[Congressional Record Volume 147, Number 39 (Thursday, March 22, 2001)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E442-E444]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 ADDRESS OF SECRETARY OF STATE COLIN L. POWELL TO THE AMERICAN ISRAEL 
                        PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. TOM LANTOS

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, March 22, 2001

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on Monday of this week, Secretary of State 
Colin L. Powell addressed the annual meeting of the American Israel 
Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) here in Washington. His remarks were 
outstanding. He set forth the Bush Administration's views and policy on 
America's relations with our strategic ally Israel and on the search 
for peace in that troubled and difficult region of the world.
  Secretary Powell brings great depth of knowledge and understanding of 
our nations foreign and security policy. Our country is indeed well 
served to have a person of such broad international experience and 
distinction having the principal responsibility for the conduct of 
American foreign policy.
  Mr. Speaker, Secretary Powell's address to the AIPAC conference are 
of such importance that I request they be placed in the Record. I urge 
all of my colleagues in the House to read and carefully consider his 
excellent and thoughtful remarks.

         Remarks at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee

                       Secretary Colin L. Powell

       Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you very 
     much, ladies and gentlemen, and thank you, Tim, for that very 
     kind introduction. It's a great pleasure to be back here to 
     speak to AIPAC. Amazing that it has been ten years. And it is 
     especially charming to be introduced as the son of an 
     immigrant to the United States who entered the shmata 
     business. I haven't heard that in a long time.
       There are many people here who don't know what that means, 
     but I do. For those of you who were here ten years ago, you 
     remember that there was a lot of speculation at that time 
     that I was absolutely fluent in Yiddish. I did nothing to 
     dispel the speculation. And when I was walking offstage to 
     confirm it, I said, ``Well, yes, I do understand a bissel.''
       But I am pleased to be here this morning, and especially to 
     see so many friends in the room. AIPAC has a long and 
     commendable record of promoting the unique relationship that 
     exists between the United States and Israel. Both countries 
     are better for your efforts, and so I thank and congratulate 
     you for all you have done over the years.
       We meet today in a world that is much different than that 
     world of ten years ago, a world that is changing still more 
     every day before our eyes. Ours is a world no longer defined 
     by competition between two rival theological superpower 
     blocs, the red and the blue side of the map; no longer 
     engaged in a competition that had the potential to destroy 
     humankind in a matter of minutes.
       Instead, today we find ourselves involved in complex 
     relationships that defy easy, Cold War red-and-blue 
     characterizations of being either friend or foe. And making 
     matters even more complicated is the reality that there are 
     new powerful phenomena that affect the way we interact with 
     each other. Ideas and dollars and drugs and terrorists cross 
     national boundaries at the speed of light with impunity as a 
     result of the information and technology revolutions. Old 
     concepts of borders and political definitions are being 
     shaken by the information and technology revolutions. And all 
     of this presents the United States with an array of new 
     opportunities, but also new and difficult challenges.
       The Bush Administration is only two months old, so taking 
     stock of how we are going to deal with this new world is a 
     bit premature. Still, some central aspects of our foreign 
     policy are emerging. As President Bush highlighted in his 
     address to Congress on February 27th, we are committed to 
     doing everything we can to promote freedom and open markets 
     around the world. That is what reshaping this world, the 
     possibility of open markets and freedom reaching into the 
     darkest corners of the world. We are also committed to 
     gaining trade promotion authority from the Congress so that 
     we can expand the horizons and dimensions of world commerce 
     for the benefit of all peoples of the world.
       And we are committed to creating a new strategic framework, 
     one defined by lower levels of nuclear weapons and a greater 
     role for missile defense. This is time to change the nuclear 
     equation of mutual assured destruction to a more sensible 
     strategic arrangement.
       Little of this can happen if we work alone. President Bush 
     has made it clear that a hallmark of our foreign policy will 
     be the need to consult and work closely with friends and 
     allies. Such collaboration, for example, is at the core of 
     our policy with respect to Iraq. Tim touched on it a moment 
