[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 155 (Friday, December 15, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11841-S11843]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




             RETIREMENT OF SENATOR DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, it saddens me to note that the Senate will 
soon lose one of its most visionary and accomplished members, a great 
American, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan.
  It boggles the mind just to think of all of the important positions 
that Pat Moynihan has held, including cabinet or subcabinet posts under 
four presidents: John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and 
Gerald Ford. He served as Ambassador to India in the 1970's and then as 
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations. He came to the United States 
Senate in 1977 already a scholar, author and public official of great 
distinction and renown. In the 24 years he has spend here, he has only 
greatly expanded his enormous reputation and body of work. Pat Moynihan 
is a Senator's Senator. Over the years, he has earned the respect of 
every member of the Senate.
  Pat Moynihan is a person who has shown tremendous vision throughout 
his life. He has shown foresight about the importance of a strong 
family and about the importance of strong communities in America. He 
raised the critical important of these basic values and concerns about 
the deterioration of these family values, long before others. He has 
shown great foresight about our Constitution. One of the highlights for 
me in my service in the Senate was joining Senator Moynihan and Senator 
Robert Byrd in fighting against the line item veto as a violation of 
our Constitution. And, he has shown great foresight about the world and 
the role of the United States in international affairs. His work at the 
United Nations and in the Senate, as a former Chairman of the Senate 
Select Committee on Intelligence, and as Chairman of the Finance 
Committee have been marked by his perceptive, analytical, and worldly 
view on trade, foreign policy, and intelligence matters. Long before 
others, Senator Moynihan was speaking of the economic and ultimately 
military weaknesses of the Soviet Union and predicting its collapse.
  It is virtually impossible to list all of Pat Moynihan's 
accomplishments in the U.S. Senate. Among the most lasting, however, 
will be his efforts on behalf of architectural excellence in the 
nation's capital. He was a crucial force behind the return to greatness 
of the Pennsylvania Avenue corridor between the U.S. Capital and the 
White House, the restoration of Washington's beautiful, elegant, and 
historic Union Station, and the construction of the Thurgood Marshall 
Judiciary Building here on Capitol Hill.
  The author or editor of eighteen books, Senator Moynihan has been at 
the forefront of the national debate on issues ranging from welfare 
reform, to tax policy to international relations. His most recent book, 
written in 1998, ``Secrecy: The American Experience'' expands on the 
report of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy 
of which he was the Chairman. This is a fascinating and provocative 
review of the history of the development of secrecy in the government 
since World War I and argument for an ``era of openness''.
  At home in New York, in a state which is known for its rough and 
tumble politics, he has shown leadership again and again, demonstrating 
the power of intellect and the ability to rise above the fray. That has 
been a wonderful contribution not just to New York but to all of 
America.
  As they leave the Senate family, which will never forget their huge 
contribution, we salute Pat and Elizabeth Moynihan.
  Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, in the 211-year history of the United 
States Senate, the State of New York has one of the richest and most 
storied legacies.
  Since 1789, New York has sent to the Senate 63 Senators. I have had 
the distinct privilege of serving with four of them, most memorably, 
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan.
  When the people of New York elected Pat Moynihan to represent them 
nearly 25 years ago, they sent to Washington a uniquely gifted and 
