[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 26 (Thursday, March 9, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1434-S1436]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TIBETAN DAY OF COMMEMORATION
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Judiciary
Committee be discharged from further consideration of Senate Resolution
60 and the Senate then proceed to its immediate consideration.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will report the resolution by title.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A resolution (S. Res. 60) recognizing the plight of the
Tibetan people on the 40th anniversary of Tibet's attempt to
restore its independence and calling for serious negotiations
between China and the Dalai Lama to achieve a peaceful
solution to the situation in Tibet.
There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the
resolution.
Mr. MACK. Mr. President, S. Res. 60, makes March 10, 2000 the Tibetan
Day of Commemoration. This marks the forty-first anniversary of the
1959 Lhasa uprising over the course of which over 87,000 Tibetans were
killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps by the People's Liberation
Army. So tomorrow, we honor the memory of the
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more than 87,000 Tibetans who struggled for the preservation of Tibet.
We also honor the 6 million Tibetans today who keep alive the hope of
freedom in Tibet and the tens of thousands of exiles who hope to return
home.
The Dalai Lama of Tibet has issued a statement for this anniversary
which I would ask unanimous consent appear in the record immediately
following my remarks. My distinguished colleague from California,
Senator Feinstein, has also issued a statement in favor of this
resolution and commemorating the 41st anniversary of the Lhasa
uprising.
From 1949, when the new communist government in Beijing sent an army
to invade Tibet, through to the present, Tibet has been a victim of PLA
tyranny, oppression, and cultural genocide. Unfortunately, there has
been no respite from persecution over the past year and Tibetans in the
world today are facing the very real and unfortunate threat of seeing
their homeland and culture obliterated. According to the most recent
State Department Report on Human Rights, ``Chinese government
authorities continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet,
including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention without
public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan nationalists for
peacefully expressing their political or religious views.'' Things
continue to get worse in Tibet, and this resolution recognizes their
ongoing struggle with the PRC.
President Clinton has demonstrated an interest in Tibet and has
spoken to President Jiang Zemin both privately and publicly, urging him
to begin serious negotiations with the Dalai Lama. I urge President
Clinton in the final months of his administration to match his rhetoric
with actions and do what he can to get negotiations started between the
Dalai Lama and the People's Republic of China.
I am pleased that we have acted today to formally recognize the
continual denial of basic rights to the people of Tibet and to
encourage a peaceful resolution between China and the Dalai Lama, or
his representatives, as an entire body. We can agree unanimously and in
a bipartisan manner that there should be a peaceful resolution to this
situation and that this Senate can stand united in our support for the
Tibetan people, the preservation of their culture, and the right for
them to negotiate peacefully for an end to over 50 years of brutal rule
by the PRC.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a statement of the Dalai
Lama be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the statement was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Occasion of the 41st
Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising March 10, 2000
My sincere greetings to my fellow countrymen in Tibet as
well as in exile and to our friends and supporters all over
the world on the occasion of the 41st anniversary of the
Tibetan National Uprising Day of 1959.
We are at the beginning of the 21st century. If we look at
the events that took place in the 20th century mankind made
tremendous progress in improving our material well-being. At
the same time, there was massive destruction, both in terms
of human lives and physical structures as peoples and nations
sought recourse to confrontation instead of dialogue to
resolve bilateral and multilateral problems. The 20th century
was therefore in a way a century of war and bloodshed. I
believe that we have learned valuable lessons through these
experiences. It is clear that any solution resulting from
violence or confrontation is not lasting. I firmly believe
that it is only through peaceful means that we can develop
better understanding between ourselves. We must make this new
century a century of peace and dialogue.
We commemorate this March 10th anniversary at a time when
the state of affairs of our freedom struggle is complex and
multifarious, yet the spirit of resistance of our people
inside Tibet continues to increase. It is also encouraging to
note that worldwide support for our cause is increasing.
Unfortunately, on the part of Beijing there is an evident
lack of political will and courage to address the issue of
Tibet sensibly and pragmatically through dialogue.
Right from the beginning, ever since the time of our exile,
we have believed in hoping for the best but preparing for the
worst. In this same spirit, we have tried our best to reach
out to the Chinese government to bring about a process of
dialogue and reconciliation for many years. We have also been
building bridges with our overseas Chinese brothers and
sisters, including those in Taiwan, and to enhance
significantly mutual understanding, respect and solidarity.
At the same time we have continued with our work of
strengthening the base of our exiled community by creating
awareness about the true nature of the Tibetan struggle,
preserving Tibetan values, promoting nonviolence, augmenting
democracy and expanding the network of our supporters
throughout the world.
It is with great sadness I report that the human rights
situation in Tibet today has taken a critical turn in recent
years. The ``strike hard'' and ``patriotic re-education''
campaigns against Tibetan religion and patriotism have
intensified with each passing year. In some spheres of life
we are witnessing the return of an atmosphere of
intimidation, coercion and fear, reminiscent of the days of
the Cultural Revolution. In 1999 alone there have been six
known cases of deaths resulting from torture and abuse.