     ago. Iraq is still a challenge which is receiving early 
     attention from the Bush Administration.
       Our goal is to strengthen the international coalition that 
     for a decade has helped to keep the peace in this important 
     part of the world. And during my recent trip to the region, I 
     discussed with friends across the region how best to continue 
     to prevent the Iraqi regime from acquiring or developing 
     weapons of mass destruction or the means to reconstitute its 
     military forces.
       As a result of those consultations, we are now exploring 
     ways to strengthen the arms control elements of the UN 
     sanctions, while addressing the legitimate humanitarian needs 
     of the Iraqi people. And we believe this can be done and must 
     be done to protect the children and the people of the region 
     from these terrible weapons. We will have more to say about 
     Iraq following the completion of our policy review, and after 
     further discussions with our key partners.
        The same holds true for our policy towards Iran. We are 
     studying Iran in considerable depth within the new team. Even 
     now, however, it is apparent that certain aspects of Iranian 
     Government behavior--the support for terrorism, repression of 
     the rights of the Iranian people, especially those of Jewish 
     descent, unfairly charged and harshly imprisoned--are of deep 
     concern. This is of deep concern to the United States and to 
     the American people, and we will not turn aside and ignore 
     this kind of behavior.
       We are also concerned about Iranian efforts to develop 
     weapons of mass destruction and to increase its conventional 
     military strength. Indeed, I have gone so far as to raise 
     with senior Russian officials the role that Russia is playing 
     in these dangerous and destabilizing efforts. We will not 
     overlook what Russia is doing to cause this sort of problem.
       At the same time, we are aware of the intellectual and 
     political foment taking place within Iran. Things are 
     happening, things are changing, and we will continue to watch 
     these developments closely and hopefully.
       Clearly there is a great deal going on around the world 
     that merits our attention, from the Persian Gulf to North 
     Korea, and from Macedonia to the Democratic Republic of the 
     Congo. But my focus this morning will be on the Middle East 
     and, in particular, on Israel and on the search for peace. 
     And let me begin with Israel.
       As Governor George W. Bush said to your conference a year 
     ago, America and Israel have a special friendship. Ladies and 
     gentlemen, I am here today to reaffirm this friendship. It 
     involves every aspect of life.
       From the realms of politics and economics to those of 
     security and culture, this relationship is strong. This 
     relationship between fellow democracies is and will remain 
     rock solid. It is an unconditional bond that is both deep and 
     wide, one based on history, on interests, on values, and on 
     principle. We are dedicated to preserving this special 
     relationship with Israel and the Israeli people. We recognize 
     that Israel lives in a very dangerous neighborhood. So we 
     will work, we will look for ways to strengthen and expand our 
     valuable strategic cooperation with Israel so that we can 
     help preserve Israel's qualitative military edge.
       Our collaboration in missile defense is one prominent area 
     that comes to mind in this regard. The simple fact of the 
     matter is we believe that a secure Israel within 
     international recognized borders remains a cornerstone of the 
     United States foreign policy. There is no substitute. For me, 
     this is not just policy; it is also personal. I have traveled 
     to Israel on many occasions, as a young general working for 
     the Secretary of Defense, as National Security Advisor to 
     President Reagan, as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 
     for President Bush, and just a few weeks ago as Secretary of 
     State for the latest President Bush.
       No matter in what capacity I visited, my reaction was 
     always the same. Israel is a country blessed with men and 
     women of extraordinary talent and vision and courage. From 
     the moment of my first visit, I committed myself to doing all 
     that I could do to make sure that the people of Israel would 
     always have the support they needed from me and from the 
     United States so that they could live in safety.
       We meet here this morning ten years after the liberation of 
     Kuwait, and almost ten years since the 1991 Madrid Conference 
     that for the first time brought Israel and all of her 
     immediate neighbors face to face. As then-President George 
     Bush said, ``They had come to Madrid on a mission of hope to 
     begin work on the just, lasting and comprehensive settlement 
     to the conflict in the Middle East, to seek peace for a part 
     of the world that in the long memory of man has known far too 
     much hatred, anguish and war.''
       Since Madrid, we have seen some remarkable achievements. 
     Like many of you, I was