talented man. Those are the reasons, Senator Moynihan is one of only 
two, out of 63 Senators from New York, to have been elected to four 
consecutive terms in the United States Senate.
  Senator Moynihan began his service to this nation more than 50 years 
ago when he served in the United States Navy from 1944-1947--and he 
never stopped being ``Mr. Public Servant.'' He served one governor, New 
York's Averell Harriman, and four United States Presidents: two 
Democrats, Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, and two Republicans, 
Presidents Nixon and Ford.
  What a record. Pat Moynihan has given more than three quarters of his 
life to his nation and his state. This country, the United States 
Senate, and New York are joyously thankful.
  He has been a leader in so many areas that it challenges one to list 
them all. But his impact on public architecture, monuments for future 
generations, are the hallmarks which this quiet gentleman reveres.
  For over fifteen years now, I have had the privilege of serving with 
Pat on the Senate's Environment and Public Works Committee. I have been 
fortunate to work closely with him and observe his tireless effort and 
commitment to maintaining the architectural integrity of our great 
public institutions.
  Some 40 years ago, the Kennedy Administration made the decision to 
revive Pennsylvania Avenue and restore the Federal Triangle. It was an 
extraordinary stroke of fortune that Pat Moynihan, a deputy to Labor 
Secretary Goldberg who played a primary role in the effort, had the 
responsibility to draft a report that contained core ideas for 
redevelopment. The Federal Triangle, including the Ronald Reagan 
Building, and the Judiciary Building--to mention just a few--are 
dramatic evidence of his contributions that will live for years to come 
in the foundation of these magnificent buildings.
  I cannot resist the temptation to recall that Senator Moynihan was 
fond of noting that it was Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon who 
initially championed the idea of reviving the Federal Triangle and 
establishing it as an international trade and cultural center. It took 
a man of Pat Moynihan's talent, character and foresight to pick up and 
finish that vision, started in the early 1930s, in such a grand manner.
  I would be remiss were I not to take a minute to thank Senator 
Moynihan for his leadership and the personal courtesies he extended to 
me, as he took the initiative to name the departmental auditorium at 
the Commerce Department building, the Andrew Mellon Auditorium. It 
truly is a remarkable structure and aptly named.
  Over 200 years ago, Pierre L'Enfant, as he laid plans for the new 
United States capital, could only hope that a man like Senator Moynihan 
would one day work with such compassion and perseverance to keep alive 
the true spirit and design envisioned in the original blueprints of 
George Washington's federal city.
  One of the most rewarding assignments in my own career in public 
service, has been the opportunity to serve with Senator Moynihan as a 
member of the Smithsonian's Board of Regents. The talented men and 
women who have served on the Board are unquestionably committed to the 
arts and preserving this nation's cultural heritage. And I am certain, 
that all of them who have served with him would agree that Pat 
Moynihan's leadership and guiding wisdom have been indispensable.
  Beyond the physical monuments to his achievements, I will always 
remember Pat Moynihan for his humor, his intellect, his grace, his 
eloquence, and his humility.
  All of us here, before we cast the first vote, before we discharge 
the first responsibility, take the oath of office. We solemnly commit 
``to support and defend the constitution. . . .'' ``Against all 
enemies. . . .'' we commit ``to bear true faith and allegiance'' and we 
undertake ``to faithfully discharge'' our duty. Senator Moynihan was a 
man of his word and here in the Senate he has always been true to his 
principles and true to his oath.
  Pat Moynihan has been a giant in the Senate for some time. I only 
hope that the years ahead give him the time he has always wanted to do 
those things he has never quite had the time to do.

