[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 87 (Monday, July 10, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6326-S6328]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION
Mr. THOMPSON. Madam President, I rose on the floor on June 22 to
address a matter of great concern to everyone, the issue of
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
A couple of years ago, I was watching late night television and ran
across a seminar being conducted by former Senator Sam Nunn. Someone
asked him during a question and answer period what he considered to be
the greatest threat to the United States of America. He mentioned
terrorism and the new emerging threat of weapons of mass destruction.
A short time after that, I was watching the Charlie Rose Show late
one night with former Secretary of State Warren Christopher. When asked
the same question, he gave the same answer: That post cold war, we have
not concerned ourselves perhaps very much with some of these issues but
that we should, and there are emerging threats out there.
I think the Senator from West Virginia is contemplating a proposal
that deals with this very issue.
I have been specifically concerned with that issue with regard to
China for a couple of reasons: One, they continue to lead the nations
of the world in the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
according to our intelligence community; two, because we are now
getting ready to embark on the issue of permanent normal trade
relations with China.
Many of us are free traders; many of us believe in open markets; many
of us want to support that. I think the majority of the Senate
certainly does. Is there not any better time, and is it not incumbent
upon us in the same general timeframe and the same general debate, that
we couldn't, shouldn't, consider something so vitally important to this
country as the issue of our nuclear trading partner, that we are being
asked to embrace in a new world regime, that sits with us on the
Security Council of the United Nations? Is it too much to ask of them
to cease this dangerous proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
and the supplying of these rogue nations with weapons of mass
destruction--be they chemical, biological, or nuclear--which pose a
threat to us?
We are considering now the issue of the national missile defense
system. Many people in this Nation, I think a majority of people in
this Congress, are very concerned that we have no defense against such
a terrorist attack, an accidental attack, an attack by a rogue nation
with weapons of mass destruction, and that we need such a missile
defense.
One of the primary reasons we need a national missile defense system
has to do with the activities of the Chinese and their supplying of
rogue nations with these materials, expertise, capabilities, military
parts that have nuclear capabilities which we are so concerned that, by
the year of 2005, could be turned against us. Must we not consider this
as we consider permanent normal trade relations? As important as trade
is, is it more important than our national security? I think that
question answers itself.
I pointed out on June 22 that the Rumsfeld Commission reported in
July
[[Page S6327]]
of 1998 that: China poses a threat as a significant proliferator of
ballistic missiles, weapons of mass destruction, and enabling
technology. The commission went on to say China's behavior thus far
makes it appear unlikely that it will soon effectively reduce its
country's sizable transfer of critical technologies, experts, or
expertise to the emerging missile powers.
A little later, on June 22 of this year, the Far Eastern Economic
Review reported:
Robert Einhorn, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for
Nonproliferation, left Hong Kong on June 11 with a small
delegation bound for Beijing.
The article said:
Neither the American nor Chinese side reported this trip.
Einhorn is on a delicate mission to get a commitment from
Beijing not to export missile technology and components to
Iran and Pakistan.
It went on to say:
. . . U.S. intelligence reports suggest that China may have
begun building a missile plant in Pakistan. If true, it would
be the second Chinese-built plant there.
If that article is indeed true, it would certainly be consistent with
what we know about other Chinese activities. There is a recent report
that there is growing Chinese support for Libya and their missile
program. We know they have supported the Iranian missile program. We
know they have supported the North Korean missile program. So those are
some of the things we discussed back on June 22.
Let's bring ourselves up to date now. Just this last Sunday, Sunday a
week, July 2, the New York Times reported:
American intelligence agencies have told the Clinton
administration and Congress that China has continued to aid
Pakistan's effort to building long-range missiles that could
carry nuclear weapons, according to several officials with
access to intelligence reports.
The story goes on to say:
. . . how China stepped up the shipment of specialty
steels, guidance systems, and technical expertise to Pakistan
. . . since 1998.
That is very recent activity. Shipments to Pakistan have been
continued over the past 8 to 18 months, according to this story.
This, of course, would be in violation of the Missile Technology
Control Regime to which the Chinese Government agreed to adhere.
Strangely enough, weeks ago, our Secretary of State praised the Chinese
for complying with the MTCR. It is pretty obvious now they are not
complying. Some answers need to be forthcoming from the Secretary of
State with regard to that.
But things are more serious than that because we now know, because of
these recent developments and, perhaps, because of some of the issues
we are considering in this Senate, the administration sent another
envoy to the Chinese for 2 days of talks concerning some of these
proliferation problems. On July 9, we got a report back from that
latest trip, where our people went over there to plead with the Chinese
to change their behavior at a time when we are about to consider
permanent normal trade relations. We have gotten the results back.
According to the New York Times on July 9, this visiting American
official, who is Mr. J.D. Holum, adviser to the Secretary of State on
arms control, said:
After 2 days of talks, the Chinese would not allay concerns
about recent Chinese help for Pakistan's ballistic missile
program.
