[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 32 (Tuesday, March 21, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1480-S1481]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                 KOSOVO

  Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, this Friday marks the first anniversary of 
NATO's air campaign to drive Serbian forces out of Kosovo. I want to 
speak briefly this morning about the current situation that, 
regrettably, remains, in the words of the respected newsmagazine, The 
Economist, ``a mess.''
  Reports over the weekend that General Reinhardt, the KFOR commander, 
believes that peacekeeping troops will likely need to remain in Kosovo 
for ten years or more have, I am sure, given my colleagues more than 
just cause to worry over the wisdom of our continued involvement there. 
That is more than understandable, given the divisions among NATO 
peacekeepers, and our allies' frustrating reluctance to meet their 
commitments to the international police force in Kosovo; considering 
the U.N.'s predictable difficulty in rebuilding something approaching 
normal civilian live where ethnic hatreds are as deep-seated as ever; 
and considering that the malevolent Mr. Milosevic continues to make 
trouble whenever and wherever he can.
  Surely, the United States needs to be much more forceful with some of 
our allies who assume that the United States will always compensate for 
the deficiencies of their resolve and accept a greatly disproportionate 
share of the burden of stabilizing the Balkans. Most importantly, we 
must insist, and I emphasize that verb, that we have the full support 
of our peacekeeping partners in opposing Serbian efforts to foment 
further violence in Mitrovica and elsewhere. One of our allies 
sometimes appears to act, in defiance of the facts on the ground and 
the dictates of conscience, as a protector of Serb aggressors. Our 
other allies in KFOR should help us persuade our badly mistaken friend 
that such an attitude is a terrible impediment to KFOR's success.
  This does not mean that the United States must end or threaten to end 
in the near term our participation in KFOR. Despite the unacceptable 
circumstances of the weak and endangered peace in Kosovo, it is 
infinitely preferable to the widespread atrocities committed during the 
course of Serbian aggression, atrocities that would surely reoccur were 
NATO to fail in our current mission. But our partners in peace can be 
persuaded by strong American leadership that the American people will 
not tolerate indefinitely Europe's inadequate commitment to peace and 
stability in their own backyard.
  Mr. President, I do not mean to overlook or minimize in my discussion 
the

[[Page S1481]]

challenges to peace created by ethnic Albanian extremists. We must be 
resolute in opposition to any threats wherever they occur. But it is a 
grave mistake to forget that nearly all the violence and instability 
afflicting the Balkans over the last decade originated in the 
unspeakable inhumanity of Belgrade's aggressors.
  The problems in the Balkans are, for the most part, attributable to 
the Serbian regime, led by an indicted war criminal who continues to 
hold onto power despite overwhelming public sentiment against him. At 
any time, he can be expected to foment conflict in Kosovo, Montenegro, 
or in Bosnia. That the domestic opposition to him has been divided and 
anemic does not detract from the legitimacy of those who seek his 
removal from power. In every respect, his is the rogue regime that 
constitutes the greatest threat to regional peace, just as Saddam 
Hussein does in the Persian Gulf and Kim Jong Il does in the Korean 
Peninsula.

  The Senate's passage last November by unanimous consent of the 
Serbian Democratization Act was an illustration of the extent of 
Congress' commitment to democratic change in Serbia as the necessary 
condition to lasting stability in the region. We should never forget 
that, for all the long and sad history of conflict in the Balkans, it 
was only when dictatorial regimes sought to exploit ethnic divisions 
did conflict overwhelm peace. The recent election of a liberal 
government in Croatia has greatly benefited the situation in Bosnia. 
Only through similar change in Serbia will a lasting peace begin in 
Yugoslavia. United States policy in the Balkans, and in Yugoslavia in 
particular, must be focused on affecting the democratic transformation 
of Serbia that the Serbian people themselves desire.
  Final passage of the Serbian Democratization Act will be an important 
step in the right direction. In the meantime, there must be no lifting 
of the sanctions on Serbia, and no repetition in Montenegro of what 
occurred in Kosovo--vague and unbelieved threats to prevent the kind of 
ethnic cleansing we are now spending billions of dollars to reverse.
  In the days ahead, Mr. President, I hope to work again with my 
colleagues and with the administration to help focus United States 
policy on achieving the goals in the Balkans that are important to 
protecting both America's interests and values in Europe.
  Finally, on a personal note, if I may, Mr. President, as has probably 
been noted occasionally, I have been absent from the Senate for some 
time. I will not burden my colleagues with a full discussion of how I 
spent my time away and what I learned from the experience. Nor do I 
think the floor of the U.S. Senate is the proper place to discuss in 
detail my personal feelings or political plans. However, Mr. President, 
I would like to say a few words about the great privilege we all share, 
the privilege of serving the greatest nation in history.
  I have enjoyed that privilege since I was 17 years old, and I 
consider myself fortunate beyond measure to have done so. This country 
and her causes are a blessing to mankind, and they honor all of us who 
work to make America an even better place, and America's example a 
greater influence on human history. I felt that way before I ran for 
President, and I feel that way today. And although I have lost my bid 
to be President, I will never lose my appreciation for the honor of 
serving America in any capacity, and for the good will and confidence 
of the people of Arizona who allow me to serve in the U.S. Senate, a 
body that has seen the honorable service of so many more distinguished 
Americans than the flawed man who addresses you now.
  I have nothing but gratitude to the American people for the privilege 
of serving them and for their consideration of my candidacy for 
President. I have incurred a debt to them that I doubt I can ever fully 
repay. But I intend to do what I can, working with my congressional 
colleagues, Republicans and Democrats, to help bring about the changes 
to the practices and institutions of our democracy that they want and 
deserve.
  These reforms, Mr. President, are not ends in themselves. They are 
means to a much more important end. They are intended to sustain 
America's pride in the way we govern ourselves, and in the end to 
remind us all, those of us lucky enough to serve and those who elect 
us, what a special thing it is to be an American. I was reminded of 
that every single day of this campaign by Americans, those who 
supported me and those who did not, who wanted little for themselves 
individually, but simply for our country to remain, what she's always 
been, ``the last, best hope of earth.'' I will never forget it.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, what is the parliamentary situation? 
Are we in morning business?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senator from 
Kansas has up to 30 minutes.

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