[[Page E443]]

     there on the South Lawn of the White House in September of 
     1993 to witness the signing of the Declaration of Principles 
     that laid the foundation for subsequent Israeli-Palestinian 
     agreements, that provided most of the Palestinian people with 
     meaningful control over their own fate, and most Israelis 
     with greater security. I will never forget the famous 
     handshake in that moment of high hope.
       Just over a year later, in October 1994, we saw the signing 
     of the Israeli-Jordan peace treaty that ended the state of 
     conflict between these two neighbors and resulted in the 
     opening of embassies. More recently, in May of last year, 
     there was complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon 
     under UN Security Council 425.
       These momentous developments were bracketed by two 
     important events: the repeal nearly a decade ago of the 
     odious Zionism as Racism Resolution in the United Nations 
     General Assembly. And in May 2000 Israel's joining the 
     Western Europe and Others group, the first time Israel has 
     gained representation in the UN regional grouping.
       Unfortunately, as we all know too well, these and other 
     achievements are neither permanent nor sufficient. What has 
     been done can all too easily be undone. This Administration 
     inherited the Middle East situation in which the prospects 
     for peace have dimmed dramatically under a seemingly endless 
     cycle of violence, and an almost breakdown of the trust, 
     mutual confidence and hope that had been built up in recent 
     years. Bullets and bombs have replaced words. Incitement and 
     hurtful rhetoric have replaced quiet efforts to enhance 
     mutual understanding. Negotiations are in abeyance.
       It is not my intention to spend time here today theorizing 
     as to how we arrived at this point, or suggesting what could 
     or should have been done by one or another party at any 
     particular junction. What is clear, though, is that the 
     impact on Israelis of failed negotiations at Camp David and 
     the ensuing violence has been nothing less than tragic. 
     Hundreds have been injured, scores have been killed. And for 
     every one of these losses a family grieves. For every one of 
     these losses, a dream is destroyed. The sense of personal 
     security is far weaker. The economy has suffered 
     significantly.
       The impact has also been tragic for Palestinians. Thousands 
     have been injured. Hundreds have died. And for every one of 
     these losses, a family grieves. For every one of these 
     losses, a dream is destroyed. The Palestinian economy is in 
     shambles, with unemployment skyrocketing and growth absent. 
     Internal and external closures have disrupted normal 
     movement.
       The net result of all of this is that Israelis have come to 
     question whether a peaceful arrangement with the Palestinians 
     is possible, and Palestinians have come to question whether 
     peaceful coexistence with Israel is compatible with their own 
     political aspirations.
       We must not allow these questions to come to be answered in 
     the negative. We cannot allow the dream of peace to perish. 
     It would be a tragedy for the region.
       I have no magic formula. I cannot snap my fingers and make 
     the current situation go away or turn it around. What I can 
     do, however, is to present some basic ideas that will guide 
     the approach of the United States under the Bush 
     Administration as we approach the Middle East and the 
     Israeli-Palestinian dispute in the future--a few ideas that 
     we believe can contribute to the prospects for peace.
       First and foremost, the violence must stop. Violence is 
     corrosive of everything the parties in the region hope to 
     achieve. Violence saps the psychological well-being of every 
     child, parent and grandparent. Violence makes every life 
     insecure. Violence provokes armed reaction, not compromises. 
     Leaders have the responsibility to denounce violence, strip 
     it of legitimacy, stop it. Violence is a dead end.
       Second, the status quo is costly and, if allowed to drift, 
     will only lead to greater tragedy. Neither Israelis nor 
     Palestinians are served by the current situation. Both sides 
     require a dialogue that will lead to mutually acceptable 
     political, economic and security arrangements--be they 
     transitional or permanent, partial or whole.
       Third, the parties themselves hold the keys to their own 
     futures. Peace will only be at hand when leaders have the 
     courage and the vision to make difficult decisions and defend 
     them to their own publics. Unilateral actions sure to provoke 
     the other side should be avoided. Turning to the United 
     States or other outside parties to pressure one or another 
     party, or to impose a settlement, is not the answer. Debating 
     and passing new UN resolutions is unlikely to make a 
     contribution. In the end, there is no substitute for the give 
     and take of direct negotiations. Peace is a cooperative 
     endeavor. At the end of the day, Israelis and Palestinians 
     will either be partners or antagonists.
       Fourth, both parties have a stake in the restoration of 
     normal economic life. They need to work to rebuild the level 
     of trust and confidence that had existed. Israelis and 
     Palestinians must each take steps to build confidence with 
     the other to provide one another with evidence that their 
     respective leaders can then point to in order to justify 
     their own compromises.
       And fifth, the United States stands ready to assist, not 
     insist. (Applause.) Again, only the parties themselves can 
     determine the pace and scope and content of any negotiations. 
     Each party knows full well what the other values most dearly. 
     Each party knows full well what the other fears most deeply. 
     Progress will only come as statements and behavior come to 
     reflect this knowledge.
       Here, history has two useful things to teach us: Israelis 
     and Palestinians have the ability to make peace; and peace 
     arrived at voluntarily by the parties themselves is likely to 
     prove more robust and able to withstand the inevitable 
     pressures and setbacks than a peace widely viewed as 
     developed by others--or worse yet, imposed.
       The United States will stay involved. We have no intention 
