[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 78 (Thursday, June 7, 2001)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5969-S5970]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. SCHUMER (for himself, Mr. Smith of Oregon, Mr. Akaka, Mr. 
        Allard, Mr. Allen, Mr. Bayh, Mr. Bennett, Mr. Biden, Mr. 
        Bingaman, Mrs. Boxer, Mr. Breaux, Mr. Brownback, Mr. Bunning, 
        Mr. Campbell, Ms. Cantwell, Mrs. Carnahan, Mr. Cleland, Mrs. 
        Clinton, Mr. Cochran, Ms. Collins, Mr. Conrad, Mr. Corzine, Mr. 
        Craig, Mr. Crapo, Mr. Daschle, Mr. Dayton, Mr. Dodd, Mr. 
        Dorgan, Mr. Durbin, Mr. Edwards, Mr. Ensign, Mrs. Feinstein, 
        Mr. Frist, Mr. Graham, Mr. Grassley, Mr. Gregg, Mr. Harkin, Mr. 
        Hatch, Mr. Helms, Mr. Hollings, Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Inouye, Mr. 
        Johnson, Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Kohl, Mr. Kyl, Ms. 
        Landrieu, Mr. Levin, Mr. Lieberman, Mr. Lott, Mr. McCain, Mr. 
        McConnell, Ms. Mikulski, Mr. Miller, Mrs. Murray, Mr. Nelson of 
        Florida, Mr. Nelson of Nebraska, Mr. Reed, Mr. Reid, Mr. 
        Rockefeller, Mr. Santorum, Mr. Sarbanes, Mr. Sessions, Mr. 
        Shelby, Mr. Smith of New Hampshire, Ms. Snowe, Ms. Stabenow, 
        Mr. Thomas, Mr. Torricelli, Mr. Voinovich, Mr. Warner, Mr. 
        Wellstone, Mr. Wyden, and Mr. Fitzgerald):
  S. 994. A bill to amend the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 to 
extend authorities under that Act; to the Committee on Banking, 
Housing, and Urban Affairs.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I rise today to announce the introduction 
of the Iran-Libya Sanctions Extension Act, which extends American 
sanctions against foreign companies which invest in Iran and Libya's 
oil sectors for 5 years.
  At a time when many people in Washington are seeking to review 
America's sanctions policies, this bill--with its 74 original 
cosponsors--says that sanctions against the world's worst rogue states 
will remain firmly in place. I hope that President Bush will recognize 
the message sent by the overwhelming support for this legislation, and 
will put to rest the idea that the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act might 
expire or be weakened.
  ILSA has been one of America's best weapons in our war against 
terrorism, because it is aimed at cutting off the flow of money that 
terrorist groups depend on to fund their attacks and operations.
  Over the past 5 years, ILSA has effectively deterred foreign 
investment in Iran's oil fields: of the 55 projects for which Iran 
sought foreign investment, only 6 have been funded, and none have been 
completed.
  That's what ILSA's all about: it limits the ability of Iran and Libya 
to reap oil profits that can be spent funding terrorism and for weapons 
of mass destruction.
  Even with ILSA in place, Iran continues to supply upwards of $100 
million to Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad and Hamas--which claimed 
responsibility for the suicide bombing last week in Tel Aviv that 
killed 20 Israeli children.
  Can you imagine how much more Iran would be spending on terrorism

[[Page S5970]]

and weapons of mass destruction if they had billions more in oil 
profits rolling in?
  The truth is, ILSA is needed now more than ever.
  Despite the election of the so-called ``moderate'' President Mohammad 
Khatami in 1997, Iran remains the world's most active state sponsor of 
terrorism, and has been feverishly seeking to develop weapons of mass 
destruction.
  And on the eve of another election in Iran, Khatami continues to 
vilify the United States, and in his most recent call for the 
destruction of Israel, referred to Israel as ``a parasite in the heart 
of the Muslim world.'' These are not the words of a moderate, worthy of 
American concessions.
  As far as Libya is concerned, we all learned recently that the Libyan 
government was directly involved in the bombing of Pan Am 103--one of 
the most heinous acts of terrorism in history.
  Yet Libya obstinately refuses to abide by U.N. Security Council 
resolutions requiring it to formally renounce terrorism, accept 
responsibility for the government officials convicted of masterminding 
the bombing, and compensate the victims' families.
  Some say we should lift sanctions on rogue nations like Iran and 
Libya first, and decent, moral, internationally-acceptable behavior 
will follow.
  I say that is twisted logic.
  If these nations are serious about entering the community of nations, 
and seeing their economies benefit from global integration, they must 
change their behavior first.
  They must adapt to the world community, the world community does not 
need to adapt to them.
  The bottom line is that these sanctions must remain in place until 
Iran ends its support of international terrorism, and ends its 
dangerous quest for catastrophic weapons.
  For Libya, it means full acceptance of responsibility for the Pan Am 
103 bombing and full compensation for the families of the victims.
  If that day arrives, ILSA will no longer be needed and will be 
terminated. Unfortunately, that day is not yet in sight.
  Finally, I would urge the Bush Administration, as it reviews American 
sanctions policies, to consider that letting ILSA expire would send the 
wrong message to Iran and Libya.
  This is not the time to weaken sanctions and permit investment that 
can be used to fund terrorist acts like the one we saw in Israel last 
week.
  Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I join my colleagues in support of 
renewing the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act to protect American interests in 
the Middle East. Despite promising changes within Iranian society, 
Iran's external behavior remains provocative and destabilizing. Iran 
continues to aggressively foment terrorism beyond its borders and 
develop weapons of mass destruction as a matter of national policy. 
Consistent calls from its leaders for Israel's destruction, and the 
Iranian government's bankrolling of murderous behavior by Hezbollah, 
Hamas, and other terrorist groups, should make clear to all friends of 
peace where Iran stands, and what role it has played, in the 
conflagration that threatens to consume an entire region.
  Of grave concern are recent revelations that implicate Iran's most 
senior leaders in the 1996 terrorist attack on Khobar Towers, which 
took the lives of 19 U.S. service men. If true, America's response 
should extend far beyond renewing ILSA.
  The successful conclusion of the Lockerbie trial, which explicitly 
implicated Libya's intelligence services in the attack, does not 
absolve Libya of its obligations to meet fully the terms of the U.N. 
Security Council resolutions governing the multilateral sanctions 
regime against it. Libya has not done so. Libya's support for state 
terrorism, as certified again this year by our State Department, and 
its aggressive efforts to develop chemical and potentially nuclear 
weapons, exclude Libya from the ranks of law-abiding nations.
  Lifting sanctions on Iran and Libya at this time would be premature 
and would unjustly reward their continuing hostility to basic 
international norms of behavior. Overwhelming Congressional support for 
renewing the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act reflects a clear, majority 
consensus on U.S. relations with these rogue regimes. Were the foreign 
and national security policies of Iran and Libya truly responsive to 
the will of their people, our relationship with their nations would be 
far different. But Libya's Qaddafi and Iran's ruling clerics hold their 
citizens hostage by their iron grip on power. Supporting their 
replacement by leaders elected by and accountable to their people 
should be a priority of American policy.
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