[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 138 (Saturday, October 28, 2000)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E2005-E2008]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         HUMAN RIGHTS IN BURMA

                                 ______
                                 

                          HON. JOSEPH R. PITTS

                            of pennsylvania

                    in the house of representatives

                        Friday, October 27, 2000

  Mr. PITTS. Mr. Speaker, ethnic and religious minorities around the 
world suffer because many governments fail to protect fundamental human 
freedoms such as freedom of conscience, freedom of speech, and freedom 
of assembly. Or, a government fails to concede to the will of the 
people and imposes its will upon the people. When a government fails to 
uphold international human rights standards, to respect the wishes of 
the people expressed through voting or other legitimate mechanisms, or 
to protect people's basic freedoms from violations, individuals and 
groups often are harassed, imprisoned, tortured, and even killed. 
Serious violence and human rights abuses have occurred in Burma through 
the actions of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). On 
September 26, 2000, I chaired the Congressional Human Rights Caucus 
Briefing on Human Rights Concerns in Burma. I would like to submit for 
the Record the testimony of Mr. David Eubank, Saw Htoo Htoo Lay, Pastor 
Edmund Htokut, Saw Ka Law Lah, Mr. Stephen Dun, and Major Larry J. 
Redmon.

Testimony of David Eubank Before the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, 
                           September 26, 2000

       Thank you for this opportunity to share with you about the 
     situation in Burma, and for the opportunity to ask for action 
     to restore democracy in Burma, protect minority rights, and 
     provide immediate humanitarian assistance for the Internally 
     Displaced People (IDP).


                       Current Situation in Burma

       The dictators of Burma, the State Peace and Development 
     Council (SPDC), continue to oppress the people of Burma, 
     reject the 1990 democratic elections, hold over 1,300 
     political prisoners (55 of whom are members-elect of 
     parliament), and brutally violate the human rights of ethnic 
     minority peoples as well as ethnic Burmans. This has resulted 
     in over 1 million refugees that have fled Burma since 1990, 
     and 2 million Internally Displaced People (1 million ethnic 
     Burmans are displaced for government projects, 1 million are 
     ethnic minority peoples displaced by the attacks of the Burma 
     Army and SPDC forced relocation programs.) The ethnic 
     minority IDPs in particular are in immediate need of help. 
     They face starvation, disease and the constant threat of 
     attack by the Burma Army. Those who have been able to escape 
     the SPDC forced relocation sites, are scattered in jungle 
     hiding places, living in fear. If discovered they are 
     brutally attacked by the Burma Army. Their home villages have 
     been plundered and burned and the Burma Army has scattered 
     land mines in and around their villages to strike terror and 
     discourage their return. (In last year alone there were over 
     1,500 new landmine victims.) The IDPs live in fear with very 
     little hope. HIV infection is on the rise with over 440,000 
     infected and little State response.
       Narcotics production and export has increased with profits 
     from the heroin and amphetamine traffic being shared with the 
     SPDC. In 1999, over 500 million amphetamine tablets were 
     smuggled into Thailand. Most of these were produced in the 55 
     amphetamine laboratories across the border in eastern Burma. 
     1,750 tons of opium was also produced making Burma the worlds 
     number two producer of opium and heroin. The SPDC has been 
     closely involved with groups that produce and traffic 
     narcotics, helping in 2000 alone, to move over 100,000 form 
     one group to a area adjacent to the Thai border, thus 
     creating a major increase of narcotic traffic into Thailand.
       The U.S. Department of State 1999 Country Report on Human 
     Rights, the 2000 Annual Report on Religious Freedom, as well 
     as current Amnesty International and International Labor 
     Organization reports all condemn the human rights record of 
     Burma and appeal for change.


                          Rationale for Action

       (1) The people of Burma are oppressed, tortured, and 
     murdered by the dictator's army, and this is wrong.
       (2) There was a free and fair election in 1990 and the 
     results should be recognized and democracy restored.
       (3) The dictatorship allows narcotics production and 
     prospers from its sale.

