[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 68 (Tuesday, June 6, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4573-S4574]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. FRIST (for himself and Mr. Feingold):
  S. 2677. A bill to restrict assistance until certain conditions are 
satisfied and to support democratic and economic transition in 
Zimbabwe; to the Committee on Foreign Relations.


    legislation to promote political and economic reform in zimbabwe

 Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, on its surface, the turmoil and 
death toll of Zimbabwe's brutal farm invasions is an economic and 
racial battle. At its core, it is an engineered effort to distract from 
the government's assault on a besieged democratic opposition movement. 
The crisis in Zimbabwe has profound implications for Africa far beyond 
the killings and lawlessness necessary to sustain it. It has the 
potential to fundamentally compromise the future of the entire region 
and the United States' most basic interests there. But it is a crisis 
which we are ill-prepared to address, and time is not on our side.
  President Robert Mugabe's orchestration and blessing of the invasions 
of predominantly white-owned commercial farms--the backbone of 
Zimbabwe's export economy--by so-called war veterans is actually a 
shrewd maneuver to disguise behind the veil of a racial drama his 
relentless attack on the democratic institutions and rule of law in 
Zimbabwe. By successfully casting the issue as one of race rather than 
his own lawlessness. President Mugabe has paralyzed the very forces 
which should otherwise call his bluff.
  Most notable among the paralyzed are other African heads of state--
and Kofi Annan. The deliberate introduction of a racial element to the 
controversy has left them in an untenable position: if they dare 
criticize behavior they find outrageous or even dangerous, they would 
seemingly side against black Africans on behalf of ``colonial'' whites. 
Thus neighboring heads of state--some of whom have shown great 
commitment to democracy and racial reconciliation in their own 
countries--are unhappily muted, even seemingly compelled to support 
President Mugabe's antics.
  Yet the near paralysis of the United States is of greatest concern. 
Over 10,000 Zimbabwean troops from the thin green line which keeps 
Laurent Kabila in power in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The 
volatile Kabila, in turn, determines whether or not the war in Congo 
ends peacefully--a goal to which the administration has staked 
considerable political capital during ``the month of Africa'' at the 
United Nations. Thus, President Mugabe has presented us with a 
ludicrous choice between support for democracy in Zimbabwe and the 
chance to prevent Kabila from plunging Congo back into full scale war. 
The United States is frozen lest we provoke them.
  Relatively small Zimbabwe's ability to direct the fate of Congo and 
the entire central African region is testament to its weight on the 
continent and why its internal chaos is reason for great concern. 
Zimbabwe can be a force for good or bad in southern Africa, the region 
which will in turn, drive either the progress or further demise of the 
entire continent south of the Sahara. Zimbabwe is currently a driving 
force for its demise. The best chance to reverse that is through 
support for the democratic forces challenging a leader whose 
increasingly destructive acts imperil the continent. The United States' 
policy imperative in Zimbabwe could not be clearer, but we are 
seemingly unprepared to take the necessary steps to aggressively defend 
democracy and our national interests.
  First, the United States must be willing to ``decouple'' our support 
for democracy in Zimbabwe from the war in Congo. As in any hostage 
situation, you never let the captor dictate the terms. That will 
require commitment of considerable political capital and diplomatic 
muscle. It will require taking some necessary risks.

