[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 63 (Wednesday, May 9, 2001)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4559-S4560]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SENATE PARLIAMENTARIAN
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, the Senate has just undergone an abrupt
change in an office well known to all of us here in the Senate, but
hardly visible, until lately, outside of the Senate--the office of the
Senate Parliamentarian. I wish to make some comments on this matter.
But first I would like to commend the outgoing Parliamentarian, Robert
Dove, for his years of devoted service and to congratulate Alan Frumin
on his assumption of the duties of the office.
In my view, there are important institutional considerations that
must guide the selection of any individual who aspires to become the
Parliamentarian of the Senate.
A long career in non-partisan service in the Senate offers the
obvious benefit of experience, and fosters a detailed comprehension of
the Senate's institutional role. An understanding of the Senate's
unique constitutional role can best be developed by actually working on
the floor of the Senate, and by close observation of Senate debate.
A prospective parliamentarian should have little or no history of
active partisan politics but instead should demonstrate an interest in
the whole Senate as an institution. An individual with such a
background can best represent the Senate's prerogatives in its dealings
with the other departments of Government and with the other body, the
House of Representatives.
To date, each person who has served as Senate Parliamentarian has
devoted a career to non-partisan service to the Senate. Every person
who has become Senate Parliamentarian has served at least a decade as
an assistant Senate parliamentarian before rising to the position of
Senate Parliamentarian. Each person who has become Parliamentarian was
promoted to that role from the status of most senior assistant
parliamentarian.
The five individuals who have been Senate Parliamentarian--and I have
known them all--served an average of 12 years in the Secretary's Office
before becoming Parliamentarian, with none less than 10 years. Each
Parliamentarian served as an apprentice to his predecessor and
progressed in sequence through the ranks following his predecessor.
The first Parliamentarian, Charles Watkins, served in the office of
the Secretary of the Senate as the Journal Clerk for 13 years before
becoming Senate Parliamentarian.
The second Parliamentarian, Dr. Floyd Riddick, who only recently
passed from this life, served in the office of the Secretary of the
Senate for 17 years, 13 as assistant parliamentarian, before becoming
Senate Parliamentarian.
The third Parliamentarian, Murray Zweben, who I believe only recently
was deceased, served in the Parliamentarian's office for 16 years, 13
as assistant parliamentarian, before becoming Parliamentarian. The
fourth Parliamentarian, Bob Dove, served as an assistant
parliamentarian for 14\1/2\ years before becoming Parliamentarian. The
fifth Parliamentarian, Alan Frumin, served as an assistant
parliamentarian for 10 years and had a total of almost 13 years of non-
partisan Congressional service before becoming Parliamentarian.
Mr. President, trust is the basis of all fruitful human
relationships. Loss of trust has poisoned many a well
Kings have fallen, presidents have fallen, and Senators have fallen
because the people lost their trust. Treaties have been abrogated
because trust was compromised. Especially in a body like the Senate,
where one's word is one's currency, trust makes the wheels turn. Trust
and comity, I would say, are the twin pillars upon which this body
really rests.
The Parliamentarian is the keeper of the rules. He guards the
precedents. He keeps the game fair. His advice about complicated
procedural matters must be above suspicion. Both sides must view him as
having no personal agenda--no goal but the goal of the best interests
of the institution; no calling but the calling of doing his utmost to
see that the Senate remains true to its constitutional mandate. He must
be trusted by both sides.
Such an individual must be steeped in the Senate's history and
traditions. He or she must understand intuitively not only the rules
and precedents but also the underlying principles which they seek to
protect and the pitfalls they seek to avoid. His must be a calling and
a commitment. His must be a labor of love.
It is heavy, heavy lifting--not a job for a faint heart or a faint
intellect.
Benjamin Disraeli once observed that, ``Individualities may form
communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation.''
The Senate is the one institution in that constellation of
institutional stars that comprise the universe of a Representative
democracy which is designed to protect the rights of the minority. The
right of unlimited debate and the right to amend are prima facie
evidence of the Senate's raison d'etre.
Unlike the House of Representatives, unlike the Judiciary, the Senate
alone guarantees that the minority will be heard, and will have the
opportunity to alter the course of events.
In the Senate, when we speak of the minority of the membership, we
also speak of the minority of the States.
The Parliamentarian and his rulings are key to guarding those rights
and preventing the Senate from losing its purpose. Remember, majorities
change, and it is in the interests of both political parties to have an
independent, experienced keeper of the Senate's historical and
constitutional mandate.
There must never, ever be a majority or a minority parliamentarian.
As difficult as it may be in such times as these, we must all work
together to strive to avoid the crass politicization of that critical
office. Such an event, were it ever to occur, would be a nail in the
coffin of the United States Senate. We must not travel down that road,
no matter how tempting such a path may be. Expediency must never become
the watchword of the Parliamentarian.
I have given most of my life to this institution of the Senate. To me
this is hallowed ground. This Chamber is a sanctuary. To me the
protection of the liberty of the people rests squarely on these old
floors. I speak not as a member of any political party today. I speak
only, as I hope I am, as a faithful steward of this grand and glorious
institution. I hope that we all can come together in a spirit of true
bipartisanship to reject any tendency to use the office of
Parliamentarian as a tool for partisan advantage.
To guard against such a possibility, I urge that any decision to
remove or replace a Parliamentarian be the joint decision of both
Leaders.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
Mr. DOMENICI. Mr. President, might I say to the distinguished
Senator, with reference to this place, that while I can't claim to have
spent as much of my life as you, it seems almost forever. It has been
29 years for me. It has been
[[Page S4560]]
a long time since I first met you. You had been here a long time before
you met the Senator from New Mexico. But I have 29 years of activity
here of seeing how things are done.
This is a rather unique institution--unique in the very best sense of
the word. You really have to be part of it for a while. You can't just
read a history book. Many political scientists have written about it,
but none have really captured what it is.
What you say about trust and comity is very right. There is no doubt
about it. When people ask you how it runs, you say by rules. But by
unanimous consent, a lot of the time, Senators can agree. A lot of
times they are not here when agreements are entered into. Leadership
does that. That is just one example. Everybody trusts them. They trust
us who are doing it. We put together a unanimous consent, or my good
friend, the ranking member, did, and it sounds right to both sides.
Everybody thinks we are not going to cut them out or improperly agree
to something. But we run that way.
Unanimous consent is an interesting word. It means a lot of comity, a
lot of trustworthiness between individual Members.
I am not as acquainted with the history, but I have known a number of
those who are mentioned.
But you took to the floor talking about this great institution of
America, and about its moving forward. I thank you.
When I talked about whether your time should come off the resolution
and about whether you had 15 minutes or an hour, whatever you needed,
you got.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from New
Mexico, my friend.
Mr. DOMENICI. Thank you.
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