[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 66 (Wednesday, May 24, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4381-S4382]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. FEINGOLD (for himself, Mr. Leahy, Mr. L. Chafee, Mr. 
        Harkin, Mr. Kohl, Mrs. Boxer, Mr. Durbin, Mr. Wyden, and Mr. 
        Kennedy):
  S. 2621. A bill to continue the current prohibition of military 
cooperation with the armed forces of the Republic of Indonesia until 
the President determines and certifies to the Congress that certain 
conditions are being met; to the Committee on Foreign Relations.


            East Timor Repatriation and Security Act of 2000

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today to keep a promise that I 
made on this floor a few months ago.
  In January, I came to the floor to talk about the tragic events that 
occurred last fall in East Timor. I spoke about the need to encourage 
the new Indonesian government in its commitment to reform and its 
resolve to reject the climate of impunity. I withdrew an amendment that 
would have codified the administration's suspension on military and 
security assistance for Indonesia East Timor, although I believed then 
and strongly believe today that Indonesia has not yet met the basic 
conditions that should be prerequisites for any restoration of military 
ties with Indonesia.
  At that time, Mr. President, I pledged to continue to monitor events 
in Indonesia and in East Timor closely. And I pledged to come to this 
floor if what I saw troubled me.
  Let me tell you what I see today.
  First, I am sorry to say, Mr. President, there have been no trials 
yet. No one has been brought to justice for the atrocities committed in 
East Timor

[[Page S4382]]

last year. I recognize that the Indonesian government has taken some 
courageous steps in investigating the atrocities that took place in 
East Timor, and I commend the Indonesian government for its efforts to 
date. The Indonesian government and the U.N. have succeeded in signing 
an agreement to exchange witnesses and evidence that could lead to the 
prosecution of those responsible for the violence in East Timor. A 
number of dedicated individuals within the new government continue to 
work courageously for reform, justice, and accountability. But I note, 
that obervers have been disturbed by the number of civilian and 
military police officers that the government has appointed to the team 
charged with investigating human rights abuses in East Timor. And the 
simple fact remains--no one has yet been held accountable in a court of 
law for the acts committed by the military and militias in East Timor 
last year.
  A second concern is there has been no change in the situation in West 
Timor. Today, half a year after the referendum, some 100,000 people are 
still living in the refugee camps of West Timor, afraid of what will 
happen to them should they attempt to return home. Some will likely 
choose to stay in Indonesia, but all reports from the area indicate 
that many want to return home but do not because of continued 
intimidation from militia groups.
  Within the refugee camps, since January there have been about a dozen 
incidents in which international agencies attempting to deliver aid to 
the refugees were attacked. According to recent reports, one militia 
group is so well-organized that it prints a newsletter of fabricated 
horror stories aimed at dissuading refugees from returning to East 
Timor.
  This week the plight of these refugees--at this point the most 
vulnerable of the original masses--was made even more difficult as they 
contend with the heavy rains and floods that have already killed at 
least 148 people. Over a hundred are still missing. When the flood 
waters recede, these people should have every opportunity to put their 
lives back together, free from threats and from fear.
  I look at these facts and I consider that the administration has 
chosen to take a first step toward lifting its suspension on all forms 
of military assistance and contacts by inviting the Indonesians to 
particiapte in a joint exercise, and I am indeed troubled.
  Today I am introducing a bill, the East Timor Repatriation and 
Security Act of 2000. The bill codifies the suspension of military and 
security assistance to Indonesia until certain conditions are met--the 
same conditions that have been articulated in the past; the same 
conditions contained in last year's foreign operations appropriations 
bill.
  The bill would permit military and security assistance to resume only 
when the President determines and submits a report to the appropriate 
congressional committees that the Government of Indonesia and the 
Indonesian Armed Forces are:
  Taking effective measures to bring to justice members of the armed 
forces and militia groups against whom there is credible evidence of 
human rights violations;
  Taking effective measures to bring to justice members of the armed 
forces against whom there is credible evidence of aiding or abetting 
militia groups;
  Allowing displaced persons and refugees to return home to East Timor, 
including providing safe passage for refugees returning from West 
Timor;
  Not impeding the activities of the United Nations Transitional 
Authority in East Timor;
  Demonstrating a commitment to preventing incursions into East Timor 
by members of militia groups in West Timor; and,
  Demonstrating a commitment to accountability by cooperating with 
investigations and prosecutions of members of the Indonesian Armed 
Forces and military groups responsible for human rights violations in 
Indonesia and East Timor.
  These certainly are not unreasonable conditions. They work in favor 
of the forces of reform within Indonesia. And by linking military and 
security assistance to these benchmarks, Congress will ensure that the 
U.S. relationship with Jakarta avoids the mistakes of the past, and 
that U.S. foreign policy comes closer to reflecting our core national 
values.
  To those who believe that all is well, to those who would prefer to 
forgive and forget, to those who think that the issue is yesterday's 
news, I would simply reiterate the simple facts. There have been no 
trials for the perpetrators of abuses in East Timor, and the situation 
in the refugee camps has remained unacceptable. Quite recently, Admiral 
Dennis Blair, commander in chief of U.S. forces in the Pacific, 
reaffirmed what Secretary of Defense Cohen articulated last year--the 
U.S. will not resume a military relationship with Indonesia until the 
military personnel responsible for the devastation in East Timor are 
brought to justice, and the U.S. will not resume a military 
relationship with Indonesia until the refugee crisis in West Timor has 
been resolved. Specifically, Admiral Blair called on the Indonesians to 
disband and cut off support to the militia members still terrorizing 
the refugees. It is critical that the U.S. insist on nothing less. In 
fact, we should insist on more--the militia members guilty of 
atrocities should be brought to justice.
  It is clear that these conditions have not yet been met. But the 
administration's new proposals for joint exercises with the Indonesians 
undermine Admiral Blair's words. The substance of the exercise 
currently being planned does not necessarily trouble me, but its 
significance does. The administration looks as if it suffers from a 
lack of resolve and from a wavering sense of commitment.
  Indonesia is an extraordinarily important country--strategically and 
economically. Its future course will undoubtedly affect the United 
States. For this very reason, we must stand firm, and insist upon 
rebuilding U.S.-Indonesian ties on the firm foundation of respect for 
the rule of law and for basic human rights.
  It is because I believe this so strongly--and I know that many of my 
colleagues share my views--that I have come back to the floor to raise 
this issue again. I am keeping my promise. I am watching the situation 
in East and West Timor very closely, and I still do not like what I 
see.
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