[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 67 (Thursday, May 25, 2000)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E851-E852]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                      THE U.S.-ISRAEL RELATIONSHIP

                                 ______
                                 

                       HON. JANICE D. SCHAKOWSKY

                              of illinois

                    in the house of representatives

                         Thursday, May 25, 2000

  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I would like to share with my colleagues 
excerpts of a speech recently delivered by the Vice President on the 
subject of the U.S.-Israel relationship and the situation in the Middle 
East region. I found the Vice President's remarks to be quite 
thoughtful and believe they would be of great use to members.
  The Vice President made a number of especially important points. He 
stated that the United States can and should continue to guarantee 
Israel's qualitative military edge. We all want to see peace in the 
Middle East. But without security, Israel cannot be expected to 
negotiate with hostile adversaries toward a resolution of age old 
differences.
  I am pleased that the Vice President spoke of Israel's participation 
in international politics, and underscored his commitment to helping 
Israel achieve full and fair status at the United Nations.
  The Vice President made it clear that he understands the importance 
of the U.S.-Israel friendship. He also pointed out that while we are 
close allies, and are supportive of the peace process, we must never 
pressure Israel to do anything it feels may compromise its security.
  I am so pleased that Egypt and Jordan have entered into peace 
treaties with Israel. I join the Vice President in expressing hope for 
success with the Palestinian authorities. I agree with him that a final 
agreement between Israel and the Palestinians is possible. However, we 
must see as much resolve from Yassir Arafat and the Palestinian 
leadership toward that goal in order for it to be reality. Like many 
Israeli's, Syrians, and others around the world, I am disappointed that 
Syria has not taken advantage of the opportunities presented so far to 
negotiate in good faith toward a fair and lasting resolution to the 
issues the two nations face. I hope that President Assad will engage 
Israel again and commit to working through the challenges that remain 
in the way of peace between Israel and Syria.
  The Vice President's words regarding Russian and Iran were 
encouraging, in that, he realizes that Russia must actively work to 
help reduce the threat Iran poses to the international community, to 
Israel, and to the U.S.
  Finally, I join the Vice President and numerous other leaders in this 
nation and around the world in remaining committed to Israel's security 
now and in the future. Until the day comes that we witness peace 
between Israel and all of her neighbors, I will remain steadfast in my 
support for our great ally in the Middle East. I will always work to 
maintain a strong friendship and strategic alliance between our two 
nations.

                   Remarks by Vice President Al Gore


                     AIPAC ANNUAL POLICY CONFERENCE

       ``. . . Now, almost two decades later, the crowd is a 
     little bigger, and the challenges before Israel and the U.S.-
     Israel relationship have changed. But some things have not: 
     our enduring support for a strong partnership between the 
     United States and Israel; and our commitment to one of the 
     cornerstones of America's national security--a strong, 
     secure, peaceful, and prosperous State of Israel.
       . . . Even when the world is upside down, the United States 
     and Israel see eye-to-eye. Ben-Gurion may have had unorthodox 
     ways of conducting diplomacy, but he was a modern-day 
     prophet. He was part of a generation that believed it was 
     their responsibility to make the centuries-long dream of a 
     Jewish homeland a reality. He was one of the dreamers who 
     believed that they could make the desert bloom. He was one of 
     the warriors who never lost hope for peace. As Ben-Gurion 
     wrote to a friend near the end of his life, ``there is hope . 
     . . that peace is approaching, not quickly, but slowly, 
     slowly . . . and it appears to me that by the end of this 
     century, the prophecy of Isaiah will be fulfilled.''
       I want to talk with you today about what we can do to 
     achieve peace and security for Israel, for our own country, 
     and ultimately, throughout the world. In a speech three weeks 
     ago in Boston, I laid out a vision for America's strength and 
     role abroad. I believe we need to recognize that the classic 
     security agenda--the question of war and peace between 
     sovereign nations--is still with us during this new Global 
     Age, in which the destinies of billions of people around the 
     globe are increasingly intertwined.
       We need to recognize that this Global Age presents us with 
     a new set of threats--such as rogue nations or terrorist 
     groups acquiring biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons--or 
     merely the ability to dissrupt our computer networks. Or the 
     continued degradation of our environment which threatens the 
     long-term security of all humanity. At the same time, this 
     new age also presents us with new opportunities--for peace, 
     and for economic growth. . . .
       . . . When we took office seven years ago, President 
     Clinton and I decided that the United States needed to chart 
     a new course with regard to the Middle East peace process. 
     Unlike our immediate predecessors, we chose to get intimately 
     involved. But we also established a firm, new rule--that we 
     must not, and would not, in any way try to pressure Israel, 
     to agree to measures that they themselves did not see were in 
     their own best interests.
       This commitment to Israel was not new for me. I stood 
     against the efforts of the two previous administrations to 
     pressure Israel to take stands against its own view of what 
     was in Israel's best interests. In 1988, 1 took a strong 
     stand against a previous
       And incidentally, I have never and will never interfere in 
     an Israeli election. But I certainly hope that all of you 
     will be active in this upcoming American election because a 
     lot is at stake.
       Facilitating peace, not forcing it; standing by our 
     friends, not against them--these have been the hallmarks of 
     my approach for my entire career, and it will be my approach 
     if I'm entrusted with the Presidency.
       I will never, ever let people forget that the relationship 
     between the United States and Israel rests on granite--on the 
     rock of our common values, our common heritage, and our 
     common dedication to freedom.
       If, from time to time, we disagree, I will always work to 
     make sure that we emerge even stronger--with a better 
     understanding of each other's interests--so that we are 
     always working to reinforce one another. I will never forget 
     that Israel's security rests on its superiority in arms. That 
     is why, two years ago, the United States and Israel 
     established a new strategic partnership, ushering in an 
     unprecedented level of military cooperation. I am absolutely 
     committed to make sure that Israel's qualitative edge 
     remains, and remains strong.
       Our renewed partnership has brought historic progress over 
     the past seven years. Last year, when we met, I told you I 
     would work to end Israel's half-century of ostracism from the 
     United Nations groupings of countries from which membership 
     in the UN Security Council is drawn.
       When I was last at the UN in January, I raised this issue 
     with Secretary General Annan in a private meeting. I have 
     continued to work on it, and I can report to you that we are 
     closer than ever to seeing Israel finally, and proudly, take 
     its rightful, equal