[[Page S11842]]

  The Senate and the nation know Senator Moynihan as a true patriot, a 
gentlemen, and a statesman. His legacy is a remarkable gift we will 
benefit from for years to come.
  In closing, I would like to submit for the Record two articles that 
appeared in the Washington Post--one, written by George Will and the 
other by Benjamin Forgery. I ask to have printed in the Record these 
articles, so all citizens can read of the enormous contributions 
Senator Moynihan has made to this institution, his home State of New 
York, and, indeed, this country.
  The Nation's Capital--in the words that Navy men and women 
understand--bids you a final ``Well done, Sir. We salute you as the 
L'Enfant of this century.''
  There being no objection, the material ordered to be printed in the 
Record, as follows:

               [From the Washington Post, Sept. 17, 2000]

                         Farewell, Mr. Moynihan

                          (By George F. Will)

       When this Congress ends, so will one of the broadest and 
     deepest public careers in American history. Daniel Patrick 
     Moynihan--participant in John Kennedy's New Frontier, member 
     of Lyndon Johnson's White House staff, Richard Nixon's 
     domestic policy adviser, Gerald Ford's ambassador to India 
     and the United Nations, four-term senator--will walk from the 
     Senate and political life, leaving both better for his having 
     been in them, and leaving all who observe them berefit of the 
     rare example of a public intellectual's life lived well--
     adventurously, bravely and leavened by wit.
       The intellectual polarities of his life have been belief in 
     government's ameliorative powers--and in William Butler 
     Yeats's deflation of expectations for politics:
       Parnell came down the road, he said to a cheering man:
       Ireland shall get her freedom and you will still break 
     stone.
       Having served four presidents, Moynihan wrote that he did 
     not remember ever having heard at a Cabinet meeting ``a 
     serious discussion of political ideas--one concerned with how 
     men, rather than markets, behave.'' Regarding the 
     complexities of behavior, Moynihan has stressed the 
     importance of ethnicity--the Balkans, the Bronx, come to 
     that. Moynihan knew how wrong Marx was in asserting the lost 
     saliency of pre-industrial factors, such as ethnicity and 
     religion, in the modern age.
       His gift for decorous disruptions was apparent early, when, 
     during a 1965 audience with Pope Paul VI, at a time when the 
     Church was reconsidering its doctrine of the collective guilt 
     of Jews for Christ's crucifixion, Moynihan, a Catholic, 
     shattered protocol by addressing the pope: ``Holy Father, we 
     hope you will not forget our friends the Jews.'' Later, an 
     unsettled member of the audience, the bishop of Chicago, 
     said, ``We need a drink.'' Moynihan said, ``If they're going 
     to behave like a Medieval court, they must expect us to take 
     an opportunity to petition him.''
       During his U.N. service he decided that U.S. foreign policy 
     elites were ``decent people, utterly unprepared for their 
     work'' because ``they had only one idea, and that was 
     wrong.'' It was that the bad behavior of other nations was 
     usually a reaction to America's worse behavior. He has been a 
     liberal traditionalist, keeper of Woodrow Wilson's crusade 
     for lawful rather than normless dealings among nations.
       ``Everyone,'' says Moynihan the social scientist, ``is 
     entitled to his own opinion but not his own facts.'' When in 
     1993 the Clinton administration's Goals 2000 asserted that by 
     2000 America's high school graduation rate would be 90 
     percent and American students would lead the world in 
     mathematics and science achievements, Moynihan acidly 
     compared these goals to the old Soviet grain production 
     quotas. Of the projected 2000 outcome, Moynihan said: ``That 
     will not happen.'' It didn't.
       Moynihan has written much while occupying the dark and 
     bloody ground where social science and policymaking 
     intersect. Knowing that the two institutions that most shape 
     individuals are the family and the state, he knows that when 
     the former weakens, the latter strengthens. And family 
     structure is ``the principal conduit of class structure.'' 
     Hence Moynihan's interest in government measures to 
     strengthen families.
       Moynihan understands that incantations praising minimalist 
     government are America's ``civic religion, avowed but not 
     constraining.'' Government grows because of the ineluctable 
     bargaining process among interest groups that favor 
     government outlays that benefit them. And government grows 
     because knowledge does, and knowledge often grows because of 
     government.
       Knowledge, says Moynihan, is a form of capital, much of it 
     formed by government investment in education. And knowledge 
     begets government. He says: Behold California's Imperial 
     Valley, unchanged since ``the receding of the Ice Age.'' Only 
     God can make an artichoke, but government--specifically, the 
     Bureau of Reclamation--made the valley a cornucopia. Time 
     was, hospitals' biggest expense was clean linen. Then came 
     technologies--diagnostic, therapeutic, pharmacological--that 
     improved health, increased costs and expanded government.
       ``Not long ago,'' Moynihan has written, ``it could be 
     agreed that politics was the business of who gets what, when, 
     where, how. It is now more than that. It has become a process 
     that also deliberately seeks to effect such outcomes as who 
     thinks what, who acts when, who lives where, who feels how,'' 
     Moynihan appreciates the pertinence of political philosopher 
     Michael Oakshott's cautionary words: ``To try to do something 
     which is inherently impossible is always a corrupting 
     enterprise.''
       The 14-year-old Moynihan was shining shoes on Central Park 
     West when he heard about Pearl Harbor. In the subsequent six 
     decades he has been more conversant with, and more involved 
     in, more of the nation's transforming controversies than 
     anyone else. Who will do what he has done for the 
     intellectual nutritiousness of public life? The nation is not 
     apt to see his like again, never having seen it before him.
                                  ____


                [From the Washington Post, Oct. 7, 2000]

