[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 115 (Monday, September 25, 2000)]
[House]
[Pages H8022-H8029]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                   SERBIA DEMOCRATIZATION ACT OF 2000

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the 
bill (H.R. 1064) to authorize a coordinated program to promote the 
development of democracy in Serbia and Montenegro, as amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                               H.R. 1064

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

[[Page H8023]]

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.

       (a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Serbia 
     Democratization Act of 2000''.
       (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act 
     is as follows:

Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. Definitions.

               TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR THE DEMOCRATIC FORCES

Sec. 101. Findings and policy.
Sec. 102. Assistance to promote democracy and civil society in 
              Yugoslavia.
Sec. 103. Authority for radio and television broadcasting.
Sec. 104. Development of political contacts relating to the Republic of 
              Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro.

           TITLE II--ASSISTANCE TO THE VICTIMS OF OPPRESSION

Sec. 201. Findings.
Sec. 202. Sense of Congress.
Sec. 203. Assistance.

                  TITLE III--``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS

Sec. 301.  ``Outer Wall'' sanctions.
Sec. 302. International financial institutions not in compliance with 
              ``Outer Wall'' sanctions.

              TITLE IV--OTHER MEASURES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA

Sec. 401. Blocking assets in the United States.
Sec. 402. Suspension of entry into the United States.
Sec. 403. Prohibition on strategic exports to Yugoslavia.
Sec. 404. Prohibition on loans and investment.
Sec. 405. Prohibition of military-to-military cooperation.
Sec. 406. Multilateral sanctions.
Sec. 407. Exemptions.
Sec. 408. Waiver; termination of measures against Yugoslavia.
Sec. 409. Statutory construction.

                   TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

Sec. 501. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Sec. 502. Sense of Congress with respect to ethnic Hungarians of 
              Vojvodina.
Sec. 503. Ownership and use of diplomatic and consular properties.
Sec. 504. Transition assistance.

     SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.

       In this Act:
       (1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term 
     ``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee 
     on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on 
     International Relations of the House of Representatives.
       (2) Commercial export.--The term ``commercial export'' 
     means the sale of an agricultural commodity, medicine, or 
     medical equipment by a United States seller to a foreign 
     buyer in exchange for cash payment on market terms without 
     benefit of concessionary financing, export subsidies, 
     government or government-backed credits or other nonmarket 
     financing arrangements.
       (3) International criminal tribunal for the former 
     yugoslavia or tribunal.--The term ``International Criminal 
     Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia'' or the ``Tribunal'' 
     means the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of 
     Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International 
     Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former 
     Yugoslavia Since 1991, as established by United Nations 
     Security Council Resolution 827 of May 25, 1993.
       (4) Yugoslavia.--The term ``Yugoslavia'' means the so-
     called Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and 
     Montenegro), and the term ``Government of Yugoslavia'' means 
     the central government of Yugoslavia.

               TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR THE DEMOCRATIC FORCES

     SEC. 101. FINDINGS AND POLICY.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) The President of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic, has 
     consistently engaged in undemocratic methods of governing.
       (2) Yugoslavia has passed and implemented a law strictly 
     limiting freedom of the press and has acted to intimidate and 
     prevent independent media from operating inside Yugoslavia.
       (3) Although the Yugoslav and Serbian constitutions provide 
     for the right of citizens to change their government, 
     citizens of Serbia in practice are prevented from exercising 
     that right by the Milosevic regime's domination of the mass 
     media and manipulation of the electoral process.
       (4) The Yugoslav and Serbian governments have orchestrated 
     attacks on academics at institutes and universities 
     throughout the country in an effort to prevent the 
     dissemination of opinions that differ from official state 
     propaganda.
       (5) The Yugoslav and Serbian governments hinder the 
     formation of nonviolent, democratic opposition through 
     restrictions on freedom of assembly and association.
       (6) The Yugoslav and Serbian governments use control and 
     intimidation to control the judiciary and manipulate the 
     country's legal framework to suit the regime's immediate 
     political interests.
       (7) The Government of Serbia and the Government of 
     Yugoslavia, under the direction of President Milosevic, have 
     obstructed the efforts of the Government of Montenegro to 
     pursue democratic and free-market policies.
       (8) At great risk, the Government of Montenegro has 
     withstood efforts by President Milosevic to interfere with 
     its government.
       (9) The people of Serbia who do not endorse the 
     undemocratic actions of the Milosevic government should not 
     be the target of criticism that is rightly directed at the 
     Milosevic regime.
       (b) Policy; Sense of Congress.--
       (1) Policy.--It is the policy of the United States to 
     encourage the development of a government in Yugoslavia based 
     on democratic principles and the rule of law and that 
     respects internationally recognized human rights.
       (2) Sense of congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
       (A) the United States should actively support the 
     democratic forces in Yugoslavia, including political parties 
     and independent trade unions, to develop a legitimate and 
     viable alternative to the Milosevic regime;
       (B) all United States Government officials, including 
     individuals from the private sector acting on behalf of the 
     United States Government, should meet regularly with 
     representatives of democratic forces in Yugoslavia and 
     minimize to the extent practicable any direct contacts with 
     officials of the Yugoslav or Serbian governments, and not 
     meet with any individual indicted by the International 
     Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, particularly 
     President Slobodan Milosevic; and
       (C) the United States should emphasize to all political 
     leaders in Yugoslavia the importance of respecting 
     internationally recognized human rights for all individuals 
     residing in Yugoslavia.

     SEC. 102. ASSISTANCE TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND CIVIL SOCIETY 
                   IN YUGOSLAVIA.

