[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 47 (Thursday, April 13, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2661-S2663]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
REDUCING TAXES FOR MARRIED COUPLES
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, I take this opportunity, at the start of
debate on this important bill to reduce taxes for married couples by
eliminating the marriage tax penalty, to give some reaction to comments
made from the other side of the aisle yesterday. My reaction probably
should have been given last night, but the environment at that time was
such that other Members wanted to speak on issues other than the
marriage tax penalty, so I did not take advantage of the opportunity.
It would have been more appropriate for me to respond to the Senate
minority leader and other Members
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of the other side of the aisle last night so it would be more in
context.
These comments are in regard to our efforts to repeal the marriage
tax penalty and also to clear up some of the inaccurate and misleading
statements made by the other side of the Senate.
We heard the charge made yesterday by the minority leader that, in
passing this bill, we are going to be dipping into the Social Security
surplus. Of course, that is going to be the Democratic mantra from now
on, even though it is not the truth. Our own budget document is
evidence of it not being our intent. Knowing the other side is
salivating at trying to make this bogus political charge stick, we have
been very careful in making sure we stay within the $150 billion in tax
relief authorized in the budget resolution that will be before us later
today in the form of the conference committee report on the budget for
the year 2001.
By carefully staying within these limits, we aren't touching one cent
of Social Security money. That is important because people know the
irresponsibility of Congress from 1969 until the Republican majority of
Congress, the first Republican majority in both Houses of Congress in
40 years, finally got the job done of balancing the budget with
decisions made in 1997. For the first time in 43 years, we are paying
down on the national debt 3 years in a row. The budget we are going to
adopt this afternoon for the year 2001 will be the fourth year, and we
will be paying down $177 billion on that off the debt in the budget
year 2001.
Regardless of what the members of the other side of the aisle say,
this marriage tax penalty bill we are going to pass to reduce taxes for
the average married couple by $1,400, because they will no longer get
hit with the marriage penalty, fits into the budget and doesn't use one
cent of Social Security money to accomplish our goal of justice for
middle-class married families in America.
Now, we also heard the misleading charge yesterday that we in the
majority are trying to dictate what amendments the Democrats could
offer. All we have been trying to do is to bring some order to this
process so we can get this bill, which even the President of the United
States says ought to pass. In his State of the Union Message, he asked
us to pass a bill eliminating the marriage tax penalty. So, yesterday,
they said we were trying to dictate amendments. Well, during that
discussion, we asked if second-degree amendments could be in order to
the Democrats' first-degree amendments. We were told absolutely not. So
the Democratic side is doing as much dictating as anyone. If we can be
accused of complaining about the amendments they want to offer and
objecting to it, then they have no right to deny us the opportunity to
offer second-degree amendments to their amendments.
In fact, the assistant minority leader stated that his caucus was in
lockstep behind the minority leader. Well, that is simply part of the
problem. The other side does walk in lockstep against reform in an
attempt to paint this Congress as a do-nothing Congress. Funny, isn't
it, how when Democrats brag about being in lockstep and unanimity
behind their leader, somehow that isn't being partisan. But if
Republicans were to vote in lockstep behind our leader, they would say
we are being very partisan.
So, again, it seems as if we have a double standard that is not quite
justified. Maybe my accusations should be directed more toward the
press and media than the other side of the aisle and their statements.
But it seems so often if Republicans are together, we are being
partisan. But if Democrats are together, they aren't being partisan. As
I have followed the stories on this in the press for the last 2 days, I
haven't seen any charge of partisanship by the media toward the other
side of the aisle. But, boy, I bet we Republicans would be painted as
partisan.
Unfortunately, for the other side, this Congress has already made
substantial progress and will continue to do so, and they will never be
able to label us as a do-nothing Congress. I wish, though, that we had
a few independent thinkers on the other side of the aisle, as we do on
our side of the aisle, and not the lockstep following of leaders to the
extent which it is. All I have to do as a Republican is proudly point
out the independence of Senator McCain on this side of the aisle to
show that there are Republicans who are independent and do not always
follow in lockstep. It would be nice if there were a few ``Senator
McCains'' on the other side of the aisle who were willing to break
ranks and be very independent.