[[Page E2006]]

       (4) Burma is a client state of China and in return for 
     weapons and other military hardware, allows China to 
     establish SIGINT facilities and naval installations in Burma. 
     This is not good for the people of Burma or for regional 
     security.
       (5) The people of Burma, in particular the Kachin, Karien, 
     Shan and Karenni, helped the allies drive the Japanese Army 
     out of Burma during WWII. They deserve our friendship and 
     help.


                          Actions Recommended

       (1) Immediate humanitarian assistance to the 1 million 
     ethnic minority Internally Displaced Persons of Burma (IDP), 
     Assistance includes medicine, food, clothing, shelter, and 
     education supplies.
       (2) Immediate security for these IDPs. This requires 
     support of the pro-democracy resistance force who make aid 
     delivery and security possible, or international intervention 
     to protect the IDPs or both, international military 
     intervention to protect the IDPs, or both.
       (3) Call for tripartite dialogue between the SPDC, the 
     Ethnic Groups and the Burma Democracy groups.
       (4) Implement increased political, economic, and if 
     necessary, military (indirect by support of resistance 
     forces, or direct by international intervention) pressure 
     until the dictators restore democracy, human rights, and 
     minority political rights.
       (5) Bring those guilty of war crimes in Burma to justice.

                                  ____
                                  

                     Testimony of Saw Htoo Htoo Lay

       Mr. Chairman, I am honored and grateful for this 
     opportunity to present the current human rights situation in 
     Burma to the congressional human rights caucus.


                     I. The Human Rights Situation

       Most of the recent attention on Burma's human rights 
     situation has only looked at the SPDC military junta's 
     persecution of the National League for Democracy. While this 
     is bad, the human rights situation of ordinary villagers is 
     much worse. In our Karen areas and also in Karenni and Shan 
     areas of eastern Burma, the SPDC is doing everything it can 
     to gain complete control by subjugating the entire civilian 
     population. They use what they call the Four Cuts policy--to 
     cut off supplies of food, funds, recruits and intelligence to 
     resistance forces by destroying villages, farms and food 
     supplies until the civilians are so destitute and starving 
     that they could not possibly support any opposition group. As 
     far as the junta is concerned, the suffering and death which 
     this inflicts on millions of villagers is not a problem, 
     because they would really like to see the end of the Karen, 
     Karenni and Shan peoples.
       Since 1996, the junta has systematically destroyed at least 
     1,500 villages in Shan State, displacing over 300,000 people; 
     200 villages in Karenni (Kayah) State, displacing at least 
     50,000 people; and at least 300 or 400 villages in our Karen 
     areas stretching from Pegu Division and Karen State in the 
     north to Tenasserim Division in the far south of Burma. 
     Hundreds of thousands of our Karen people have been displaced 
     by these operations since 1997, and they remain displaced 
     today.


                      II. The Political Situation

       The political situation between the SPDC and the National 
     League for Democracy (NLD) in Rangoon remains at a stalemate, 
     with the junta refusing to reform or to participate in any 
     meaningful dialogue with any democracy advocates and vowing 
     to crush all opposition. The KNU and most other groups in the 
     country are calling for tripartite dialogue involving the 
     SPDC, the NLD, and the non-Burman ethnic leadership which 
     represents the non-Burman half of the country's population. 
     However, the SPDC has shown no willingness to engage in any 
     such dialogue.
       The junta claims falsely that it has already brought peace 
     and unity to the country by signing military ceasefires with 
     many of the ethnic-based armed opposition groups. Firstly, it 
     is important to point out that none of the `ceasefire deals' 
     are peace treaties. They are simply temporary deals whereby 
     the two military forces agree not to shoot at each other. No 
     political issues have been addressed in any of these 
     ceasefire deals, and most of the opposition groups who have 
     signed them are not happy with the results. In most of the 
     ceasefire areas, SPDC human rights abuses have continued.
       The SPDC now claims that the Karen are the only group left 
     fighting the junta, but this is also not true; in addition to 
     the KNU, the Karenni National Progressive Party, the Shan 
     State Army, the Chin National Front, and several other groups 
     continue to fight actively against the military regime. At 
     present, the junta is refusing to negotiate at all unless 
     opposition groups agree to surrender unconditionally 
     beforehand.
       The KNU recognizes the suffering brought on the villagers 
     by the current state of civil war and is determined to 
     resolve this conflict by means of negotiation. However, we 
     are not prepared to surrender unconditionally as demanded by 
     the SPDC, because the result would only be endless suffering 
     for the Karen people