       (a) Assistance for the Serbian Democratic Forces.--
       (1) Purpose of assistance.--The purpose of assistance under 
     this subsection is to promote and strengthen institutions of 
     democratic government and the growth of an independent civil 
     society in Serbia, including ethnic tolerance and respect for 
     internationally recognized human rights.
       (2) Authorization for assistance.--To carry out the purpose 
     of paragraph (1), the President is authorized to furnish 
     assistance and other support for the activities described in 
     paragraph (3).
       (3) Activities supported.--Activities that may be supported 
     by assistance under paragraph (2) include the following:
       (A) Democracy building.
       (B) The development of nongovernmental organizations.
       (C) The development of independent Serbian media.
       (D) The development of the rule of law, to include a 
     strong, independent judiciary, the impartial administration 
     of justice, and transparency in political practices.
       (E) International exchanges and advanced professional 
     training programs in skill areas central to the development 
     of civil society and a market economy.
       (F) The development of all elements of the democratic 
     process, including political parties and the ability to 
     administer free and fair elections.
       (G) The development of local governance.
       (H) The development of a free-market economy.
       (4) Authorization of appropriations.--
       (A) In general.--There is authorized to be appropriated to 
     the President $50,000,000 for the period beginning October 1, 
     2000, and ending September 30, 2001, to be made available for 
     activities in support of the democratization of the Republic 
     of Serbia (excluding Kosovo) pursuant to this subsection.
       (B) Availability of funds.--Amounts appropriated pursuant 
     to subparagraph (A) are authorized to remain available until 
     expended.
       (b) Prohibition on Assistance to Government of Yugoslavia 
     or of Serbia.--In carrying out subsection (a), the President 
     should take all necessary steps to ensure that no funds or 
     other assistance is provided to the Government of Yugoslavia 
     or to the Government of Serbia, except for purposes permitted 
     under this title.
       (c) Assistance to Government of Montenegro.--
       (1) In general.--The President may provide assistance to 
     the Government of Montenegro, unless the President 
     determines, and so reports to the appropriate congressional 
     committees, that the leadership of the Government of 
     Montenegro is not committed to, or is not taking steps to 
     promote, democratic principles, the rule of law, or respect 
     for internationally recognized human rights.
       (2) Authorization of appropriations.--Unless the President 
     makes the determination, and so reports to the appropriate 
     congressional committees, under paragraph (1), there is 
     authorized to be appropriated to the President $55,000,000 
     for the period beginning October 1, 2000, and ending 
     September 30, 2001, to be made available for activities for 
     or in the Republic of Montenegro for purposes described in 
     subsection (a), as well as to support ongoing political and 
     economic reforms, and economic stabilization in support of 
     democratization.

     SEC. 103. AUTHORITY FOR RADIO AND TELEVISION BROADCASTING.

       (a) In General.--The Broadcasting Board of Governors shall 
     further the open communication of information and ideas 
     through the increased use of radio and television 
     broadcasting to Yugoslavia in both the Serbo-Croatian and 
     Albanian languages.
       (b) Implementation.--Radio and television broadcasting 
     under subsection (a) shall be carried out by the Voice of 
     America and, in

[[Page H8024]]

     addition, radio broadcasting under that subsection shall be 
     carried out by RFE/RL, Incorporated. Subsection (a) shall be 
     carried out in accordance with all the respective Voice of 
     America and RFE/RL, Incorporated, standards to ensure that 
     radio and television broadcasting to Yugoslavia serves as a 
     consistently reliable and authoritative source of accurate, 
     objective, and comprehensive news.
       (c) Statutory Construction.--The implementation of 
     subsection (a) may not be construed as a replacement for the 
     strengthening of indigenous independent media called for in 
     section 102(a)(3)(C). To the maximum extent practicable, the 
     two efforts (strengthening independent media and increasing 
     broadcasts into Serbia) shall be carried out in such a way 
     that they mutually support each other.

     SEC. 104. DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL CONTACTS RELATING TO THE 
                   REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF 
                   MONTENEGRO.

       (a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     political contacts between United States officials and those 
     individuals who, in an official or unofficial capacity, 
     represent a genuine desire for democratic governance in the 
     Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro should be 
     developed through regular and well publicized meetings.
       (b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized 
     to be appropriated to the Secretary of State $350,000 for 
     fiscal year 2001 for a voluntary contribution to the 
     Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) 
     and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly--
       (1) to facilitate contacts by those who, in an official or 
     unofficial capacity, represent a genuine desire for 
     democratic governance in the Republic of Serbia and the 
     Republic of Montenegro, with their counterparts in other 
     countries; and
       (2) to encourage the development of a multilateral effort 
     to promote democracy in the Republic of Serbia and the 
     Republic of Montenegro.

           TITLE II--ASSISTANCE TO THE VICTIMS OF OPPRESSION

     SEC. 201. FINDINGS.

       Congress finds the following:
       (1) Beginning in February 1998 and ending in June 1999, the 
     armed forces of Yugoslavia and the Serbian Interior Ministry 
     police force engaged in a brutal crackdown against the ethnic 
     Albanian population in Kosovo.
       (2) As a result of the attack by Yugoslav and Serbian 
     forces against the Albanian population of Kosovo, more than 
     10,000 individuals were killed and 1,500,000 individuals were 
     displaced from their homes.
       (3) The majority of the individuals displaced by the 
     conflict in Kosovo was left homeless or was forced to find 
     temporary shelter in Kosovo or outside the country.
       (4) The activities of the Yugoslav armed forces and the 
     police force of the Serbian Interior Ministry resulted in the 
     widespread destruction of agricultural crops, livestock, and 
     property, as well as the poisoning of wells and water 
     supplies, and the looting of humanitarian goods provided by 
     the international community.

     SEC. 202. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

       It is the sense of Congress that--
       (1) the Government of Yugoslavia and the Government of 
     Serbia bear responsibility to the victims of the conflict in 
     Kosovo, including refugees and internally displaced persons, 
     and for property damage in Kosovo;
       (2) under the direction of President Milosevic, neither the 
     Government of Yugoslavia nor the Government of Serbia 
     provided the resources to assist innocent, civilian victims 
     of oppression in Kosovo; and
       (3) because neither the Government of Yugoslavia nor the 
     Government of Serbia fulfilled the responsibilities of a 
     sovereign government toward the people in Kosovo, the 
     international community offers the only recourse for 
     humanitarian assistance to victims of oppression in Kosovo.

     SEC. 203. ASSISTANCE.

       (a) Authority.--The President is authorized to furnish 
     assistance under section 491 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 
     1961 (22 U.S.C. 2292) and the Migration and Refugee 
     Assistance Act of 1962 (22 U.S.C. 2601 et seq.), as 
     appropriate, for--
       (1) relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction in Kosovo; 
     and
       (2) refugees and persons displaced by the conflict in 
     Kosovo.
       (b) Prohibition.--No assistance may be provided under this 
     section to any organization that has been designated as a 
     foreign terrorist organization under section 219 of the 
     Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1189).
       (c) Use of Economic Support Funds.--Any funds that have 
     been allocated under chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign 
     Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2346 et seq.) for 
     assistance described in subsection (a) may be used in 
     accordance with the authority of that subsection.