A couple of the amendments the Democrats want to offer deal with
prescription drugs. Of course, these are political amendments. We
Republicans have already set aside $40 billion in our budget to deal
with Medicare and prescription drugs. All we need to do is have people
on that side of the aisle--as there are bipartisan Medicare reform
proposals with prescription drug provisions in them--get behind some of
these bipartisan approaches and get the White House behind them. We
will be glad to move on those within the $40 billion we have set aside
in our budget to deal with Medicare reform and prescription drugs
because we all know this problem has to be solved. We know that some
seniors can't afford prescription drugs. Some seniors have to choose
between food and drugs. That is not a choice they should have to make.
And we have, consequently, taken the initiative in our budget and have
$40 billion for that. Now all we need is a little bit of cooperation
from the other side of the aisle, following on what one or two on the
other side of the aisle have attempted to do with Republicans, to move
a bill along in this effort. But the White House happens to be dragging
its feet.
Now, I think the insinuation is, from the amendments being offered on
prescription drugs, that we don't see this as a problem and that we
don't want to solve this problem. They aren't telling the truth.
Another amendment they have asked us to look at deals with the
taxation of Conservation Reserve Program payments to farmers. The
Internal Revenue Service--as they so often do in their infinite wisdom
but lack of common sense--is trying to impose Social Security taxes on
these payments. Of course, this is the Clinton-Gore administration that
is doing this to the farmers of the United States. These taxes hadn't
been opposed until the Clinton-Gore administration started imposing
them through the IRS. And now we have a Democrat amendment to overturn
what the Clinton-Gore administration is doing to the farmers on the CRP
payments. So why don't the people on the other side of the aisle just
call up President Clinton and Vice President Gore and ask them to order
their own IRS to drop this silly new interpretation of the law because
right now we have the Vice President going around the country saying
how much he is willing to help the farmers of the United States and,
Lord only knows, they need help with prices at 25-year lows.
Well, I guess help came after he invented the Internet because I
haven't seen any help in this area since this has been in the courts in
the United States. Now we have the Clinton-Gore IRS beating up on
farmers with this new tax. Now, there is nothing wrong with the tax
being offered from the other side of the aisle, trying to correct this;
but it seems to me that there are other ways this could be handled.
Yesterday, we also heard what was really a political attack, that
this tax relief is somehow a ``risky tax cut scheme.'' How come from
the other side of the aisle all we ever hear about is ``risky tax cut
schemes''? We don't hear about the risky spending schemes that are
offered by the White House or by the other side of the aisle. All you
have to do is go back to State of the Union Address on January 2000 and
listen to the President of the United States propose 77 new spending
programs--77 new spending programs. Somehow, there is shock on the
other side that we want to let the people of this country keep their
hard-earned money rather than running it through the Treasury in
Washington, DC.
Now, there is a certain amount of good economic freedom argument you
can give that is very philosophical about why the working men and women
of America ought to spend more of their own money and send less of it
to Washington just so they can have the economic freedom to do with the
fruits of their labor and their minds what they want to do. But there
is also a pretty good economic argument for not running any more money
than is absolutely needed through Washington,
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DC. That is because money spent through the Federal budget does less
economic good--in other words, it turns over less times for the
economy--than money spent by individual taxpayers and working men and
women of America. All one has to do is look at the defense budget. The
defense budget produces a lot of expensive items. But once they are
made, those items are not used for producing wealth. They serve a good
purpose for our national defense. But they don't turn over any more
money in our economy.
We come to these risky spending schemes of this administration with
77 new programs, and we have tax cuts before Congress. Being at the
highest level of taxation in the history of our country, at about 21
percent of gross domestic product, if we allow the President, through
those 77 risky spending schemes, to build up to that level of
expenditure at 21 percent, then when we have a downturn in the economy,
the spending is going to stay up here and the income is down here. Then
you have another budget deficit; whereas, if we continue the pattern of
the last 50 years of taxing at about 18.5 to 19 percent of the gross
domestic product, then over the historical average there will be less
chance of a deficit.