  Second, the United States should not wait until after ballots are 
cast for parliament on June 24 and 25 to declare whether the elections 
were ``free and fair'' or even ``flawed but representative.'' The 
government's attempt to steal the election now through violence, 
intimidation, and brazen manipulation of procedures are in daily news 
reports. Silence on that point makes us accomplices in its attempts to 
maintain its grip on power and false pretense of democracy. More 
insidious, the world is helping to pave the way for the same deception 
and violence in the critical 2002 presidential elections by essentially 
demonstrating how little we expect when it comes to democracy in 
Africa. It stands in shameful contrast to our expectations and actions 
in South Africa in 1994.
  Third, we must explicitly link international financial support and 
cooperation with Zimbabwe to the fate of its democratic institutions. 
With the virtual end of support from international lending institutions 
and economic aid, we have precious few ``sticks'' at our disposal. The 
``carrots'' are real, through. We must use them to communicate that 
democracy brings immediate benefits and to entice and generously shore 
up any gains made, including progress on real land reform. In the 20 
years since independence, land reform, which is broadly supported in 
Zimbabwe and among donors, has been slow and has benefitted ruling 
party insiders.
  It is critical that the United States be clear about its support for 
peaceful democratic transition in Zimbabwe. That fact must be 
communicated to the Zimbabwean government in no uncertain terms, and to 
the Zimbabwean people. They should know that we back them in their 
struggle for democracy.
  But it must be more than just words. The United States should be 
prepared to meet the needs of those fighting for democracy, and to be 
there to assist them should they have the opportunity to govern.
  Mr. President, to that end, Senators Feingold and Helms have joined 
me in introducing the Zimbabwe Democracy Act. The legislation contains 
several critical democratic support mechanisms which we should act 
quickly to put in place.
  First, it unequivocally states the policy of the United States is to 
support the people of Zimbabwe in their struggles to effect peaceful, 
democratic change, achieve broad-based and equitable economic growth, 
and restore the rule of law.
  It suspends bilateral assistance to the government of Zimbabwe; 
suspends any debt reduction measures for the government of Zimbabwe; 
and instructs the U.S. executive directors of the multilateral lending 
institutions to vote against the extension of any credit or benefits to 
the government of Zimbabwe until rule of law and democratic 
institutions are restored.
  It includes explicit exceptions for humanitarian, health and 
democracy support programs. It authorizes a legal assistance fund for 
individuals and institutions which are suffering under the breakdown of 
rule of law. The legal fees for torture victims, independent media 
supporting free speech and other democratic institutions challenging 
election results or undemocratic laws can be paid from the funds.

  It provides new authority for broadcasting of objective and reliable 
news to listeners in Zimbabwe.
  It doubles next year's funding for democracy programs in Zimbabwe.
  It expresses the sense of the Senate that the United States should 
support election observers to the parliamentary and presidential 
elections.
  It prepares the United States to act decisively to support democracy. 
If the President certifies to Congress that rule of law has been 
restored, freedom of speech and association is respected,

[[Page S4574]]

free elections have been conducted, Zimbabwe is pursuing an equitable 
and legal land reform program, and the army is under civilian control, 
a series of programs to support democratic transition and aggressively 
promote economic recovery are initiated:
  Suspended assistance is restored.
  The Secretary of Treasury is directed to undertake a review of 
Zimbabwe's bilateral debt for the purposes of elimination of that debt 
to the greatest extent possible.
  It directs the U.S. executive directors at the multilateral 
institutions to propose and support programs for the elimination of 
Zimbabwe's multilateral debt, and that those institutions initiate 
programs to support rapid economic recovery and the stabilization of 
the Zimbabwe dollar.
  It allocates an initial US$16 million for alternative land reform 
programs under the Inception Phase of the Land Reform and Resettlement 
Program--including acquisition and resettlement costs.
  It directs the establishment of a ``Southern Africa Finance Center'' 
in Zimbabwe which will serve as a joint office for the Export-Import 
Bank, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and the Trade 
Development Agency to pursue, facilitate and underwrite American 
private investment in Zimbabwe and the region.
  Mr. President, the future stability of Zimbabwe is in the United 
States national interest. That future is dependent on the viability of 
the democratic legal and economic institutions in Zimbabwe which are 
currently under assault. It is clear that the United States must 
support those individuals and institutions, both during the current 
assaults and especially if they gain in elections.
  This legislation offers clear support for democratic institutions and 
the rule of law now, and it provides aggressive future United States 
economic and institutional support for a transition to democracy, 
including real land reform based on equitable distribution and title to 
the land.
  In the end, President Mugabe may simply dismiss all international and 
internal pressure. He has both the power to do so and increasingly 
seems to have the inclination, despite the costs. Even so, the United 
States cannot be intimidated or compromised. We must act decisively and 
quickly to support the democratic institutions upon which he is waging 
war. It is upon the fate of those institutions and individuals which so 
much of Africa's future depends.
                                 ______