                 Moynihan's Legacy Is Written in Stone

                          (By Benjamin Forgey

       Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, on the edge of retirement as 
     the 106th Congress argues its way to a finish, tells the 
     story whenever he feels the audience is right. And why not? 
     It is a true-life Washington legend.
       Time: Summer 1961. Place: The White House. Scene: A Cabinet 
     meeting with President John F. Kennedy. The nation's chief 
     policymakers are busily deliberating foreign affairs but 
     pause, Moynihan says, ``when the next-most-important issue in 
     government comes up--which, of course, is office space.''
       That line always gets a laugh. Moynihan knows Washington 
     and knows what people think about Washington--one-liners at 
     the expense of the bureaucracy never miss. But what comes 
     afterward is the true beginning of the legend.
       The president appoints Labor Secretary Arthur J. Goldberg 
     to co-chair ``something with the unpromising title of Ad Hoc 
     Committee on Federal Office Space.'' To Moynihan, then 
     Goldberg's 34-year-old deputy, falls the duty of finding out 
     exactly how much space is needed, and writing the report.
       It is far-fetched to imagine a 15-page committee report 
     about government office space having much significance for 
     even 38 minutes after being written. This one, completed in 
     the spring of 1962, has had a far-reaching impact across 38 
     years, for it contained, improbably, the genesis of a plan to 
     redevelop Pennsylvania Avenue.
       The opportunistic idea was Goldberg's--he had decided to 
     try to do something about the avenue when surveying its 
     fragmented, decaying north side from a slow-moving limousine 
     during Kennedy's inaugural parade. But the brilliant words 
     were Moynihan's.
       He vividly sketched the ``scene of desolation'' on the 
     northern side, opposite the impressive classic revival 
     buildings of the 1930s Federal Triangle. He sensitively 
     summarized the avenue's history, showing a rare understanding 
     of the crucial role assigned to it in Pierre Charles 
     L'Enfant's 1791 plan--``symbolizing,'' Moynihan wrote, ``at 
     once the separation of powers and the fundamental unity in 
     the American Government.''
       Above all, Moynihan showed that he understood cities. The 
     avenue's poor state meant that private capital soon would 
     begin the process of tearing down and building anew. The 
     opportunity had arisen, he wrote, ``to design and 
     construct what would, in effect, be a new avenue,'' and 
     the federal government had a historic duty ``to maintain 
     standards of buildings and architecture in the nation's 
     capital.''
       Moynihan's vision was humane and, for its time, 
     exceptionally urbane. ``Care should be taken,'' he 
     admonished, ``not to line the north side with a solid phalanx 
     of public and private office buildings which close down 
     completely at night and on weekends. . . . Pennsylvania 
     Avenue should be lively, friendly, and inviting, as well as 
     dignified and impressive.''
       More than any other American politician of the second half 
     of the 20th century, Moynihan has engaged the issue of 
     architecture, urban design and infrastructure. He has used 
     his intellectual prowess, political skills and sheer power to 
     establish meaningful rules, to save historic buildings, to 
     improve federal architecture, to get buildings built. 
     Washington has been the great beneficiary of these 
     involvements--most dramatically on the section of the great 
     boulevard linking the Capitol and the White House.
       There is a sense in which the rebuilding of Pennsylvania 
     Avenue became Moynihan's destiny. Partly by chance, partly by 
     design, he has been around to persuade, push and prod a 
     vision into reality. And, for the last 10 years, he has been 
     able to watch it happen with his wife, Elizabeth, from their 
     apartment above the Navy Memorial and Market Square, on the 
     avenue between Ninth and Seventh Streets NW.
       Soon after the report was published, Goldberg was appointed 
     to the Supreme Court. Moynihan thus inherited responsibility 
     for shepherding the avenue dream in the Kennedy 
     administration. He became great pals with Nathaniel Owings, 
     the celebrated architect Kennedy chose to come up with a 
     plan. The pair would walk the avenue in the evenings and talk 
     excitedly of its past and future while sitting, recalls 
     Moynihan, on ``those nice, strong benches next to the 
     National Archives.''
       Then, after Kennedy was assassinated, Moynihan helped keep 
     the project alive during the Lyndon Johnson presidency--
     nothing