Authorities have expelled a total of 1,432 monks and nuns
from their monasteries and nunneries for refusing to either
oppose Tibetan freedom or to denounce me. There are 615 known
and documented Tibetan political prisoners in Tibet. Since
1996, a total of 11,409 monks and nuns have been expelled
from their places of worship and study. It is obvious that
there has been little change with regard to China's
ruthless political objective in Tibet since the early
sixties when the late Panchen Lama, who personally
witnessed Communist China's occupation of Tibet from the
50s to the beginning of the 60s, wrote his famous 70,000
character petition. Even today the present young
reincarnate Panchen Lama is under virtual house arrest,
making him the youngest political prisoner in the world. I
am deeply concerned about this.
The most alarming trend in Tibet is the flood of Chinese
settlers who continue to come to Tibet to take advantage of
Tibet's opening to market capitalism. This along with the
widespread disease of prostitution, gambling and karaoke
bars, which the authorities quietly encourage, is undermining
the traditional social norms and moral values of the Tibetan
people. These, more than brute force, are successful in
reducing the Tibetans to a minority in their own country and
alienating them from their traditional beliefs and values.
This sad state of affairs in Tibet does nothing to
alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people or to bring
stability and unity to the People's Republic of China. If
China is seriously concerned about unity, she must make
honest efforts to win over the hearts of the Tibetans and not
attempt to impose her will on them. It is the responsibility
of those in power, who rule and govern, to ensure that
policies towards all its ethnic groups are based on equality
and justice in order to prevent separation. Though lies and
falsehood may deceive people temporarily and the use of force
may control human beings physically, it is only through
proper understanding, fairness and mutual respect that human
beings can be genuinely convinced and satisfied.
The Chinese authorities see the distinct culture and
religion of Tibet as the principal cause for separation.
Accordingly, there is an attempt to destroy the integral core
of the Tibetan civilization and identity. New measures of
restrictions in the fields of culture, religion and education
coupled with the unabated influx of Chinese immigrants to
Tibet amount to a policy of cultural genocide.
It is true that the root cause of the Tibetan resistance
and freedom struggle lies in Tibet's long history, its
distinct and ancient culture, and its unique identity. The
Tibetan issue is much more complex and deeper than the simple
official version Beijing upholds. History is history and no
one can change the past. One cannot simply retain what one
wants and abandon what one does not want. It is best left to
historians and legal experts to study the case objectively
and make their own judgements. In matters of history
political decisions are not necessary. I am therefore looking
towards the future.
Because of lack of understanding, appreciation and respect
for Tibet's distinct culture, history and identity China's
Tibet policies have been consistently misguided. In occupied
Tibet there is little room for truth. The use of force and
coercion as the principal means to rule and administer Tibet
compel Tibetans to lie out of fear and local officials to
hide the truth and create false facts in order to suit and to
please Beijing and its stewards in Tibet. As a result China's
treatment of Tibet continues to evade the realities in Tibet.
This approach is shortsighted and counter-productive.
These policies are narrow-minded and reveal the ugly face
of racial and cultural arrogance and a deep sense of
political insecurity. The development concerning the
flights of Agya Rinpoche, the Abbot of Kumbum Monastery,
and more recently Karmapa Rinpoche are cases in point.
However, the time has passed when in the name of national
sovereignty and integrity a state can continue to apply
such ruthless policies with impunity and escape
international condemnation. Moreover, the Chinese people
themselves will deeply regret the destruction of Tibet's
ancient and rich cultural heritage. I sincerely believe
that our rich culture and spirituality not only can
benefit millions of Chinese but can also enrich China
itself.
It is unfortunate that some leaders of the People's
Republic of China seem to be hoping for the Tibetan issue to
disappear with the passage of time. Such thinking on the part
of the Chinese leaders is to repeat the miscalculations made
in the past. Certainly, no
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Chinese leader would have thought back in 1949/50 and then in
1959 that in 2000 China would still be grappling with the
issue of Tibet. The old generation of Tibetans has gone, a
second and a third generation of Tibetans have emerged.
Irrespective of the passage of time the freedom struggle of
the Tibetan people continues with undiminished determination.
It is clear that this is not a struggle for the cause of one
man nor is it that of one generation of Tibetans. It is
therefore obvious that generations of Tibetans to come will
continue to cherish, honor and commit themselves to this
freedom struggle. Sooner or later, the Chinese leadership
will have to face this fact.
The Chinese leaders refuse to believe that I am not seeking
separation but genuine autonomy for the Tibetans. They are
quite openly accusing me of lying. They are free to come and
visit our communities in exile to find out the truth for
themselves.
It has been my consistent endeavor to find a peaceful and
mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem. My
approach envisages that Tibet enjoy genuine autonomy within
the framework of the People's Republic of China. Such a
mutually beneficial solution would contribute to the
stability and unity of China--their two topmost priorities--
while at the same time the Tibetans would be ensured of the
basic right to preserve their own civilization and to protect
the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau.