                  TITLE III--``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS

     SEC. 301. ``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS.

       (a) Application of Measures.--The sanctions described in 
     subsections (c) through (g) shall apply with respect to 
     Yugoslavia until the President determines and certifies to 
     the appropriate congressional committees that the Government 
     of Yugoslavia has made significant progress in meeting the 
     conditions described in subsection (b).
       (b) Conditions.--The conditions referred to in subsection 
     (a) are the following:
       (1) Agreement on a lasting settlement in Kosovo.
       (2) Compliance with the General Framework Agreement for 
     Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
       (3) Implementation of internal democratic reform.
       (4) Settlement of all succession issues with the other 
     republics that emerged from the break-up of the Socialist 
     Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
       (5) Cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal 
     for the former Yugoslavia, including the transfer to The 
     Hague of all individuals in Yugoslavia indicted by the 
     Tribunal.
       (c) International Financial Institutions.--The Secretary of 
     the Treasury shall instruct the United States executive 
     directors of the international financial institutions to 
     oppose, and vote against, any extension by those institutions 
     of any financial assistance (including any technical 
     assistance or grant) of any kind to the Government of 
     Yugoslavia.
       (d) Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.--
     The Secretary of State should instruct the United States 
     Ambassador to the Organization for Security and Cooperation 
     in Europe (OSCE) to oppose and block any consensus to allow 
     the participation of Yugoslavia in the OSCE or any 
     organization affiliated with the OSCE.
       (e) United Nations.--The Secretary of State should instruct 
     the United States Permanent Representative to the United 
     Nations--
       (1) to oppose and vote against any resolution in the United 
     Nations Security Council to admit Yugoslavia to the United 
     Nations or any organization affiliated with the United 
     Nations; and
       (2) to actively oppose and, if necessary, veto any proposal 
     to allow Yugoslavia to assume the membership of the former 
     Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United 
     Nations General Assembly or any other organization affiliated 
     with the United Nations.
       (f) NATO.--The Secretary of State should instruct the 
     United States Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic 
     Council to oppose and vote against the extension to 
     Yugoslavia of membership or participation in the Partnership 
     for Peace program or any other organization affiliated with 
     NATO.
       (g) Southeast European Cooperation Initiative.--The 
     Secretary of State should instruct the United States 
     Representatives to the Southeast European Cooperation 
     Initiative (SECI) to actively oppose the participation of 
     Yugoslavia in SECI.
       (h) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
       (1) the President should not restore full diplomatic 
     relations with Yugoslavia until the President has determined 
     and so reported to the appropriate congressional committees 
     that the Government of Yugoslavia has met the conditions 
     described in subsection (b); and
       (2) the President should encourage all other European 
     countries to diminish their level of diplomatic relations 
     with Yugoslavia.
       (i) International Financial Institution Defined.--In this 
     section, the term ``international financial institution'' 
     includes the International Monetary Fund, the International 
     Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International 
     Development Association, the International Finance 
     Corporation, the Multilateral Investment Guaranty Agency, and 
     the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.

     SEC. 302. INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS NOT IN 
                   COMPLIANCE WITH ``OUTER WALL'' SANCTIONS.

       It is the sense of Congress that, if any international 
     financial institution (as defined in section 301(i)) approves 
     a loan or other financial assistance to the Government of 
     Yugoslavia over the opposition of the United States, then the 
     Secretary of the Treasury should withhold from payment of the 
     United States share of any increase in the paid-in capital of 
     such institution an amount equal to the amount of the loan or 
     other assistance.

              TITLE IV--OTHER MEASURES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA

     SEC. 401. BLOCKING ASSETS IN THE UNITED STATES.

       (a) Blocking of Assets.--All property and interests in 
     property, including all commercial, industrial, or public 
     utility undertakings or entities, of or in the name of the 
     Government of Serbia or the Government of Yugoslavia that are 
     in the United States, that come within the United States, or 
     that are or come within the possession or control of United 
     States persons, including their overseas branches, are 
     blocked.
       (b) Prohibited Transfers.--Payments or transfers of any 
     property or any transactions involving the transfer of 
     anything of economic value by any United States person to the 
     Government of Serbia, the Government of Yugoslavia, or any 
     person or entity acting for or on behalf of, or owned or 
     controlled, directly or indirectly, by any of those 
     governments, persons, or entities, are prohibited.
       (c) Exercise of Authorities.--The Secretary of the 
     Treasury, in consultation with the Secretary of State, shall 
     take such actions, including the promulgation of regulations, 
     orders, directives, rulings, instructions, and licenses, and 
     employ all powers granted to the President by the 
     International Emergency Economic Powers Act,

[[Page H8025]]

     as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this 
     section, including, but not limited to, taking such steps as 
     may be necessary to continue in effect the measures contained 
     in Executive Order No. 13088 of June 9, 1998, and Executive 
     Order No. 13121 of April 30, 1999, and any rule, regulation, 
     license, or order issued thereunder.
       (d) Payment of Expenses.--All expenses incident to the 
     blocking and maintenance of property blocked under subsection 
     (a) shall be charged to the owners or operators of such 
     property, and expenses shall not be paid for from blocked 
     funds.
       (e) Prohibitions.--The following are prohibited:
       (1) Any transaction within the United States or by a United 
     States person relating to any vessel in which a majority or 
     controlling interest is held by a person or entity in, or 
     operating from, Serbia, regardless of the flag under which 
     the vessel sails.
       (2)(A) The exportation to Serbia or to any entity operated 
     from Serbia or owned and controlled by the Government of 
     Serbia or the Government of Yugoslavia, directly or 
     indirectly, of any goods, software technology, or services, 
     either--
       (i) from the United States;
       (ii) requiring the issuance of a license by a Federal 
     agency; or
       (iii) involving the use of United States registered vessels 
     or aircraft.
       (B) Any activity that promotes or is intended to promote 
     exportation described in subparagraph (A).
       (3)(A) Any dealing by a United States person in--
       (i) property exported from Serbia; or
       (ii) property intended for exportation from Serbia to any 
     country or exportation to Serbia from any country.
       (B) Any activity of any kind that promotes or is intended 
     to promote any dealing described in subparagraph (A).
       (4) The performance by any United States person of any 
     contract, including a financing contract, in support of an 
     industrial, commercial, public utility, or governmental 
     project in Serbia.
       (f) Exceptions.--Nothing in this section shall apply to--
       (1) assistance provided under section 102 or section 203 of 
     this Act; or
       (2) information or informational materials described in 
     section 203(b)(3) of the International Emergency Economic 
     Powers Act.
       (g) Definition.--In this section, the term ``United States 
     person'' means any United States citizen, any alien lawfully 
     admitted for permanent residence within the United States, 
     any entity organized under the laws of the United States 
     (including foreign branches), or any person in the United 
     States.