[[Page S11843]]

     had been built. He had the enthusiastic collaboration of 
     White House counsel Harry McPherson Jr., and an invaluable 
     plug from Jacqueline Kennedy, who ``saved the undertaking in 
     a farewell call on President Johnson,'' Moynihan recalls. 
     Thereafter, he says, Johnson ``took Mrs. Kennedy's wishes as 
     something of a command.''
       Moynihan admits that, as much as he liked and admired Nat 
     Owings, he did not care for Owings's formidable first plan. 
     It was a ``terrible plan,'' he now says, though he did not 
     say so at the time. The young politician was perhaps a bit in 
     awe of the elder Great Architect--lots of people were. The 
     firm that Owings had started in the 1930s--Skidmore, Owings & 
     Merrill--was by then world-renowned.
       How flawed was that first plan? Well, typical of its time, 
     it called for massive demolitions--including the National 
     Press Club building and the Willard and Washington hotels. 
     These were to be replaced by an impressively bloated National 
     Square or by massive buildings all in a row.
       Fortunately, time was not kind to this vision. We can judge 
     how lucky we are by pondering the one building that actually 
     got built: the FBI headquarters, that odd-looking, off-
     putting giant facing the avenue between Ninth and 
     10th streets NW.
       It is possible that, even them, Moynihan suspected he was 
     in this for the long haul. As it happened, he left Washington 
     in 1965 but was backed by 1969--shockingly, to his liberal-
     Democrat colleagues--as top urban affairs adviser to 
     Republican President Richard Nixon.
       Once again, Moynihan had lots to say about Pennsylvania 
     Avenue. It is no coincidence that during Nixon's first term 
     the avenue plan was given real teeth in the 1972 legislation 
     creating the Pennsylvania Avenue Development Corp. And it was 
     a very different, less destructive plan--much more in keeping 
     with Moynihan's original admonishment to be ``lively, 
     friendly and inviting.''
       Nothing much got build during the '70s, but the PADC was 
     quietly preparing the groundwork. By the time building got 
     started in the early '80s, Moynihan was back in town, this 
     time as a senator from New York. Since then, he has been 
     there tirelessly for the avenue--out front or behind the 
     scenes, in large matters or small.
       How large? The Ronald Reagan Building and International 
     Trade Center--the big mixed-use federal building at 
     Pennsylvania and 13th Street NW--is one of his enthusiasms. 
     Back in the Kennedy years, Moynihan's Labor Department office 
     in the Federal Triangle had looked out on parking lot of 
     ``surpassing ugliness.'' He never forgot, and that lot is 
     where the Reagan Building stands.
       How small? Moynihan never forgot, either, that the Ariel 
     Rios Building, at 13th Street, had been left incomplete when 
     work on the Federal Triangle ceased; its brick sidewall was 
     left exposed ``just like an amputated limb,'' in the words of 
     J. Carter Brown, chairman of the federal Commission of Fine 
     Arts. Moynihan, Brown believes, was the ``eminence grise who 
     was able to shake the General Services Administration by the 
     lapels and get that thing finished.''
       But if in one way or another Moynihan had a hand in 
     practically everything that was built--or saved--on this 
     crucial stretch of Pennsylvania Avenue, he also worked for 
     Washington in other ways. He helped mightily to preserve and 
     find new uses for three of Washington's most notable historic 
     structures--the Old Patent Office (now housing two 
     Smithsonian museums), the Old Post Office (a mixed-use 
     building because of a law Moynihan pushed through) and the 
     Old Pension Building (now the National Building Museum).
       Just about single-handedly did Moynihan arrange for the 
     construction of the distinguished U.S. Judiciary Building 
     next to Union Station. He was a crucial negotiator in the 
     brilliant deal by which New York and Washington each get a 
     share of the National Museum of the American Indian. Moynihan 
     fought to get cars off Frederick Law Olmsted's Capitol 
     grounds. He continues to wage an enlightened campaign for 
     reasonableness about security in federal buildings. The list 
     could go on.
       Of course, it isn't simply Washington that has benefited. 
     As might be expected, Moynihan's own state has profited 
     immensely as well.
       The new Penn Station--a complex, ongoing project involving 
     federal, state and city bureaucracies and private 
     enterprise--is just the latest of dozens of important 
     examples. There's much talk of calling it ``Moynihan 
     Station'' because he was its ``guiding light and soul,'' says 
     chief architect David Childs.
       Nor is it just Washington and New York. It is the nation. 
     Two examples of many: The Intermodal Surface Transportation 
     and Efficiency Act of 1991 and its successor, the 
     Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (``Ice Tea'' 
     and ``Tea 21'' for short), are Moynihan bills through and 
     through and through. By encouraging mass transit and 
     loosening the highway lobby's decades-old stranglehold on the 
     nation's transportation policy, these laws do the country an 
     estimable service.
       And then there are his ``Guiding Principles of Federal 
     Architecture.'' They are straightforward and smart: There 
     should be no official style; the architecture should embody 
     the ``finest contemporary American architectural thought.'' 
     Regional characteristics should be kept in mind. Sites should 
     be selected with care. Landscape architecture also is 
     important.
       The principles take us back to that committee report of 38 
     years ago. Nobody asked for a Pennsylvania Avenue plan and no 
     one asked for architectural guidelines. Moynihan simply 
     invented them and attached them to the report, and they have 
     functioned as a beacon for high-quality federal architecture 
     ever since.
       Moynihan's act is almost impossible to follow. In the 
     phrase of Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D-Oregon), another 
     architecture fan, Moynihan possesses ``a bundle of 
     qualities'' seldom found in a single politician: a good eye, 
     a first-rate mind, a passion for the subject, lots of power, 
     long experience, a certain flamboyance, a canny sense of 
     timing.
       Nor is there likely to be another politician alive whose 
     favorite quotation is Thomas Jefferson's statement: ``Design 
     activity and political thought are indivisible.''

