[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 43 (Friday, April 7, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2433-S2434]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEMOCRACY IN TAIWAN
Mr. AKAKA. Mr. President, on March 18th the people of Taiwan elected
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) leaders Chen Shui-bian, former mayor
of Taipei, to be President, and Annette Lu to be Vice-President of
Taiwan.
This was an historic vote, representing the first recorded, peaceful
transfer of power in any Chinese political system in 5,000 years. A
free and fair vote by 80 percent of the electorate occurred without
violence with a military that remained in the barracks.
It was a vote with implications not only for the people on Taiwan but
also for China and the United States.
First, the vote represented a rejection by a majority of the voters
of the traditional ruling Kuomintang Party (KMT) and a vote in favor of
political reform and change in Taiwan. There was a clear desire by the
people to cleanse the political system that they viewed as corrupt.
That the DPP could win a national election after having only been
formed in 1986 indicates the maturity of the political system, as well
as the deep desire for change.
The first steps by President-elect Chen Shui-bian indicate the
political sophistication of Taiwan's future leaders. He made
conciliatory statements towards China, stating that he would avoid
declaring independence and emphasizing that ``the people's top priority
is peaceful cross-strait relations'' while declaring his willingness to
``negotiate cross-strait air travel, trade and investment, peace
agreements, and military conference-building measures with the
mainland.'' He has offered to meet with China's leaders, even to travel
to Beijing. His party is now considering dropping its pro-independence
policy in its party platform.
He has nominated the current Kuomintang Defense Minister, Tang Fei,
to be his Premier. General Tang was born in China. And in another step
towards reform both major parties have reached an agreement to reduce
the powers of the National Assembly and to strengthen those of the
Legislative Yuan, the nation's parliament.
The breath of fresh air blowing through Taiwan has not been matched
in Beijing. In the run-up to the election the only wind out of China
was the fierce breath of threats. Central Military Commission Vice-
Chairman General Zhang and Vice Premier Qian Qichen both declared that
``Taiwan independence means war.'' A People's Liberation Army
publication stated that ``the PLA is determined to liberate Taiwan. If
they meet hard resistance, then they can choose to use weapons of mass
destruction, like neutron bombs.''
Since the election, there has been some diminishment of the intensity
of the attacks but Beijing remains consistent in its criticism and
insistence on Taiwanese concessions. Last week, at a conference on
Taiwan in Washington organized by the Center for Strategic and
International Studies, PLA Senior Colonel Luo Yuan observed that ``if
you no longer acknowledge you are Chinese and sell off Chinese national
interests, the Chinese government will definitely punish this national
traitor. [. . .] Once the Taiwan independence provokes an impasse, then
we have no choice but the use of blood to uphold the authority.''
China's official Xinhua News Agency has commented that ``Lee Teng-hui's
ignominious fate proves that all those who engage in `Taiwan
independence' and splittism and try resorting to trickery to hoodwink
the world will come to no good end. The wages of sin is death.'' Vice
Premier Qian has insisted that there can be no negotiations with Chen
or his envoys unless he accepts the principle that Taiwan is part of
China and commits to negotiating only over the modalities of
reunification.
The quandary China finds itself now in is typified by the Beijing
waiter, quoted in a recent Washington Post article, who commented as he
watched news of the Taiwan elections, ``their lives are better than
ours, economically and politically. They have more freedom. They can
elect their leaders.''
One of the first actions by the Taiwanese political parties was to
reform its political structure by reducing the role of the National
Assembly sending another powerful signal to the Mainland where its
hand-picked, 2,978 strong, National People's Congress delegate just met
for stage-managed debates.
China's leaders have been struggling to earn the degree of legitimacy
through economic reform alone and through the continued use of force to
suppress dissent that Taiwan's leaders have earned at the ballot box
through the exercise of free speech and free trade. No longer can
China's leaders look across the Straits and see a mirror of themselves
in Taiwan's former exiled rulers.
Instead they see an example of a political system which evolved in a
few short years from totalitarian rule to a democracy. Martial law rule
ended in Taiwan in 1987. A new legislature was elected in 1992. There
were presidential elections in 1996, local elections in 1997 and 1998,
and a second presidential election in 2000.
[[Page S2434]]
China's Deputy Chief of Mission in Washington Liu Xiaoming described
Taiwan's presidential election as ``a local election in an area of
China.'' Yet, even if his description is accepted, it demonstrates how
far the rest of China has to go: in China, a germinating democracy has
not progressed beyond the stage of local village elections. Municipal
or national elections have yet to be held.
As President Clinton so succinctly observed, ``the election provides
a fresh opportunity for both sides to reach out and resolve their
differences through dialogue.''
Ironically, it is China, which had urged Taiwan to adopt direct
trade, postal, and telecommunications links while Taiwan under
President Lee rejected such direct ties, that now rejects President-
elect Chen's offers to institute direct contacts.
There apparently is the perception even inside China that their
policy needs to be changed. One official was quoted over the weekend as
saying, ``we are painting ourselves into a corner. We are tough when we
should be soft and passive when we should be taking the initiative.''
Yet, even as Taiwan has grown apart from China, it has also grown
closer. It has invested $24 billion in China and China now accounts for
23 percent of all Taiwanese exports. Taiwan's and China's economic
progress have become mutually self-sustaining.
As a result, we should not be painting China into a corner now. As it
attempts to come to terms with the new realities in Taiwan, we should
be taking steps to welcome China into a greater, more responsible role
in the international system. A critical step in that regard is granting
China Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR). This critical vote in
the U.S. Congress promises to open up China's markets to greater
competition and more goods from the West. PNTR does not mean that China
will be a democracy, nor does it mean instant benefits for the American
economy, but it is a step towards integrating China into the new world
community.
Shortly after China joins the World Trade Organization, Taiwan will
join. This is the third new reality with which American policymakers
must contend. Taiwan has changed. It is not the single-party
dictatorship which it was when the Taiwan Relations Act or the three
communiques were promulgated. It is a vibrant democracy with a strong
economy. It has long clamored to be allowed to play a more active role
in the world community by providing assistance to international aid
organizations or in UN Specialized Agencies. Can a new role be found
for the Taiwan of today in tomorrow's world? Finding one may well be
the key if China and Taiwan are to resolve their differences and
achieve conciliation.
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