     SEC. 402. SUSPENSION OF ENTRY INTO THE UNITED STATES.

       (a) Prohibition.--The President shall use his authority 
     under section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act 
     (8 U.S.C. 1182(f)) to suspend the entry into the United 
     States of any alien who--
       (1) holds a position in the senior leadership of the 
     Government of Yugoslavia or the Government of Serbia; or
       (2) is a spouse, minor child, or agent of a person 
     inadmissible under paragraph (1).
       (b) Senior Leadership Defined.--In subsection (a)(1), the 
     term ``senior leadership''--
       (1) includes--
       (A) the President, Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Ministers, 
     and government ministers of Yugoslavia;
       (B) the Governor of the National Bank of Yugoslavia; and
       (C) the President, Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Ministers, 
     and government ministers of the Republic of Serbia; and
       (2) does not include the President, Prime Minister, Deputy 
     Prime Ministers, and government ministers of the Republic of 
     Montenegro.

     SEC. 403. PROHIBITION ON STRATEGIC EXPORTS TO YUGOSLAVIA.

       (a) Prohibition.--No computers, computer software, or goods 
     or technology intended to manufacture or service computers 
     may be exported to or for use by the Government of Yugoslavia 
     or by the Government of Serbia, or by any of the following 
     entities of either government:
       (1) The military.
       (2) The police.
       (3) The prison system.
       (4) The national security agencies.
       (b) Statutory Construction.--Nothing in this section shall 
     prevent the issuance of licenses to ensure the safety of 
     civil aviation and safe operation of United States-origin 
     commercial passenger aircraft and to ensure the safety of 
     ocean-going maritime traffic in international waters.

     SEC. 404. PROHIBITION ON LOANS AND INVESTMENT.

       (a) United States Government Financing.--No loan, credit 
     guarantee, insurance, financing, or other similar financial 
     assistance may be extended by any agency of the United States 
     Government (including the Export-Import Bank and the Overseas 
     Private Investment Corporation) to the Government of 
     Yugoslavia or the Government of Serbia.
       (b) Trade and Development Agency.--No funds made available 
     by law may be available for activities of the Trade and 
     Development Agency in or for Serbia.
       (c) Third Country Action.--The Secretary of State is urged 
     to encourage all other countries, particularly European 
     countries, to suspend any of their own programs providing 
     support similar to that described in subsection (a) or (b) to 
     the Government of Yugoslavia or the Government of Serbia, 
     including by rescheduling repayment of the indebtedness of 
     either government under more favorable conditions.
       (d) Prohibition on Private Credits.--
       (1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2), no 
     national of the United States may make or approve any loan or 
     other extension of credit, directly or indirectly, to the 
     Government of Yugoslavia or to the Government of Serbia or to 
     any corporation, partnership, or other organization that is 
     owned or controlled by either the Government of Yugoslavia or 
     the Government of Serbia.
       (2) Exception.--Paragraph (1) shall not apply to a loan or 
     extension of credit for any housing, education, or 
     humanitarian benefit to assist the victims of oppression in 
     Kosovo.

     SEC. 405. PROHIBITION OF MILITARY-TO-MILITARY COOPERATION.

       The United States Government (including any agency or 
     entity of the United States) shall not provide assistance 
     under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 or the Arms Export 
     Control Act (including the provision of Foreign Military 
     Financing under section 23 of the Arms Export Control Act or 
     international military education and training under chapter 5 
     of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961) or provide 
     any defense articles or defense services under those Acts, to 
     the armed forces of the Government of Yugoslavia or of the 
     Government of Serbia.

     SEC. 406. MULTILATERAL SANCTIONS.

       It is the sense of Congress that the President should 
     continue to seek to coordinate with other countries, 
     particularly European countries, a comprehensive, 
     multilateral strategy to further the purposes of this title, 
     including, as appropriate, encouraging other countries to 
     take measures similar to those described in this title.

     SEC. 407. EXEMPTIONS.

       (a) Exemption for Kosovo.--None of the restrictions imposed 
     by this Act shall apply with respect to Kosovo, including 
     with respect to governmental entities or administering 
     authorities or the people of Kosovo.
       (b) Exemption for Montenegro.--None of the restrictions 
     imposed by this Act shall apply with respect to Montenegro, 
     including with respect to governmental entities of 
     Montenegro, unless the President determines and so certifies 
     to the appropriate congressional committees that the 
     leadership of the Government of Montenegro is not committed 
     to, or is not taking steps to promote, democratic principles, 
     the rule of law, or respect for internationally recognized 
     human rights.

     SEC. 408. WAIVER; TERMINATION OF MEASURES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA.

       (a) General Waiver Authority.--Except as provided in 
     subsection (b), the requirement to impose any measure under 
     this Act may be waived for successive periods not to exceed 
     12 months each, and the President may provide assistance in 
     furtherance of this Act notwithstanding any other provision 
     of law, if the President determines and so certifies to the 
     appropriate congressional committees in writing 15 days in 
     advance of the implementation of any such waiver that--
       (1) it is important to the national interest of the United 
     States; or
       (2) significant progress has been made in Yugoslavia in 
     establishing a government based on democratic principles and 
     the rule of law, and that respects internationally recognized 
     human rights.
       (b) Exception.--The President may implement the waiver 
     under subsection (a) for successive periods not to exceed 3 
     months each without the 15 day advance notification under 
     that subsection--
       (1) if the President determines that exceptional 
     circumstances require the implementation of such waiver; and
       (2) the President immediately notifies the appropriate 
     congressional committees of his determination.
       (c) Termination of Restrictions.--The restrictions imposed 
     by this title shall be terminated if the President determines 
     and so certifies to the appropriate congressional committees 
     that the Government of Yugoslavia is a government that is 
     committed to democratic principles and the rule of law, and 
     that respects internationally recognized human rights.