  Mr. CONRAD. Mr. President, today, I wish to pay tribute to the very 
distinguished Senator from New York, who will be retiring at the end of 
this Congressional session.
  Senator Moynihan, as his recent biography makes clear, has been an 
intellectual giant in the Senate and throughout his service to our 
nation. The breadth of his interests--and his knowledge--is 
extraordinary. From questions about the architecture and urban 
development of Washington, D.C. to the problems created by single 
parent families to the workings of the International Labor 
Organization, Senator Moynihan has thought deeply and designed policy 
answers. I don't think there's a Senator who hasn't learned something 
from Senator Moynihan's vast stock of personal experience, 
understanding of history, and ability to draw parallels between 
seemingly unrelated topics to enlighten our understanding of both.
  I have had the particular pleasure of serving with Senator Moynihan 
on the Finance Committee for eight years. As Chairman and as ranking 
member of the Finance Committee, Senator Moynihan has been a true 
leader. Starting in 1993, when I took Senator Bentsen's seat on the 
Committee and Senator Moynihan claimed his chairmanship, Chairman 
Moynihan successfully guided the 1993 economic plan through the 
committee and the Senate. That budget, which I was proud to help shape 
and support, laid the foundation for our current record economic 
expansion. That same year, we worked together to expose the 
shortcomings of the North American Free Trade Agreement.
  After Republicans took control of the Senate in the 1994 election, 
Senator Moynihan was a fierce critic of their excessive budget 
proposals. We joined in opposing shortsighted proposals to have 
Medicare ``wither on the vine,'' turn Medicaid into a block grant, and 
destroy welfare rather than reforming it. Senator Moynihan was, as 
always, an especially passionate defender of teaching hospitals, 
warning that the plan to slash spending for Medicare's graduate medical 
education would threaten medical research in this country--a fear that 
has proved well-founded as teaching hospitals have struggled to survive 
the much smaller changes enacted as part of the compromise Balanced 
Budget Act that emerged in 1997.
  The Finance Committee--and the Senate--will not be the same without 
him. Who else will be able to gently tutor witnesses on the importance 
of the grain trade in upstate New York in the early nineteenth century 
to a current debate about health care policy? Who else will call for 
the Boskin and Secrecy Commissions of the future? And who else will 
educate his colleagues on the inequitable distribution of federal 
spending and taxation among the various states?
  Mr. President, I will miss Pat Moynihan. But I have no doubt that he 
will continue to be part of the debate. As Senator Moynihan retires to 
his beloved farm in upstate New York, I join my colleagues in looking 
forward to more and more insightful treaties on new and complicated 
policy issues.

                          ____________________