot did not even have a GPS. That is how poor the 
Philippines are, they did not have a GPS system in the only C-130 
flying, and they had a Radio Shack GPS system.
  But we made our way to the Spratly Islands. We came out of a cloud 
bank, and there were three huge Chinese military warships, and what we 
saw in the Spratly Islands was the Chinese fortifying those islands 
with military fortifications. This is somebody else's country and 
somebody else's territory, and they are fortifying it, and they have 
Chinese warships in the lagoon. Those Chinese sailors were rushing 
towards their guns, and we did not know if they were going to try to 
shoot us down or what, and they did not, and we finally escaped that 
international incident.
  Since that time, guess what has happened? We have let them get away 
with it. We have let them not only lay their claim, but actually build 
forts there.

[[Page H3998]]

  Now what have they done? They have done the same thing in the South 
China Sea, in the Paracel Islands down off of Vietnam.

                              {time}  1900

  They have also, I might add, since that time begun to send their 
naval war vessels right up to the coast of the Philippines. A few weeks 
ago, Chinese war ships were within a short distance from the coast of 
the Philippines. This is an expansionist power. This is a power that 
threatens. This is the world's worst human rights abuser. As Japan was 
the world's worst human rights abuser in the 1920s and 1930s, the 
Chinese are the same with us today. They are expansionist, they are 
racist, they are militaristic. Yet we have a trade status with them 
that permits them an $80 billion surplus.
  Now, why do we do this? Within the next couple of weeks, why will 
this body vote to give that kind of country Normal Trade Relations with 
the United States? I repeat that: Normal Trade Relations. Should a 
communist dictatorship have Normal Trade Relations? Should a fanatical 
tyranny that is racist, the world's worst human rights abuser, a 
country that is expanding its military power, an expansionist in its 
territory, is this the kind of country that we want to give Normal 
Trade Relations to?
  Mr. Speaker, I believe in free trade. I am a Republican free-trader. 
But I believe in free trade between free people. If we try to do it the 
other way around, we are doing nothing but bolstering the regime in 
power in these dictatorial countries around the world.
  How long ago was it? Just a few short weeks ago that 24 military 
American personnel that were being held hostage by this very same 
Communist Chinese Government. They, in fact, forced an American 
surveillance aircraft that was in international waters out of the air 
in an attempt to murder those 24 American service personnel. Instead, 
the plane made its way to Hinan Island, luckily; and then they were 
held hostage for 11 days. That was not so long ago. And now, within a 
very short period of time, the elected Members of this body are going 
to vote by a majority to give Normal Trade Relations to that 
government. That does not make any sense.
  Not only were they holding hostage our American military personnel, 
but we actually have several Americans who are being held right now as 
we speak, or at least legal residents of the United States, who are 
being held hostage or being held prisoner by the Chinese, and we are 
basically talking about giving Normal Trade Relations to a country that 
is holding Americans, or at least legal residents of our country, 
holding them illegally, committing torture.
  There was a young lady and her daughter who came to our hearing of 
the Committee on International Relations. Her husband, who is a doctor, 
a Ph.D., is being held by the Communist Chinese, and her daughter and 
this lady were begging us: please, please, demand that they bring back 
my husband, and he is an academic. He is an academic.
  The Communist Chinese today are doing what? They are murdering Falon 
Gong people. Falon Gong, by the way, is nothing more than a meditation 
cult. I mean, they meditate and they have yoga; and they are being 
imprisoned by the tens of thousands and hundreds of them are being 
murdered in jail, hundreds of them. Many of these women, they are being 
tortured, not to mention Christians, of course, who, if you do not 
register like the Jews did with the Nazis, if you do not register, you 
get thrown in a gulag. What happens in China? What happens in China 
when you get thrown into the gulag? Yes, right back to World War II. 
Guess what? Their prisoners are worked like animals.
  Mr. Speaker, I would suggest that we should not be granting Normal 
Trade Relations to a country like this. And when those prisoners are 
executed, and thousands of them are, China is the execution capital of 
the world, what does this ghoulish regime in China do? It sends 
doctors, their doctors out to harvest the organs from the bodies of the 
prisoners that they have just executed.
  Mr. Speaker, I say it is time that we learn our lessons from history, 
not grant Normal Trade Relations with China, and to make sure we stand 
up for the rights of our own people and the freedom and dignity of our 
ex-POWs.

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