     SEC. 409. STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION.

       (a) In General.--None of the restrictions or prohibitions 
     contained in this Act shall be construed to limit 
     humanitarian assistance (including the provision of food and 
     medicine), or the commercial export of agricultural 
     commodities or medicine and medical equipment, to Yugoslavia.
       (b) Special Rule.--Nothing in subsection (a) shall be 
     construed to permit the export of an agricultural commodity 
     or medicine that could contribute to the development of a 
     chemical or biological weapon.

                   TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

     SEC. 501. INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER 
                   YUGOSLAVIA.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) United Nations Security Council Resolution 827, which 
     was adopted May 25, 1993, established the International 
     Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to prosecute 
     persons responsible for serious violations of international 
     humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former 
     Yugoslavia since January 1, 1991.
       (2) United Nations Security Council Resolution 827 requires 
     full cooperation by all countries with the Tribunal, 
     including the obligation of countries to comply with requests 
     of the Tribunal for assistance or orders.

[[Page H8026]]

       (3) The Government of Yugoslavia has disregarded its 
     international obligations with regard to the Tribunal, 
     including its obligation to transfer or facilitate the 
     transfer to the Tribunal of any person on the territory of 
     Yugoslavia who has been indicted for war crimes or other 
     crimes against humanity under the jurisdiction of the 
     Tribunal.
       (4) The Government of Yugoslavia publicly rejected the 
     Tribunal's jurisdiction over events in Kosovo and has impeded 
     the investigation of representatives from the Tribunal, 
     including denying those representatives visas for entry into 
     Yugoslavia, in their efforts to gather information about 
     alleged crimes against humanity in Kosovo under the 
     jurisdiction of the Tribunal.
       (5) The Tribunal has indicted President Slobodan Milosevic 
     for--
       (A) crimes against humanity, specifically murder, 
     deportations, and persecutions; and
       (B) violations of the laws and customs of war.
       (b) Policy.--It shall be the policy of the United States to 
     support fully and completely the investigation of President 
     Slobodan Milosevic by the International Criminal Tribunal for 
     the former Yugoslavia for genocide, crimes against humanity, 
     war crimes, and grave breaches of the Geneva Convention.
       (c) Sense of Congress.--Subject to subsection (b), it is 
     the sense of Congress that the United States Government 
     should gather all information that the intelligence community 
     (as defined in section 3(4) of the National Security Act of 
     1947 (50 U.S.C. 401a(4)) collects or has collected to support 
     an investigation of President Slobodan Milosevic for 
     genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and grave 
     breaches of the Geneva Convention by the International 
     Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and that 
     the Department of State should provide all appropriate 
     information to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY under 
     procedures established by the Director of Central 
     Intelligence that are necessary to ensure adequate protection 
     of intelligence sources and methods.
       (d) Report to Congress.--Not less than 180 days after the 
     date of enactment of this Act, and every 180 days thereafter 
     for the succeeding 5-year period, the President shall submit 
     a report, in classified form if necessary, to the appropriate 
     congressional committees that describes the information that 
     was provided by the Department of State to the Office of the 
     Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the 
     former Yugoslavia for the purposes of subsection (c).

     SEC. 502. SENSE OF CONGRESS WITH RESPECT TO ETHNIC HUNGARIANS 
                   OF VOJVODINA.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds that--
       (1) approximately 350,000 ethnic Hungarians, as well as 
     several other minority populations, reside in the province of 
     Vojvodina, part of Serbia, in traditional settlements in 
     existence for centuries;
       (2) this community has taken no side in any of the Balkan 
     conflicts since 1990, but has maintained a consistent 
     position of nonviolence, while seeking to protect its 
     existence through the meager opportunities afforded under the 
     existing political system;
       (3) the Serbian leadership deprived Vojvodina of its 
     autonomous status at the same time as it did the same to the 
     province of Kosovo;
       (4) this population is subject to continuous harassment, 
     intimidation, and threatening suggestions that they leave the 
     land of their ancestors; and
       (5) during the past 10 years this form of ethnic cleansing 
     has already driven 50,000 ethnic Hungarians and members of 
     other minority communities out of the province of Vojvodina.
       (b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     the President should--
       (1) condemn harassment, threats, and intimidation against 
     any ethnic group in Yugoslavia as the usual precursor of 
     violent ethnic cleansing;
       (2) express deep concern over the reports on recent 
     threats, intimidation, and even violent incidents against the 
     ethnic Hungarian inhabitants of the province of Vojvodina;
       (3) call on the Secretary of State to regularly monitor the 
     situation of the Hungarian ethnic group in Vojvodina; and
       (4) call on the NATO allies of the United States, during 
     any negotiation on the future status of Kosovo, also to pay 
     substantial attention to establishing satisfactory guarantees 
     for the rights of the people of Vojvodina, and, in 
     particular, of the ethnic minorities in the province.

     SEC. 503. OWNERSHIP AND USE OF DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR 
                   PROPERTIES.

       (a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
       (1) The international judicial system, as currently 
     structured, lacks fully effective remedies for the wrongful 
     confiscation of property and for unjust enrichment from the 
     use of wrongfully confiscated property by governments and 
     private entities at the expense of the rightful owners of the 
     property.
       (2) Since the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic 
     of Yugoslavia until March and June 1999, when the United 
     States Government took custody, the Government of Yugoslavia 
     exclusively used, and benefited from the use of, properties 
     located in the United States that were owned by the Socialist 
     Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
       (3) Until the United States Government took custody, the 
     Governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former 
     Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia were blocked by 
     the Government of Yugoslavia from using, or benefiting from 
     the use of, any property located in the United States that 
     was previously owned by the Socialist Federal Republic of 
     Yugoslavia.
       (4) The occupation and use by officials of Yugoslavia of 
     that property without prompt, adequate, and effective 
     compensation under the applicable principles of international 
     law to the Governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, 
     the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia is 
     unjust and unreasonable.
       (b) Policy on Negotiations Regarding Properties.--It is the 
     policy of the United States to insist that the Government of 
     Yugoslavia has a responsibility to, and should, actively and 
     cooperatively engage in good faith negotiations with the 
     Governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former 
     Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Slovenia for resolution 
     of the outstanding property issues resulting from the 
     dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, 
     including the disposition of the following properties located 
     in the United States:
       (1) 2222 Decatur Street, NW, Washington, DC.
       (2) 2410 California Street, NW, Washington, DC.
       (3) 1907 Quincy Street, NW, Washington, DC.
       (4) 3600 Edmonds Street, NW, Washington, DC.
       (5) 2221 R Street, NW, Washington, DC.
       (6) 854 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY.
       (7) 730 Park Avenue, New York, NY.
       (c) Sense of Congress on Return of Properties.--It is the 
     sense of Congress that, if the Government of Yugoslavia 
     refuses to engage in good faith negotiations on the status of 
     the properties listed in subsection (b), the President should 
     take steps to ensure that the interests of the Governments of 
     Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic 
     of Macedonia, and Slovenia are protected in accordance with 
     international law.