     of ignoring our responsibilities or the role we have played 
     in the past. The truth is, we could not turn our backs on 
     this part of the world even if we wanted to. Vital US 
     interests are at stake. The United States has a vital 
     interest in the security of Israel. We also have vital 
     economic and strategic interests at stake in the region. And 
     Americans care, care deeply, about the human toll that is the 
     result of violence. We understand full well that these 
     interests and concerns will be served best by a peace that 
     both Israelis and Palestinians can embrace.
       For these reasons, the United States will not be silent. We 
     will speak out if we hear words or see actions that 
     contribute to confrontation or detract from the promise of 
     negotiations. We will not strive for some arbitrary measure 
     of even-handedness when responsibility is not evenly shared.
       Other states of the region and beyond have a role to play 
     in stabilizing the environment for Israelis and Palestinians. 
     These other states should be voices of moderation, counseling 
     pragmatism and realism, and providing support for acts of 
     statesmanship. It is also important that they match words 
     with deeds. I note, for example, that no Arab state now 
     maintains a resident ambassador in Israel. This is most 
     unfortunate.
       My emphasis today on Israel and the Palestinians does not 
     signal a lack of interest in other potential areas for 
     diplomacy. On the contrary, the United States continues to 
     support a comprehensive peace in the Middle East, one based 
     on UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338, and the 
     formula of land for peace. We very much hope that Israel and 
     Syria and Israel and Lebanon will find a mutually acceptable 
     means to resume talks on each of these two tracks.
       In the meantime, we strongly urge and have strongly urged 
     all the parties in the tense areas touching Israel, Lebanon 
     and Syria to exercise maximum restraint and avoid any 
     provocative and destabilizing activities. The Israeli 
     decision to withdrawal from southern Lebanon creates a major 
     opportunity for stability that should not be squandered.
       This week, President Bush and I, along with other senior 
     members of this Administration, will have the opportunity to 
     sit down with the new Prime Minister of Israel. I have known 
     Prime Minister Sharon for many years. I look forward to 
     resuming the conversation that began during my recent trip 
     while Mr. Sharon was still the Prime Minister-elect. He now 
     has a government in place, and President Bush will want to 
     hear his views on reinforcing our bilateral relations, on his 
     intentions with respect to peace negotiations, and on 
     regional issues of mutual importance.
       In the weeks ahead, several of the most prominent leaders 
     of the Arab world, including President Mubarak of Egypt and 
     King Abdullah of Jordan, will also be visiting Washington. 
     Here again, we look forward to having the benefit of the 
     perspectives of these good friends of the United States.
       The United States has no monopoly in wisdom. We are open, 
     indeed anxious, to hear the views of others, to hear the 
     views of all, to take into account the aspirations of all, 
     the needs of all, and to determine what it is we can all do 
     together to promote the prospects for peace in the region.
       The need to reverse recent momentum could not be more 
     apparent. It is difficult to speak of the contemporary Middle 
     East and not speak of tragedy. Here we stand, at the dawn of 
     the 21st century, and here with the potential to bring more 
     peace and prosperity and freedom to more people than have 
     ever enjoyed such fruits of life in the history of the world. 
     The Middle East stands out, but hardly in a way to be envied. 
     Too much of today's Middle East is mired in old disputes, too 
     many resources are being devoted to the instruments of war, 
     too many lives are being cut short.
       I look forward to the day when the children of this 
     region--all the children of this region--can grow up to be 
     full participants in their own societies and enjoy the fruits 
     of globalization. This can only happen when parents and 
     schools teach peace and not hatred when people are able to 
     focus on the quality of their lives, a Middle East where 
     normal people lead normal lives, where all the peoples of the 
     region can share in the blessings of the blessed land that 
     they occupy.
       Ladies and gentlemen, I try not to make a habit of quoting 
     myself, but I will break this rule today for two reasons: 
     first, I prefer not to end these remarks on so sober a note; 
     and second, some words are worth repeating, wherein the 
     repetition may communicate not only an idea, but the reality 
     that the idea has endured.
       With this in mind, I want to go back ten years to March 
     19th, 1991, when I last had the opportunity to address this 
     distinguished organization. At that time, I said the 
     following: ``We have stood with Israel since the day of its 
     founding; we have stood with

[[Page E444]]

     Israel throughout its history; we have demonstrated again and 
     again that our roots are intertwined, as they are with all 
     nations who share our beliefs in openness and democracy. So 
     let there be no question about our commitment to Israel; let 
     there be no question that America will stand by Israel today; 
     and let there be no question that America will stand by 
     Israel in the future.''
       Today I am proud to say these words remain true. Today I am 
     proud to stand in front of you, not as Chairman of the Joint 
     Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces of the United States, but 
     as the Secretary of State of the United States of America. 
     The Secretary of State has been given the privilege to 
     helping President Bush formulate and execute his foreign 
     policy, and we will have no greater priority than to work 
     with Israel, to work with the Palestinians, to work with all 
     the others in the region to bring peace, a peace that 
     surpasses all understanding of peace that the region needs.
       I'm a former person of war, now I will pursue peace for all 
     the peoples of the region. Shalom.

     

                          ____________________