[[Page E852]]

     place in the international order. The shameful wall that has 
     blocked Israel's full integration into the community of 
     nations must come down.
       In these seven years, Jordan has joined Egypt as an Arab 
     state which has signed a peace agreement with Israel. The 
     negotiations between the Palestinians and the Israelis have 
     reached a point where final status talks and a full 
     resolution are still possible, although the difficult 
     struggle to get there is clearly growing more intense. As we 
     have seen again this past week, there are those who prefer 
     violence to negotiation. I condemn this violence. Just as I 
     supported Prime Minister Netanyahu's efforts, I now applaud 
     Prime Minister Barak's resolve, and his clear message that 
     peace will be achieved at the bargaining table, not in 
     streets torn by riots and violence. We should all be proud of 
     his courage. He has shown as much bravery in negotiations as 
     he has demonstrated in a lifetime of heroic service on the 
     battlefield.
       The negotiations can not be a one-way street. The 
     Palestinians, too, must recognize that they will not get all 
     that they want. It is the responsibility of Yasir Arafat and 
     the Palestinian leadership--a responsibility they 
     acknowledge--to prevent those who would resort to violence 
     from disrupting the peace process at this extraordinarily 
     difficult and delicate time.
       It is a particular disappointment that Syria, at least for 
     now, has turned down offers made in good faith in Geneva. As 
     Israel proceeds to withdraw from Lebanon in compliance with 
     Resolution 425, President Assad can decide to let this happen 
     without incident as a down payment for peace in the future. 
     Or, by continuing to allow Hezbollah to harass Israel as her 
     troops withdraw and even after they withdraw, he can signal 
     that he is not interested in progress.
       Syria may not choose to pursue peace for now. But make no 
     mistake: Syria has no right to pursue a course of conflict 
     that denies peace to others. The people of the Galilee should 
     be able to live their lives without the disruption of an air-
     raid siren. If peace does not come to this area, President 
     Assad will bear a heavy responsibility before the entire 
     world.
       It is a sign of how serious matters have become that Prime 
     Minister Barak has decided to remain at home, canceling his 
     trip to the United States. Ehud Barak is far away from here 
     tonight, but the message we all send to him should be loud 
     and clear: we stand by you in these critical days. The 
     classic challenges of war and peace extend beyond Israel's 
     immediate neighborhood, to Iraq and Iran.
       In Iran, there is an increasing tension between the people, 
     who clearly want to lead normal lives, and the most extreme 
     clerics, who are bent on preserving their radical regime, by 
     whatever means necessary.
       We see this tension playing itself out in the trial of 
     thirteen Iranian Jews in Shiraz. Like the closure of 
     newspapers and the assassination of dissident leaders, this 
     trial is part of the effort to block reform in Iran. Those 
     conducting the trial claim that due process is being served, 
     but the proceedings are closed to international observers and 
     to the press. They say they have received confessions from 
     some of the accused--but it is clear that these confessions 
     are meaningless and that the trials are a mockery of justice. 
     We utterly and absolutely condemn these show trials as an 
     immoral and illegal abuse of basic human rights.
       And let me be clear: the United States will judge Iran by 
     its actions, not by its assurances.
       Iran is not only a conventional threat to our national 
     interests, the security of Israel, and the stability of the 
     region. It also stands at the crossroads, where the classic 
     and new security agendas meet--for it is a major sponsor of 
     terrorism and seeker of weapons of mass destruction, a deadly 
     and unacceptable combination.
       We have been working to cut off all possible suppliers of 
     missile and nuclear technology. We have gained full 
     cooperation from our European allies. But Russia represents a 
     special concern--because there is a gap between the stated 
     policy of its government to stop proliferation, and what 
     occurs in practice. We have used our leverage with Russia.
       We have made progress at some points, but not at others. We 
     now call on President Putin to show leadership in this area--
     not just because it is in our interests, but also because it 
     is in Russia's interests.
       The challenges of the classic security agenda--facilitating 
     peace between Israel and its neighbors, and containing and 
     transforming Iran and Iraq--are ones that I believe we can 
     meet, with unwavering vigilance and commitment. But we also 
     recognize that when the time comes for that last peace treaty 
     to be signed--if it comes--there will then be agreements 
     between govermnents, but not necessarily peace between 
     peoples. True peace--if it is to take hold--will come about 
     only if we apply the same courage and determination to making 
     the Middle East a more stable, secure, and prosperous region.
       I ask us, for a moment, to lift our eyes and look beyond 
     the ebb and flow of daily events. Despite all the grave 
     problems of the moment, all the real challenges to the 
     prospect for peace, let us envision the Middle East as it can 
     be ten or twenty years from now--a Middle East at peace with 
     itself, taking full advantage of all its potential and the 
     talents of all its people. And let us focus on the steps we 
     can take to make that vision a reality. . . .''

     

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