                                  ____
                                  

                       Testimony of Edmond HtoKut

       My name is Edmond Htokut. I am a pastor, I am working and 
     living together with displaced person.
       We know that only very few people in the USA know about 
     Burma and what is happening in Burma now. As for us Karen 
     people who have been suffering from all kinds of atrocities 
     under the Burmese military regime which is being recognized 
     as one of the most brutal and most oppressive regime in the 
     world we received very little international attention, 
     interest and awareness. Therefore I would like to take this 
     opportunity to give you some information about our people, 
     our life and situation.
       The church in Burma Christians from every group face forced 
     persecution, destroying houses, schools, bibles and churchs. 
     It is not only Christians who are persecuted but Muslims and 
     even Buddhists if they protest of the dictators actions. As a 
     Christian pastor I will focus on the persecution my people 
     face. It is important to remember our brothers and sisters of 
     all faiths and ethnic groups who suffer under the SPDC.
       Consequently many civilians were forced to leave their 
     villages and resettle in places totally under military 
     control. Due to the atrocities committed by the military 
     group, the villagers dare not go back to rebuild their homes, 
     schools and churches. But were forced to flee into 
     neighboring country for survival and some are scattered in 
     every corner and being separated from their churches. Those 
     are the ones who do not live in the refugee camps. They are 
     living in the jungle and do plantation. Some places are they 
     lived two or three families and some are seven to ten 
     families. They are living quietly in fear and anxiously.
       They have not protection, no healthcare and no churches and 
     no schools. They lost all their rights. When we tried to meet 
     them we went to very difficult because land mines are around 
     the area and the way we tried to go carefully to meet the 
     people hiding in the jungle. When they meet us they are very 
     afraid because they believe nobody. At the time I told them 
     ``I am not a soldier. I am not a political man. I am a 
     servant of Christ and God send me for help you. What can I do 
     for you.'' They told me ``we need medicine, we need some 
     clothes, some food, we need security. We want to go back 
     home, go back to our own land''. I answered them ``I don't 
     know but don't be anxious. Believe God. God can do every 
     things. Now over 56 countries pray for you. I hope we can go 
     back home soon.''
       We are attempting to bring love and relief assistance to 
     all internally Displaced Persons regardless of religion, 
     ethnicity or political bias. But there are still many needs 
     to be met and most of all the need for help of international 
     community to change the political situation in Burma. For 
     this is the real cause or the real source of all the 
     problems.
       We need the help of the international community, please for 
     our people, our country. Help us in ways and means as you 
     can. Please pray that God will intervene and change the 
     situation in Burma so we will have peace and return to our 
     own land. In God we trust.
       Thank you so much.