     SEC. 504. TRANSITION ASSISTANCE.

       (a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that 
     once the regime of President Slobodan Milosevic has been 
     replaced by a government that is committed to democratic 
     principles and the rule of law, and that respects 
     internationally recognized human rights, the President of the 
     United States should support the transition to democracy in 
     Yugoslavia by providing immediate and substantial assistance, 
     including facilitating its integration into international 
     organizations.
       (b) Authorization of Assistance.--The President is 
     authorized to furnish assistance to Yugoslavia if he 
     determines, and so certifies to the appropriate congressional 
     committees that the Government of Yugoslavia is committed to 
     democratic principles and the rule of law and respects 
     internationally recognized human rights.
       (c) Report to Congress.--
       (1) Development of plan.--The President shall develop a 
     plan for providing assistance to Yugoslavia in accordance 
     with this section. Such assistance would be provided at such 
     time as the President determines that the Government of 
     Yugoslavia is committed to democratic principles and the rule 
     of law and respects internationally recognized human rights.
       (2) Strategy.--The plan developed under paragraph (1) shall 
     include a strategy for distributing assistance to Yugoslavia 
     under the plan.
       (3) Diplomatic efforts.--The President shall take the 
     necessary steps--
       (A) to seek to obtain the agreement of other countries and 
     international financial institutions and other multilateral 
     organizations to provide assistance to Yugoslavia after the 
     President determines that the Government of Yugoslavia is 
     committed to democratic principles, the rule of law, and that 
     respects internationally recognized human rights; and
       (B) to work with such countries, institutions, and 
     organizations to coordinate all such assistance programs.
       (4) Communication of plan.--The President shall take the 
     necessary steps to communicate to the people of Yugoslavia 
     the plan for assistance developed under this section.
       (5) Report.--Not later than 120 days after the date of 
     enactment of this Act, the President shall transmit to the 
     appropriate congressional committees a report describing in 
     detail the plan required to be developed by paragraph (1).

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Gilman) and the gentleman from North Dakota (Mr. Pomeroy) 
each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).


                             General Leave

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks 
on H.R. 1064, as amended.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

[[Page H8027]]

  (Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in strong support of 
H.R. 1064, a bill introduced by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Smith). It is intended to ensure that the democratic opposition in 
Serbia continues to have the active support of the United States, 
regardless of the outcome of the election held in that country 
yesterday.
  The people of Serbia need to know that our Nation does not wish to 
have antagonistic relations with their country. They need to know, 
instead, that our Nation is simply opposed to the kinds of policies 
that their nation has pursued under the leadership of Slobodan 
Milosevic.
  They also need to know that the United States supports the cause of 
true democracy in Serbia, just as it does in the rest of Europe, and 
that Serbia is a European nation, a European country, and deserves a 
place at the European table once it has started down the road of real 
democracy, real reform, and real respect for human rights.
  Regrettably, Yugoslav President Milosevic has proven himself a master 
of manipulation of Serbian patriotism and of Serbian nationalist fears.
  Mr. Milosevic employed the ethnic distrust and unrest that surrounded 
the break-up of the former Communist Yugoslav Federation in the early 
years of the last decade to portray himself as a protector of Serbian 
rights.
  Today Serbia lies in shambles, and its people face a future that 
promises nothing better. Milosevic lingers on, surrounded by a web of 
corruption, mysterious murders, political manipulation, and state 
repression.
  After yet another series of manipulative steps, Mr. Milosevic set the 
groundwork for holding onto his power for another term as Yugoslav 
president in the election held yesterday, an election it is feared he 
has rigged to ensure an outcome in his favor.
  Mr. Speaker, our Nation is closely monitoring this election. It will 
shine a spotlight on any evidence of election fraud carried out by Mr. 
Milosevic and his supporters.
  This bill makes it clear that, regardless of the outcome of 
yesterday's election, our Nation has not given up on and will not give 
up on the freedom of the nation of Serbia and the effort to create a 
real and true democracy in Serbia. Mr. Speaker, this bill's passage 
should make that clear to the Serbian people.
  Accordingly, I urge our colleagues to join in supporting this 
measure.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill. I want to commend 
the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman); the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Subcommittee on International 
Operations and Human Rights, for moving this legislation forward.
  It is clear that Slobodan Milosevic is not part of the solution in 
the Balkans but, rather, is the problem. Milosevic has started, and 
lost, four wars this past decade, with Slovenia, with Croatia, Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, and finally with NATO over Kosovo.
  He may now be preparing his fifth war, this time against Montenegro 
and its democratic reformist government.
  Milosevic has run an authoritarian state, suppressing dissent, 
threatening his opponents, purging the army and police, and 
manipulating the electronic media to misinform the Serbian public.
  But in spite of all of that, yesterday's dramatic election results 
from Belgrade show the Serbian people have had quite enough of Slobodan 
Milosevic. It is clear from the independent and opposition sources that 
the democratic opposition of Serbia has won a decisive victory.
  The Center for Free Election and Democracy has reported that Serbia's 
democratic opposition has won 58 percent of the votes cast as compared 
to 32 percent for Milosevic.
  Milosevic should respect the wishes of the Serbian people and step 
down; no manipulating or manufacturing of ballots from Kosovo or 
Montenegro, no fiddling with the constitution to stay in power through 
next summer, no desperate moves of violence against Montenegro, Kosovo, 
or citizens of Serbia.