He is quoted here as saying:
We raised our concern that China has provided aid to
Pakistan and other countries . . .
That is according to Mr. Holum.
The article goes on to say:
Some Chinese arms experts say that China is unlikely to
promise to end exports of missile technology anytime soon
because such trade, or the threat of it, gives China a
bargaining chip over the scale of American weapons sold to
Taiwan.
Apparently, what the Chinese Government is saying is that as long as
we assist Taiwan--which we are determined to do--for defensive purposes
against the aggression of the Chinese Government, they are going to
continue to assist these outlaw nations in their offensive designs that
might be targeted toward the United States.
That bears some serious consideration. The Chinese Government is
saying if you continue to be friendly with Taiwan and assist them in
defending themselves against us, we are going to continue to make the
world more dangerous for you and the rest of the world by continuing to
assist these nations of great concern. We have to ask ourselves: Are we
willing to acquiesce to that kind of blackmail? We have a policy with
regard to Taiwan. It is well stated. Are we going to withdraw our
support for Taiwan, which might assist in doing something about this
proliferation? I don't think so. I would certainly oppose it. I think
most every Member of this body would oppose that. So you can take that
option off the table.
What are we going to do? The other option would be to continue to sit
pat, continue our policy, and see the continued proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. We will try to build a missile defense
system that will catch them. While they are building up over there, we
will build up over here.
There is a third option, of course. That is to tell the Chinese
Government that, yes, we will trade with you; yes, we want to engage
with you; yes, we will help you see progress in human rights and other
issues; yes, we acknowledge you have taken a lot of people out of
poverty and opened up your markets somewhat; yes, we will do all those
things, but if you continue to do things that pose a mortal threat to
the United States of America, we will respond to that in an economic
way. There will be consequences to you.
It does not have to be directly related to trade. We can do some
other things that would not hurt our people. For example, the Chinese
have access to our capital markets. They raise billions of dollars in
our capital markets. It is free and open to them. It is not transparent
at all. We don't know what they do with that money. Some people think
they use it to build up their army. But Chinese interests raise
billions of dollars in our capital markets. Should we allow them to
continue to doing that when they are supplying these rogue nations with
weapons that are a threat to us? It makes no sense at all.
Must we read in the paper someday that the North Koreans or the
Iranians, sure enough, have a missile and have the nuclear capability
of send a nuclear missile to the United States of America?
People say: They know they would be wiped off the face of the Earth.
We could retaliate and they would never do something like that. No. 1,
we made a lot of mistakes in this country by assuming other people
think the same way we do. No. 2, I am not sure we are always going to
be able to detect the source of a missile such as that. The United
States would not likely, as some people say--having it trip off their
tongue so easily--wipe a nation off the face of the Earth unless we
were absolutely sure. So there is no need to go down that road. We must
do something on the front end that will ameliorate the possibility of
our ever getting into that situation and that condition. That is why 17
of my colleagues and I have proposed a bill called the
Chinese Nonproliferation Act, which basically calls for an annual
assessment of the activities of the Chinese Government and Chinese
Government-controlled entities within China, to see how they are doing
on a yearly basis in terms of their proliferation activity. Then, if
there is a finding that they continue their proliferation activity, the
President has the authority to take action.
I believe that is the least we can do under the circumstances. Our
bill has become quite controversial because many people think it
complicates the issue of permanent normal trade relations with China.
They do not want to do anything--No. 1, they say--to hurt our
exporters. We have made changes. No one can arguably say our bill hurts
U.S. exporters now. We don't want to hurt our agricultural industry. We
have made changes to accommodate that concern. We are not designing
this in order to hurt our agricultural industry, so that is not an
issue anymore.
When you get right down to it, the opponents of this bill are
primarily concerned about doing anything to agitate the Chinese at a
time in which we are trying to get permanent normal trade relations
passed. I don't think we ought to gratuitously aggravate them. But if
we are not prepared to risk the displeasure of a nation that is doing
things that pose a mortal threat to our national security, what are we
prepared to do?
What is more important than that? I am not saying let's cut off trade
with
[[Page S6328]]
them. I am not saying let's take action against them for precipitous
reasons or reasons that are not well thought out. I am saying we must
respond to these continued reports from the Rumsfeld Commission, from
the Cox Commission, from our biennial intelligence assessments, from
these reports from our own envoys coming back saying the Chinese are
basically telling us to get lost. We know what they are doing, and they
are apparently not even denying it anymore. And we are going to approve
PNTR without even taking up this issue?
We are trying to get a vote on this bill. So far we have been unable
to do so. I ask my colleagues to seriously consider what kind of signal
we are going to be sending. We talk a lot about signals around here. I
ask what kind of signal we are going to be sending to the Chinese
Government, to our allies, to the rest of the world, if we are not
willing to take steps to defend ourselves? A great country that is
unwilling to defend itself will not be a great country forever.
I yield the floor.
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