We want to let the working men and women keep more of their money and
keep our historical level of taxation at about 18.5 to 19 percent. We
do not want the extra money that is now coming into the Treasury to be
eaten up by these 77 risky spending schemes of this administration.
I feel compelled to correct a statement made by my democratic
colleague from Illinois. My colleague stated that the Republican
marriage penalty bill would require 5 million more taxpayers to pay
higher taxes. My colleague stated:
Here's the kicker. They don't want to talk about they have
drawn their bill up so that five million Americans will
actually pay higher taxes. . . . Take a look around the
corner--five million Americans end up paying higher taxes
under the alternative minimum tax. So now isn't that
something?
This is simply incorrect. According to the Joint Committee on
Taxation there would be no increase in any taxpayer's overall tax
liability as a result of this bill.
In fact, the bill attempts to correct an AMT problem for millions of
taxpayers. According to Joint Tax, in the year 2010, 9.2 million tax
returns will benefit from the AMT provision in the bill--this includes
6.5 million joint returns and 2.7 million other individual returns
benefiting from this bill. This is a worthy goal, and we should do what
is right.
According to Joint Tax, in 2010 approximately 1.5 million joint
returns benefiting from the AMT credit extension will become AMT payers
under the bill. However, as I just mentioned, Joint Tax estimates that
the bill would not increase any taxpayer's overall tax liability.
The record must be set straight--no one will pay higher taxes as a
result of this bill.
My friends on the other side of the aisle have rejected a request we
made yesterday to allow a debate solely on the marriage tax penalty
relief. The Senate leader has offered 10 relevant amendments, including
their alternative marriage tax penalty proposal. The other side has
rejected this offer. The other side claims they want to debate other
issues--talk about issues other than tax relief.
Either way you slice it--by what the Senate minority has done or by
what they claim--they evidently don't care about marriage tax penalty
relief itself.
Senate Democrats could live with a focused debate when it applied to
the education savings accounts a month ago, March 2, and ending the
Social Security earnings limit for seniors over 65, which only a few
weeks ago, on March 22, was passed by the Senate.
However, now when it comes down to marriage tax penalty relief, our
colleagues and friends on the other side of the aisle say no. Why? What
has changed compared to these other two tax bills? Why were those other
items only a few weeks ago so much more important than this bill that
would help over 40 million families? The bill before the Senate will
help 40 million families. They want to debate other issues, so they are
holding up the marriage tax penalty bill.
Imagine the hue and cry Democrats would raise if the shoe were on the
other foot--if we were debating these other issues and we demanded to
offer marriage tax penalty amendments.
The House has acted. The Finance Committee has acted. The Senate
should now act. However, it can't because the Democrats are obstructing
this legislation like in-laws on a honeymoon.
We have been more than fair. We have said this is a debate on
marriage tax penalty relief--offer any amendment you want that related
to this bill and we will give you a debate and a vote on it. Any
amendment--up to ten of them.
How many relevant amendments did the Democrats offer yesterday? Less
then half of their ten addressed this issue. By my generous calculation
that means that they only half care about marriage tax penalty relief.
In the House, it was not this way. Forty-eight Democrats across the
Rotunda voted for marriage tax penalty relief. It was bipartisan over
there. Why can't it be bipartisan here? Democrats here are seeking to
make this a highly partisan Senate.
So the Senate must wait and over 40 million American families will
have to wait. Every couple who suffers under this marriage tax penalty,
which has existed for 31 years, must wait further. In a sense, everyone
is going to have to wait while the other side of the aisle obstructs
this tax relief effort.
This is tax week across America. America's families are hunkered down
over their kitchen tables figuring out their tax forms. Isn't it time
these taxpayers get a break from the most unfair part of this process,
the provisions that tax them at a higher rate just because they are
doing what is right and are married?
I want to give them that break. My colleagues want to give them that
break. However, my Democrat colleagues don't want to give them that
break. In fact, they don't want to even give them a debate or a vote on
this very important issue.
I urge the Senate to go to the final debate on this and pass it
before we adjourn this week. I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
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