                              {time}  1730

  In order to bring stability to southeast Europe and unlock the 
economic potential of the region, Milosevic must relinquish power to a 
new democratic government in Serbia. I spent a summer in Serbia when I 
was in college. I lived with a family, and I care about these people 
and look forward to them moving to the post-Milosevic nightmare period 
into hope for the future.
  This act supports the democratic opposition by authorizing $50 
million for promoting democracy and civil society in Serbia and $55 
million for assisting the government of Montenegro. It also authorizes 
increased broadcasting to Yugoslavia by the Voice of America and by 
Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty.
  The act's strength is that it follows the strong and effective policy 
crafted by the administration and the demonstrated will of the Serbian 
people themselves as evidenced by yesterday's vote.
  The legislation codifies the so-called outer wall of sanctions 
against Yugoslavia by multilateral organizations, including 
international financial institutions. It also authorizes other measures 
against Yugoslavia, including blocking Yugoslavia's assets in the 
United States; prohibiting the issuance of visas and admission to the 
United States; and prohibiting strategic exports to Yugoslavia, loans 
and investment, and military-to-military cooperation.
  It is important to note that yesterday's encouraging election results 
from Serbia do not negate the need for this legislation. Milosevic may 
not relinquish control, making support for democratic forces, 
nongovernmental organizations, and free media even more vital.
  Even if a peaceful transition were to somehow occur, as one recently 
took place in neighboring Croatia, a new government and independent 
media would desperately need international support in a nation that has 
known authoritarianism and corruption for far too long. And so, Mr. 
Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1064.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of our Subcommittee on International 
Operations and Human Rights.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New 
York for yielding me this time and for his work in helping to bring 
this legislation to the floor today.
  Mr. Speaker, as we wait to see if opposition candidate Vojislav 
Kostunica will be allowed to secure the election, which by all accounts 
he seems to have secured and won, it is important for this Congress to 
support those seeking democratic change in Serbia as well as those 
undertaking democratic change in Montenegro. This bill does just that.
  Introduced by myself and several other cosponsors in February of 
1999, and updated in light of events since that time, the bill before 
us today includes language to which the Senate has already agreed by 
unanimous consent. The State Department has been thoroughly consulted, 
and its requested changes as well have been incorporated into the text. 
Throughout there has been a bipartisan effort to craft this 
legislation.
  In short, the bill authorizes the provision of democratic assistance 
to those in Serbia who are struggling for change. It also calls for 
maintaining sanctions on Serbia until such time that democratic change 
is indeed underway, allowing at the same time the flexibility to 
respond quickly to positive developments if and when they occur. 
Reflective of another resolution, H. Con. Res. 118, which I introduced 
last year, the bill supports the efforts of the International Criminal 
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to bring those responsible for war 
crimes and crimes against humanity, including Slobodan Milosevic, to 
justice.
  The reasons for this bill are clear, Mr. Speaker. In addition to news 
accounts and presentations in other committees and other venues, the 
Helsinki Commission, which I chair, has held numerous hearings on the 
efforts of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic to stomp out democracy and 
to stay in power.

[[Page H8028]]

The Commission has held three hearings specifically on this issue and 
one additional hearing specifically on the threat Milosevic presents to 
Montenegro. Of course, in the many, many hearings the commission has 
held on Bosnia and Kosovo over the years, witnesses testify to the role 
of Milosevic in instigating, if not orchestrating, conflict and war.
  Mr. Speaker, the regime of Milosevic has resorted to increasingly 
repressive measures, as we all know, to stay in power in light of the 
elections that were held yesterday in the Yugoslav Federation, of which 
Serbia and Montenegro are a part. Journalist Miroslav Filipovic 
received, for example, a 7-year sentence for reporting the truth about 
Yugoslav and Serbian atrocities in Kosovo. The very courageous Natasa 
Kandic, of the Humanitarian Law Fund, faces similar charges for 
documenting these atrocities. Ivan Stambolic, an early mentor but now a 
leading and credible critic of Slobodon Milosevic, was literally 
abducted from the streets of Belgrade. Authorities have raided the 
headquarters of the Center For Free Elections and Democracy, a civic, 
domestic monitoring organization; and members of the student movement 
Otpor regularly face arrest, detention and physical harassment. 
Political opposition candidates have been similarly threatened, 
harassed, and physically attacked.
  As news reports regularly indicate, Milosevic may also be considering 
violent action to bring Montenegro, which has embarked on a democratic 
path and distanced itself from Belgrade, back under his control. Signs 
that he is instigating trouble there are certainly evident.
  It is too early for the results of the elections to be known fully. 
However, this bill allows us the flexibility to react to those results. 
Assistance for transition is authorized, allowing a quick reaction to 
positive developments. Sanctions can also be eased, if needed. On the 
other hand, few hold hope that Milosevic will simply relinquish power. 
A struggle for democracy may only now just be starting and not ending.
  The human rights violations I have highlighted, Mr. Speaker, are also 
mere examples of deeply rooted institutionalized repression. 
Universities and the media are restricted by Draconian laws from 
encouraging the free debate of ideas upon which societies thrive. 
National laws and the federal constitution have been drafted and 
redrafted to orchestrate the continued power of Slobodan Milosevic. The 
military has been purged, as we all know, of many high-ranking 
professionals unwilling to do Milosevic's dirty work, and the place is 
a virtual military force of its own designed to tackle internal enemies 
who are in fact trying to save Serbia from this tyrant.
  Paramilitary groups merge with criminal gangs in the pervasive 
corruption which now exists. Sophisticated and constant propaganda has 
been designed over the last decade to warp the minds of the people into 
believing this regime has defended the interests of Serbs in Serbia and 
throughout former Yugoslavia. As a result, even if a democratic change 
were to begin in Serbia, which we all hope and pray for, the assistance 
authorized in this bill is needed to overcome the legacy of Milosevic. 
His influence over the decade has been so strong that it will take 
considerable effort to bring Serbia back to where it should be.
  Bringing democratic change to Serbia and supporting the change 
already taking place in Montenegro is without question in the U.S. 
national interest. We may differ in our positions regarding the 
decision to use American forces in the Balkans either for peacekeeping 
or peacemaking. Nothing, however, could better create the conditions 
for regional stability which would allow our forces to come home with 
their mission accomplished than a Serbia on the road to democratic 
recovery.
  There is, however, an even stronger interest. Indeed, there is a 
fundamental right of the people of Serbia themselves to democratic 
governance. They deserve to have the same rights and freedoms, as well 
as the opportunity for a prosperous future, that is enjoyed by so many 
other Europeans and by our fellow Americans.
  The people of America, of Europe, the people of Serbia all have a 
strong mutual interest in ending Milosevic's reign of hatred and 
thuggery. This bill advances that cause.
  Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).
  Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this legislation 
offered by my colleagues, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and 
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer). I salute them both.
  The findings contained in this legislation are historic and 
astonishing. Last year, many of us in this House went to Macedonia and 
Albania and saw the refugee camps. I carry with me in my pocket at all 
times, along with my copy of the Constitution, I might add, a picture 
of a young boy, Valdrin Ferizaj, 8 years old, who tugged at my pants in 
a refugee camp where there were 35,000 refugees, which was only 
supposed to hold 10,000. He spoke to me in a language I could not 
understand. And someone translated, ``He is asking you, Mr. 
Congressman, where is his mother and father.'' I have tried to find 
them since coming back, and I will continue.
  It is a landmark day in Yugoslavia. Early results from that election 
are showing that opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica will win the 
first round elections against Slobodan Milosevic. Not surprisingly, Mr. 
Milosevic's camp is disputing the claims. But we have been through 
this, have we not?
  The Milosevic camp is disputing these preliminary results and are 
calling for a second round. But we who are witnesses to the death, to 
the destruction, to the displacement, and to the deception caused by 
this man, which is documented and well-known, can only hope that this 
murderous leader is indeed defeated.
  As was earlier stated by both leaders, and soon to be the other 
sponsor of the bill, because of America's involvement in the Balkans, 
we will have a vested interest in helping democratic change, in all of 
Yugoslav. And in the parts of Yugoslav, this region in southeastern 
Europe, is in critical need of security and stability.
  There is a ray of hope here today, Mr. Speaker, and I stand in hope 
that we will really understand healthy results this evening and 
tomorrow morning.
  Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), and just wish to additionally commend the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell) for his impassioned and very 
insightful comments.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time, and I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) for bringing 
this resolution, along with the minority, to the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1064 and urge my 
colleagues to support it. I am an original cosponsor of this bill, 
offered by my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the 
chairman of the Helsinki Commission. As he has noted, whatever our 
views on the American involvement in the Balkans, we all have a common 
interest in bringing democratic change to Serbia, which will enhance 
long-term stability in the region, allow our troops in Kosovo and 
Bosnia to return home sooner, with their mission accomplished, and 
preclude the need for further intervention to thwart Slobodan 
Milosevic's aggression.
  Clearly, democratic change in Serbia is the single most critically 
needed development in southeast Europe today. First and foremost, the 
people of Serbia deserve the same ability to exercise their human 
rights and fundamental freedoms that so many other Europeans enjoy. 
Secondly, it, more than anything else, would contribute to security in 
the region. Indeed, it would increase tremendously the chances for 
resolving conflicts and encouraging social reconciliation.
  The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and I have served together 
on the Helsinki Commission for a long time, over a decade and a half, 
and we have worked together to promote human rights in Europe and in 
other parts of the world, I might add.