                                  ____
                                  

                      Testimony of Saw Ka Law Lah


                                Refugees

       For Decades, wave after wave of Burmese refugees have fled 
     war and oppression in their native land to seek uncertain 
     exile in neighboring countries. The toll in human suffering 
     is incalculable, and the continual mass migrations have 
     created serious regional disruptions and tensions.
       Around 300,000 Burmese are now refugees in Thailand, 
     Bangladesh, and India. As many as one million Burmese people 
     have become internally displaced because of the Burmese army 
     attacks and forced relocations aimed at cutting local links 
     to armed resistance groups or seizing their lands for state-
     run farming and logging.
       After the bloody suppression of the 1988 pro-democracy 
     movement, thousands of students and political activists 
     evaded army round-ups and escaped to Thailand and India. 
     Ethnic minority peoples, comprising about 40% of Burma's 
     population, are special targets for abuse. Their indigenous 
     lands along Burma's frontiers have for decades been consumed 
     by rebellions that have flared and simmered in a quest for 
     autonomy or independence.
       Many villagers have been forced to move to new ``satellite 
     towns'' that often lack services or communications and are 
     sometimes located on disease-prone and infertile lands. 
     Localized protests against such actions have been reported, 
     but Burma's civilian population is basically defenseless 
     against the regime's well-armed and fast-growing army.
       Mr. Chairman:
       1. My earnest request is to consider the above mentioned 
     refugee problems and extend your protection for all the 
     refugees along the Burma border and for all internally 
     displaced people.
       2. The Government of Burma may be considered guilty of a 
     crime against humanity, punishable under international law.


                               Education

       In Burma the law is what the generals say it is. It can and 
     does change from day to day. There is no freedom of 
     expression. Nearly all Burma's universities and colleges have 
     been closed since student protests in Dec. 1996. There are 
     two types of schools in Burma; one is for the children of the 
     military members and is well funded. The other is for 
     civilians and is poorly supported. Civilian schools have 
     insufficient teachers and lack funds.
       All curriculums, both civilian and military, must be 
     approved by the military and

[[Page E2007]]

     student activities are very closely monitored by military 
     intelligence. Ethnic people are not allowed to teach in their 
     own language in schools. In some rural areas even primary 
     schools are not allowed to open. The Burmese soldiers come 
     regularly to burn down all villages, schools, and churches. 
     They even told villagers not to open any schools if they want 
     to live in peace. But most of the internally displaced people 
     build schools whenever they have a chance.
       In refugee camps there are schools from nursery school 
     through high school. We do not have qualified teachers and 
     lack teaching materials, but most of the students are very 
     keen to learn. In Karenni and Karen camps there are nearly 
     thirty thousand students and one thousand teachers.
       To upgrade our education some further study programs are 
     needed for students who have finished high school. They need 
     to have an education so that they can help to fill the gaps 
     and rebuild their country in the coming future.
       What we need for IDP schools in Karen and Karenni areas:
       1. Basic school supplies and text books.
       2. Salaries for teachers.
       3. Scholarship programs.
       4. Travel passes.
       5. Good communications programs.

                                  ____
                                  

                        Testimony of Stephen Dun

       Mr. Chairman, Thank you for giving me a chance to again 
     represent to you the situation in Burma.
       My colleagues have vividly described the different 
     problematic situations leaving no doubt that the military 
     regime has, and continues to, systematically oppress all 
     minorities in Burma, whether ethnic or religious using it's 
     military force.
       I am a Karen who was born in Rangoon and had to flee with 
     my parents to the border because of this type of oppression. 
     I grew up on the mountains bordering Thailand & Burma and 
     witnessed and experienced the seasonal military attacks of 
     the then called State Law and Order Restoration Council 
     (SLORC), the ruling military junta. I have had close friends 
     and relatives killed and as well as my home destroyed on 
     three occasions.
       The reason that this military regime is able to continue 
     their hold on to power is because external interests focused 
     on the region. A few of these instances are as follows. 
     Jane's Intelligence review has been the main source for all 
     of the following information.