In the absence of any positive response from the Chinese
government to my overtures over the years, I am left with no
alternative but to appeal to the members of the international
community. It is clear now that only increased and concerted
international efforts will persuade Beijing to change its
policy on Tibet. In spite of immediate negative reactions
from the Chinese side, I strongly believe that such
expressions of international concern and support are
essential for creating an environment conducive for the
peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem. On my part, I
remain committed to the process of dialogue. It is my firm
belief that dialogue and a willingness to look with honesty
and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead us to a viable
solution.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the numerous
individuals, governments, members of parliaments, non-
governmental organizations and various religious orders for
their support. The sympathy and support shown to our cause by
a growing number of well-informed Chinese brothers and
sisters is of special significance and a great encouragement
to us Tibetans. I also wish to convey my greetings and
express my deep sense of appreciation to our supporters all
over the world who are commemorating this anniversary today.
Above all I would like to express on behalf of the Tibetans
our gratitude to the people and the Government of India for
their unsurpassed generosity and support during these past
forty years of our exile.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet who have
died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to
the sufferings of our people.
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that an amendment
at the desk to the resolution be agreed to, the resolution, as amended,
be agreed to, the amendment to the preamble be agreed to, and the
preamble, as amended, be agreed to, the title amendment be agreed to,
and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and, finally, any
statements be printed in the Record.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The amendment (No. 2884) was agreed to, as follows:
amendment no. 2884
(Purpose: To provide a complete substitute)
On page 3, strike lines 2 through 16 and insert the
following:
(1) March 10, 2000 should be recognized as the Tibetan Day
of Commemoration in solemn remembrance of those Tibetans who
sacrificed, suffered, and died during the Lhasa uprising, and
in affirmation of the inherent rights of the Tibetan people
to determine their own future; and
(2) March 10, 2000 should serve as an occasion to renew
calls by the President, Congress, and other United States
Government officials on the Government of the People's
Republic of China to enter into serious negotiations with the
Dalai Lama or his representatives until such a time as a
peaceful solution, satisfactory to both sides, is achieved.
In the preamble, strike all the whereas clauses and insert
the following:
Whereas during the period 1949-1950, the newly established
communist government of the People's Republic of China sent
an army to invade Tibet;
Whereas the Tibetan army was ill equipped and outnumbered,
and the People's Liberation Army overwhelmed Tibetan
defenses;
Whereas, on May 23, 1951, a delegation sent from the
capital city of Lhasa to Peking to negotiate with the
Government of the People's Republic of China was forced under
duress to accept a Chinese-drafted 17-point agreement that
incorporated Tibet into China but promised to preserve
Tibetan political, cultural, and religious institutions;
Whereas during the period of 1951-1959, the failure of the
Government of the People's Republic of China to uphold
guarantees to autonomy contained in the 17-Point Agreement
and the imposition of socialist reforms resulted in
widespread oppression and brutality;
Whereas on March 10, 1959, the people of Lhasa, fearing for
the life of the Dalai Lama, surrounded his palace, organized
a permanent guard, and called for the withdrawal of the
Chinese from Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's
independence;
Whereas on March 17, 1959, the Dalai Lama escaped in
disguise during the night after two mortar shells exploded
within the walls of his palace and, before crossing the
Indian border into exile two weeks later, repudiated the 17-
Point Agreement;
Whereas during the `Lhasa uprising' begun on March 10,
1959, Chinese statistics estimate 87,000 Tibetans were
killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps, and only a
small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape to
India survived Chinese military attacks, malnutrition, cold,
and disease;
Whereas for the past forty years, the Dalai Lama has worked
in exile to find ways to allow Tibetans to determine the
future status of Tibet and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize
for his efforts in 1989;
Whereas it is the policy of the United States to support
substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's
Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives;
Whereas the State Department's 1999 Country Report on Human
Rights Practices finds that ``Chinese government authorities
continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet,
including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention
without public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan
nationalists for peacefully expressing their political or
religious views.'';
Whereas President Jiang Zemin pointed out in a press
conference with President Clinton on June 27, 1997, that if
the Dalai Lama recognizes that Tibet is an inalienable part
of China and Taiwan is a province of China, then the door to
negotiate is open;
Whereas all efforts by the U.S. and private parties to
enable the Dalai Lama to find a negotiated solution have
failed;
Whereas the Dalai Lama has specifically stated that he is
not seeking independence and is committed to finding a
negotiated solution within the framework enunciated by Deng
Xiaoping in 1979; and
Whereas China has signed but failed to ratify the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights: Now, therefore, be it
Amend the title of the resolution to read as follows:
``Recognizing the plight of the Tibetan people on the forty-
first anniversary of Tibet's 1959 Lhasa uprising and calling
for serious negotiations between China and the Dalai Lama to
achieve a peaceful solution to the situation in Tibet.''.
The resolution (S. Res. 60), as amended, was agreed to.
The preamble, as amended, was agreed to.
The title amendment was agreed to.
The resolution, as amended, with its preamble, as amended, reads as
follows:
(S. Res. 60 was not available for printing. It will appear in a
future issue of the Record.)
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