                              {time}  1745

  Our efforts have been especially relevant in the Balkans, where 
Milosevic

[[Page H8029]]

and his regime have instigated conflict and orchestrated genocide to 
perpetuate their rule and enhance their power and privilege. The 
international community, Mr. Speaker, has been slow to respond and 
sometimes ineffective in the face of this threat to European stability. 
Only with the intervention of the United States has action been taken.
  Since Kosovo, however, there is a more united view than ever between 
the United States, Europe and the international community as a whole 
that democratic change must come to Serbia. There is also a greater 
realization that the threat Serbia poses comes not from the Serb 
people. Let me repeat that. The threat comes not from the Serb people 
but from Milosevic and his henchmen. Indeed, the people of Serbia, and 
the people of Montenegro, who are in a Yugoslav federation with Serbia, 
have suffered far too long under Milosevic's repression. They, the 
Serbians, the Montenegrans, deserve to take their rightful place in the 
democratic community of Europe.
  Mr. Speaker, national elections were held in Yugoslavia yesterday, as 
many have said. We do not yet know the final results and there are, as 
predicted, widespread allegations of fraud. Early reports indicate that 
the opposition is claiming first round victory with more than 50 
percent of the vote. That in my opinion would be an extraordinarily 
happy circumstance. The Milosevic camp, not committed to democracy, 
committed to authoritarian rule, committed to attaining their ends by 
whatever means are necessary, are claiming that they are ahead 44 
percent to 41 percent, indicating a need for a second round runoff. 
Nobody in the international community believes that representation.
  It is widely believed that Milosevic simply will not concede. He has 
hinted that, as he has said, his term does not formally end until next 
year, giving him another 9 months or so entrenched in power and in 
perversion. Alternatively, he may simply turn up the level of fraud to 
ensure a second-round victory and crack down on whatever opposition 
might exist.
  At this point, Mr. Speaker, we do not know what Serbia will be like, 
even in the near future, other than the fact that it will not be the 
same. It might change, we pray, drastically for the better or 
tragically for the worse. Either way, this bill sends the message that 
we are there for the people of Serbia. The alternative, to send no 
message at all, Mr. Speaker, is the message that Milosevic wants to 
hear.
  I urge my colleagues to vote for H.R. 1064.
  Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Crowley).
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Gilman), the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the gentleman 
from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), and the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. 
Gejdenson) for bringing this measure before us this afternoon.
  Mr. Speaker, the people of Serbia have spoken. They want change for 
their country and for their people. Our patience has certainly paid 
off. We have waited a long time for this.
  Mr. Milosevic has declared war over and over again against his own 
people, in Serbia, in Croatia, in Bosnia, in Herzegovina, in Kosovo, 
and I have seen firsthand what Mr. Milosevic and his regime has done to 
his own people. It is time for the bloodshed to end, Mr. Speaker. It is 
time for Mr. Milosevic to relinquish power before more blood is shed.
  Mr. Milosevic, your people are telling you they want no more 
persecution. They want no more refugees. Mr. Milosevic, they want no 
more death. Your people, Mr. Milosevic, have voted, and they have voted 
for life. Give them that life and relinquish power now.
  Mr. POMEROY. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ryan of Wisconsin). The question is on 
the motion offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) that the 
House suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1064, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________