                                 China

       While Burma remains shunned by the West, the country's two 
     giant neighbors, India and China, are jockeying for influence 
     in Rangoon. Since the beginning of the year, India's army 
     chief, General Ved Prakash Malik, has made two trips to Burma 
     and his Burma counterpart, General Maung Aye, has visited 
     both India and China.
       These top-level exchanges have highlighted Burma's 
     importance in the strategic competition between Beijing and 
     New Delhi. China enjoys a considerable head start in the race 
     to woo Rangoon's military leaders.
       Since 1988, Burma has become China's closest ally in South-
     east Asia, a major recipient of Chinese military hardware and 
     a potential springboard for projecting Chinese military power 
     in the region.
       During General Maung Aye's trip to Beijing in June to mark 
     50 years of diplomatic ties, has host, Chinese Vice-President 
     Hu Jintao, noted that strengthening Sino-Burma relations was 
     ``an important part of China's diplomacy concerning its 
     surrounding areas''.
       Burma emerged as a key Chinese ally on August 6, 1988, when 
     the two countries signed an agreement establishing official 
     trade across the common border--hitherto--isolated Burma's 
     first such agreement with a neighbor. Significantly, the 
     signing took place while Burma was in turmoil.
       China was eager to find a trading outlet to the Indian 
     Ocean for its landlocked inland provinces of Yunnan and 
     Sichuan, via Burma. The Burma rail-heads of Myitkyina and 
     Lashio in north-eastern Burma, as well as the Irrawaddy 
     River, were potential conduits.
       By 1990, trade between the two countries was flourishing 
     and Burma had become China's principal political and military 
     ally in South-east Asia. China poured arms into Burma to 
     shore up the military government.
       The isolation and condemnation experienced by both 
     countries in the wake of the Rangoon massacre of 1988 and the 
     violent suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests the 
     following year helped to draw them closer together.
       But China's calculations were also strategic. Close to the 
     key shipping lands of the Indian Ocean and South-east Asia, 
     Burma could help China to extend its military reach into a 
     region of vital importance to Asian
       By late 1991, Chinese experts were helping to upgrade 
     Burma's infrastructure, including its badly-maintained roads 
     and railways. Chinese military advisers also arrived that 
     year, the first foreign military personnel to be stationed in 
     Burma since the 1950s.
       In August 1993, Indian coastguards caught three boats 
     ``fishing'' close to the Andamans, where last year the Indian 
     navy established a new Far Eastern Naval Command in a move 
     viewed as an attempt to counter Chinese influence in Burma. 
     The trawlers were flying Burma flags, but the crew of 55 was 
     Chinese. There was no fishing equipment on board--only radio-
     communication and depth-sounding equipment. The Chinese 
     embassy in New Delhi intervened and the crew was released.
       Burma was becoming a de facto Chinese client state.
       One of China's motives for arming Burma was to help 
     safeguard the new trade routes through its potentially 
     volatile neighbor.
       Intelligence sources estimate the total value of Chinese 
     arms deliveries in Burma in the 1990s at $1 billion to 2 
     billion, with most of them acquired at a discount or through 
     barter deals or interest-free loans.
       Chinese support for the upgrading of Burma's naval 
     facilities included at least four electronic listening posts 
     along the Bay of Bengal and in the Andaman Sea: Man-aung, 
     Hainggyi, Zadetkyi island and the strategically-important 
     Coco Islands just north of India's Andaman Islands.
       Although China's presence in the Bay of Bengal is limited 
     currently to instructors and technicians, the new radar 
     equipment is Chinese-made and operated probably, at least in 
     part, by Chinese technicians, enabling Beijing's intelligence 
     agencies to monitor this sensitive maritime region. China and 
     Burma have pledged to share intelligence of potential use to 
     both countries.


                     Israel, Pakistan and Singapore

       Over the past 12 years Burma has been branded a pariah 
     state by the West and made to endure a range of political, 
     economic and military sanctions. The Burma armed forces (or 
     Tatmadaw) have lost their access to the arms, training and 
     military technology of most of their traditional suppliers.
       Three countries were quick to come to the SLORC's 
     assistance. The first was Singapore. Two shiploads of arms 
     and ammunition were sent to Rangoon in October 1988 to fill 
     an urgent order for mortars, small arms ammunition, 
     recoilless rifle rounds and raw materials for Burma's arms 
     factories. Israel too seemed prepared (through a Singaporean 
     intermediary) to provide weapons to its old friend and ally 
     (See JIR March 2000, pp 35-38). A shipment of captured 
     Palestinian weapons and ammunition (mainly grenade launchers 
     and recoilless guns) arrived in Burma in August 1989. Before 
     the Israeli arms arrived, however, the SLORC received at 
     least one shipment of arms and ammunition from Pakistan.
       Pakistan seems also to have provided Burma with a wide 
     range of military training. In the early 1990s there were 
     reports that Pakistan had helped members of the Tatmadaw 
     learn to operate and maintain those Chinese weapon systems 
     and items of equipment also held in Pakistan's inventory. 
     There were also reports that Pakistan Army instructors were 
     based in Burma for a period to help train Burma special 
     forces and airborne personnel.
       While these reports remain unconfirmed, they are given 
     greater credence as a number of Burma Army officers are 
     currently in Pakistan undergoing artillery and armour 
     training, and attending Pakistan's Staff Colleges. The BAF 
     and Burma Navy also have officers undergoing training in 
     Pakistan. It is possible that Pakistani military personnel 
     have also been sent to Burma to help the Tatmadaw learn to 
     operate and maintain its new K-8 jet trainers, and possibly 
     even the 155mm artillery pieces that the SPDC acquired from 
     Israel last year.

