[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 58 (Thursday, May 11, 2000)]
[House]
[Pages H2958-H2959]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PERMANENT NORMAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH CHINA
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise to talk about the decision
this Congress must make regarding extending Permanent Normal Trade
Relations (PNTR) to China. Over the last several months I worked the
29th district and talked to people who have varying opinions both for
and against granting PNTR to china. These many conversations have
reinforced my existing belief that there is no easy way to decide
whether a vote in favor or in opposition of expanding trade with China
is correct.
Having been to China, I have great respect for the Chinese people,
their culture, and their impressive history. The vitality is there, we
should encourage it to expand. While I understand that you cannot move
1.2 billion people from communism to a free democracy overnight it
appears that China has been moving backwards. Recent actions by China
to prohibit the free expression of religion and their unwillingness to
open their domestic markets to foreign products is very troubling.
During my tenure in Congress, I have tried to closely examine the
various trade measures that the House of Representatives considered. I
voted against the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), but
supported the annual extension of Most Favored Nation (MFN) trading
status, now called Normal Trade Relations (NTR), to China. The
differences in my voting record reflects my concerns about blanket
trade agreements that, once signed, will disadvantage the American
producer.
As the vote on granting China PNTR looms in two weeks, I want to
discuss the criteria used to develop my position on this trade
agreement. There were three main components that I felt had to be met
before I could support the measure: First, we must safeguard American
security against a potential adversary. Second, the legislation should
encourage policies allowing greater individual liberty, the rule of
law, and religious freedom. And finally, American economic interests
should not be harmed.
When I considered China's recent actions toward Taiwan and the
possibility of a direct Chinese attack if Taiwan had decided to declare
independence, I wondered how granting annual NTR to China in recent
years had tempered their belligerent attitudes. This latest bluster by
Beijing is comparable to the 1996 Chinese ``missile test'' over the
Taiwan Straits during Taiwan's first democratic elections. Beijing's
attempt to intimidate Taiwanese voters failed to deter them from
electing President Lee Teng-hui. (Chen)
Taiwan is a vibrant democracy and its people should have every right
to elect their leaders. Has granting NTR to China stopped them from
taking such an aggressive posture towards Taiwan? I do not believe it
has. So, when taken in the context of preserving the security of the
United States, the past decisions to grant China greater trading access
has not increased our national security. The United States must remain
on constant alert and ready to defend Taiwan if China decides to
attack. In addition, the willingness of the Chinese government to allow
the stoning of our embassy last year after we mistakenly bombed their
embassy in Belgrade was of great concern to me. I find it very
unsettling when a nation with nuclear weapons uses such tactics to try
and intimidate our government. Because of these incidents, I feel China
has failed to meet the first criteria of safeguarding American
security.
China's continuing problem with religious freedom has frequently
caused concern in my district. China's record on religious and workers'
rights continues to be disappointing. Take for instance the recent
imprisonment of several thousand members of the Falun-Gong spiritual
movement. This peaceful organization uses meditation and exercise to
promote inner strength and healing. The Chinese government has
responded to this movement by systematically imprisoning the leaders of
this peaceful group on charges they are attempting to undermine the
Communist Party.
I find this continuing lack of tolerance by the Chinese government
very disturbing because it simply reinforces the bloody images of the
Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. Cracking down on the Falun-Gong
indicates to me that granting NTR, and now possibly PNTR, will have
absolutely no effect on improving religious freedom. China wants
Permanent Normal Trade Relations with no strings attached. Granting NTR
on an annual basis allows us to retain some ability to impact the
Chinese government and monitor their international conduct.
Unfortunately, in light of recent incidents I now have concerns that
granting PNTR will allow China to completely ignore their
responsibilities to promote religious and individual freedom. Because
of this belief, I feel China has failed to meet the second portion of
my criteria dealing with improving religious freedoms and human rights.
Finally, I am concerned that China has yet established a judicial
system where the impartial ``rule of law'' principle is applied. Access
to an impartial court system is critical for economic development and
individual freedom. Unfortunately, this principle has yet to develop in
China. Companies doing business in China have little recourse if their
permits to enter the domestic Chinese markets are withheld because of
resistance from within the governmental bureaucracy. The Chinese
judicial system is still a political tool of the Communist Party. It is
not unusual for verdicts to be decided before cases even go to trial.
In addition, the Chinese judicial system is responsible for maintaining
social order by imprisoning political dissidents.
When I visited China two years ago, I saw a Kodak factory that was
built to serve the domestic and foreign markets. During the visit I
asked a Kodak representative if they had received permission to market
their products in China. They had received permission by contract, but
still could not serve the domestic market. Had this situation occurred
in this country Kodak could have gone to court to enforce their access
rights. Unfortunately, they were in China where access to a fair court
hearing is questionable at best.
Mr. Speaker, China wants the foreign investment to build new
production facilities that can employ the millions of Chinese workers
throughout their country. However, it is becoming quite clear that any
new facilities will be strictly for export purposes. The U.S. trade
deficit with China has grown from $6 billion in 1989 to $70 billion in
1999. This staggering figure does not even include the estimated losses
due to piracy of U.S. intellectual property, which in 1998 was $2.6
billion and totaled $10 billion from 1995 to 1998, according to the
International Intellectual Property Alliance.
By granting China PNTR, we surrender the only effective economic and
political voice to effect positive change in China, the annual vote to
renew NTR. Growth in this new economy is very important to me, but it
is because of freedom and individual initiative, not control.
[[Page H2959]]
There are too many protesters in prison. There are too many religious
persecutions. There are too many military threats. Granting China PNTR
now might be economically rewarding, but it would be morally wrong.
Last year, I supported and spoke in favor of granting a one-year
extension of normal trade relations (NTR) with China. I support a
comprehensive engagement with China that includes free and fair trade,
but only after China has demonstrated a willingness to become a
responsible member of the world community. China should move toward
more individual freedom not less. More negotiation with Taiwan and not
military threats. China historically is a great nation and can and
should be part of this global economic success, but it's not
accomplished by persecution and threats. I cannot support granting PNTR
to China until the government gives up its reliance on threats and
intimidation to achieve their international policy goals.
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