                                  ____
                                  

                      Statement of Larry J. Redmon

       Good afternoon Mr. Chairman, it is my distinct honor and 
     pleasure to appear before this panel of the US Congress 
     today. My name is Larry Redmon, I am also a Major in the U.S. 
     Army Special Forces currently serving with the 1st Special 
     Forces Group (Airborne) at Fort Lewis, Washington.
       Insurgencies form for many reasons. One common reason is 
     when a government fails to meet the social, political, 
     economic, military or psychological needs of the people. 
     Based upon my study and observations, I have concluded that 
     some of the following help explain the insurgency in Burma: 
     the government is unresponsive to the aspirations of the 
     people; the government is tyrannical, repressive, and 
     corrupt; the government has inefficient leadership; and the 
     government is unwilling to tolerate responsible opposition. 
     The widespread economic poverty; and failure of the inept, 
     ultra-nationalistic leaders to develop a viable economy are 
     also leading causes for these movements.
       The Burmese military has largely disassociated itself from 
     the people and is feared and looked upon as more of a weapon 
     of tyranny. Psychologically, there is a lack of faith in the 
     current government and widespread belief in injustice of the 
     current system and its leaders. So these groups are in fact 
     insurgent organizations that are fighting a war against the 
     Government of Burma. However, it is my understanding that 
     these insurgent organizations do not advocate an overthrow 
     but rather a change to democracy with limited autonomy by the 
     various groups. One hundred and eleven delegates from 
     fourteen ethnic groups signed the Mae Raw Tha Agreement in 
     Jan 1997. These delegates all agreed to a type of federation 
     with shared power based upon the Swiss model. No one group 
     wants sole power, they simply want a better way of life and 
     change to democracy.
       I am reminded that over 200 years ago a group of insurgents 
     who sought change for in fairness for more participation in 
     their own

[[Page E2008]]

     governmental affairs were also labeled rebels and insurgents, 
     the American Colonists. The colonists fought a very bloody 
     and brutal war because they too wanted change and a voice in 
     government. The ethnic minority groups of Burma seek the 
     same.
       While some of these groups do traffic in drugs, some, such 
     as the Karen, are not involved with drug production. Some 
     groups rely on legitimate means such as logging or taxing 
     goods that travel through their areas to develop income. The 
     income generated is used to finance the war, but it is also 
     used to pay for education, roads, schools and temples. In 
     short, the money is used to build a better way of life for 
     their people, a way of life that the Burmese Government has 
     thus far been unable or unwilling to provide. Based on my 
     discussion with a leader of the Shan State Army these groups 
     believe they have no real choice, but to rely on income from 
     the drug trade. The Shan leader I spoke with candidly stated 
     that if he could get income by another means he would gladly 
     switch. He realizes that drug production is not good for his 
     cause and he also knows that it keeps his cause from being 
     legitimized by the international community, but so far he has 
     not received financial assistance from any source.
       These groups are fighting a war of survival. Some of these 
     groups are at the very point of extinction. Based upon my 
     study and observation, the SPDC is winning this war through 
     its mass terror and massive human rights abuses. The SPDC 
     practices mass terror by employing SS-type death squads 
     called the ``Saa Tho Lo'' or Guerrilla Retaliation Units. 
     These units often appear in the villages during the night and 
     spread mass terror by abducting those who are suspected of 
     associating with the KNLA or KNU. Often those abducted are 
     killed very brutally, often beheaded or otherwise mutilated. 
     The Karen Human Rights organization has eyewitness proof that 
     since these death-squads first appeared in Sept 1998 and up 
     to May 1999, they have committed over 100 murders among the 
     Karen people.
       The Tatmadaw itself has systematically raped and tortured 
     villagers for not being able to pay cash or provide their 
     rice quotas. They use forced labor for porters and labor for 
     their army. They demand quotas in labor from villages, often 
     small boys and even old men. If these individuals refuse or 
     are unable to keep up with the Army; are killed or left to 
     rot, on the trail.
       I learned that the SPDC will enter the homes of their own 
     citizens and take young boys at night and force their 
     induction into the Army. This January, I interviewed one such 
     15-year-old Burmese boy. He recently had defected to the 
     Karen and was being helped in a Karen reeducation center. He 
     told me that when he was 13, he had been taken during the 
     night from his parents in Rangoon. He has not seen them 
     since. During my interview, this boy never smiled or laughed, 
     instead projecting only a solemn look of despair reflecting 
     the loss of his childhood.
       My observations and study confirm the findings of the 
     Department of State that the SPDC engages in a variety of 
     human rights abuses, such as forced relocation, religious and 
     ethnic persecution, extra-judicial killings, heavy crop 
     quotas, cash extortion, arrest and detention, rape and 
     murder. The SPDC has attacked and burned villages of the 
     ethnic minorities. The displaced persons are forced into the 
     jungle or driven by force across the border into Thailand 
     where they become refugees. Approximately one million 
     refugees of various ethnic groups
       His Majesty, the King of Thailand, and the Royal Thai 
     Government have shown a tremendous amount of charity, love 
     and generosity to these refugees, but given the current 
     economic crisis and severity of the situation they can hardly 
     do more. Once these ethnic groups are forced across the 
     border by the SPDC, they are not left alone, the SPDC 
     continues to terrorize these people by attacking them across 
     the border, thereby violating Thailand's sovereignty. The 
     Thai Army has lost many soldiers trying to protect these 
     people. In 1998, the Thai Army had over twenty soldiers 
     killed while trying to protect the Mae La refugee camp.
       Human Rights abuses by the SPDC on the ethnic peoples are 
     just a small part of a much larger problem. The SPDC has 
     realized that they cannot gain international aid or support 
     by their brutal tactics so they have turned to drug 
     production to finance their army and country. The SPDC is 
     producing heroin and methamphetamine, which is being sent to 
     Southeast Asia and to the rest of the world. Thailand has 
     been forced to direct many of the Army's already thin 
     resources to fight this trafficking.
       I believe that more humanitarian aid, assistance, and 
     support to the Thai Government, a proven ally and friend to 
     the United States, is urgently needed. We can try to 
     influence and become more involved in the Association of 
     Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The United States and other 
     members of ASEAN should pressure Burma for dialogue and raise 
     these issues through all available international forums. We 
     could possibly re-evaluate our recognition of the Government 
     of Burma. We could also support the formation of an 
     international investigative body, sanctioned by the UN and 
     ASEAN, that would investigate and document human rights 
     violations by the Burmese Regime and use it as evidence in an 
     International Tribunal.
       I finally believe it is in our best national interest for 
     the United States to use all reasonable means to restore 
     democracy to the people of Burma. As long as the brutal 
     regime continues to hold power in Burma, the region will 
     remain unstable thus causing tensions with the Kingdom of 
     Thailand and the rest of Southeast Asia. In my view, we 
     simply can't allow this to continue. Rather, we have a moral 
     responsibility to the people of Burma, to the displaced 
     ethnic minorities, and to the country of Thailand to take 
     appropriate action now.
       On January 6, 1941, President Franklin Roosevelt said, 
     ``Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our 
     support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and 
     to keep them. Our strength is our unity to that purpose. To 
     that high concept there can be no end save victory.''

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Recommended Actions, September 26, 2000, Burma Ethnic Delegation (Karen 
           National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party

       1. Provide immediate relief (medical, food, shelter, 
     clothing) to the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP). Relief 
     can be coordinated and sent through ethnic IDP relief 
     organizations.
       2. Provide security for the IDP's from the attacks of the 
     SPDC army.
       3. Continue the assistance to refugees in camps and provide 
     assistance to all refugees not yet in camps or with no access 
     to camps.
       4. Increase assistance for education programs for IDP and 
     refugees schools and provide for schooling and education 
     abroad.
       5. Implement a counter narcotics program in Burma that in 
     return for cessation of narcotics production and trafficking 
     will provide for the following;
       a. Provide for a crop substitution and economic development 
     program for the opium growing and amphetamine producing 
     groups such as the Shan, Kokang and Wa. This should be done 
     directly with these groups and not through the SPDC.
       b. Provide relief and educational support for these groups.
       c. Provide for training and supply of ethnic counter 
     narcotics forces to enforce the counter narcotic program.
       6. Establish a tri-partite dialogue between the SPDC, Burma 
     democracy groups and ethnic groups. Through the Ethnic 
     Nationalities Seminar of 1997 and the National Solidarity 
     Seminar of 1998, the Burman and ethnic democracy groups have 
     agreed on a framework for a democratic Burma. Their appeals 
     for dialogue with the SPDC so far have been rejected.
       7. Take the necessary economic, political and military 
     actions to restore democracy and all human rights in Burma. 
     This can be done indirectly by fully supporting the 
     democratic resistance or directly by international 
     intervention or both. The 10 ethnic democratic groups still 
     resisting the SPDC (KNU, KNPP, NUPA, ALP, SSA, CNF, LDF, WNO, 
     PHLO, PSLO), field between 14,000 and 15,000 groups. They are 
     motivated and with support could easily increase in number, 
     helping to provide security for the IDP's and helping to 
     bring the SPDC to dialogue. Cease fire groups such as the KIO 
     and the USWP have over 40,000 troops. And with support could 
     be reunited with the pro democracy groups. With more support 
     Burman pro democracy forces and ethnic forces could better 
     unite.
       8. Help establish a safe area for defectors from the Burma 
     army and implement a program to receive these soldiers. There 
     are thousands of Burma army soldiers who would leave their 
     commands if there was a safe place for them.
       9. Establish a war crimes tribunal for Burma to bring the 
     perpetrators of war crimes and other human rights violations 
     to justice. With the consent of Congress, this administration 
     and the next, should setup a task force to monitor the crimes 
     against humanity that the military regime in Burma is 
     committing. What, Where When, to whom, by whom and under 
     whose command atrocities were committed. Also posting the 
     results of the findings on a .gov website will further 
     establish credibility to the SPDC's part in the crime. This 
     will be the building blocks for either prosecution by the 
     international war crimes tribunal or a human rights 
     commission so justice can be served.
       10. That Congress request that the next Administration 
     appoint an interagency task force to:
       a. Assess the implications of China's actions in Burma.
       b. Develop a plan for bringing about democracy in Burma.
       c. Present the assessment and plan to the appropriate 
     Congressional intelligence committee(s) before the end of 
     2001.
       11. With the urging of Congress, the current and next 
     Administration should actively discourage Pakistan, Israel, 
     Singapore and China from providing military assistance to 
     Burma.
       12. Increase Sanctions against SPDC and continue to 
     encourage other countries to do the same. Make all investment 
     in Burma by US companies illegal. For example bring a close 
     to UNOCAL's operations in Burma. Over 40% of foreign 
     investment goes to the military a military whose only enemy 
     is its own people.
       13. Continue to recognize the dedication and courage of 
     Burma democracy leaders such as Aung San Su Kyi.





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