[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 18 (Thursday, February 24, 2000)]
[Senate]
[Pages S823-S824]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SENATE RESOLUTION 259--URGING THE DECOMMISSIONING OF ARMS AND
EXPLOSIVES IN NORTHERN IRELAND
Mr. HELMS (for himself and Mr. Smith of Oregon) submitted the
following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations:
S. Res. 259
Whereas the Good Friday Agreement was signed on April 10,
1998, to bring about a peaceful settlement to the conflict in
Northern Ireland;
Whereas in a referendum on May 22, 1998, the people of
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland voted
overwhelmingly in favor of the Good Friday Agreement;
Whereas the Good Friday Agreement provides for the
devolution of government from the United Kingdom to local
institutions in Northern Ireland and the establishment of a
North/South Ministerial Council and a British-Irish Council,
and consists of provisions on decommissioning, human rights,
policing, and prisoners;
Whereas much progress has been made in the establishment of
both the indigenous Northern Ireland institutions and the
North/South and British-Irish bodies, hundreds of prisoners
from both communities have been released, and a plan for the
restructuring of the police force has been put forth;
Whereas the Independent International Commission on
Decommissioning (the Commission), led by General John de
Chastelain, was established to facilitate the process of
decommissioning of paramilitary arms as called for in the
Good Friday Agreement;
Whereas the two principal loyalist paramilitary
organizations, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the
Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), informed the Commission that
they are prepared to move on decommissioning if the Irish
Republican Army (IRA) makes clear that the war is over and it
will also decommission;
Whereas the Commission's January 31, 2000, report on
decommissioning states that though the IRA emphasized that it
poses no threat to the peace process, it has not provided any
information as to when decommissioning will begin;
Whereas the leader of the Social Democratic and Labor
Party, John Hume, has called upon the IRA to ``demonstrate
for all to see its patriotism and desire to move the
situation forward by strengthening the peace process through
beginning voluntarily the process of decommissioning'';
Whereas on February 11, 2000, due to the decommissioning
impasse, the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland,
Peter Mandelson, suspended the Northern Ireland Executive and
resumed direct control over the province;
Whereas on February 11, 2000, the Commission issued a
report noting the ``IRA's recognition that the issue of arms
needs to be dealt with in an acceptable way and that this is
a necessary objective of a genuine peace process''; and
Whereas recent polls indicate that the overwhelming
majority of the people in Northern Ireland and the Republic
of Ireland support decommissioning by all paramilitary
organizations: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) stresses the importance of decommissioning of weapons
held by paramilitaries on all sides without conditions to the
success of the peace process in Northern Ireland;
(2) calls upon the Irish Republican Army to make a firm
commitment and offer a specific timetable as to when
decommissioning of all of their arms and explosives will
begin; and
(3) urges the loyalist paramilitary organizations to
respond to such an IRA proposal by immediately beginning the
process of decommissioning all of their weapons.
Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, I am certainly not alone in my
disappointment at the recent turn of events in Northern Ireland. It is
a disheartening development. With the signing of the Good Friday
Agreement in April 1998 and the overwhelming desire for peaceful
resolution of the conflict--in both Northern Ireland and the Republic
of Ireland--the prospects for peace in that troubled region had never
seemed better.
The Good Friday Agreement, like all negotiated peace settlements,
offers incentives to all parties but it also requires compromises--
compromises that most people are willing to make, and have made, in
order for peace. I do not pretend to speak for any side in Northern
Ireland, but I can imagine that it was difficult for many in the
Unionist community to see convicted IRA bombers walk free from prison.
And it was certainly difficult for many in the nationalist community
to accept the principal of continued British sovereignty over Northern
Ireland. But David Trimble, John Hume, and other honorable men and
women have fulfilled their obligations under the Good Friday Agreement
in order to give peace the opportunity to take root in Northern
Ireland.
The current crisis stems from the refusal of one organization--the
Irish Republican Army--to begin the process of decommissioning of their
weapons and explosives. The IRA claims it has done enough by keeping
its guns silent, by not setting off bombs, by adhering to a cease-fire.
But, Mr. President, what kind of democratic system exists when one
organization maintains a massive arsenal for potential use in the event
that it is dissatisfied with the political process? Is that considered
a genuine peace? I maintain that it is not, and it should not be
accepted by people in this country.
Let me clear, the IRA's political wing, Sinn Fein, signed onto
decommissioning in the Good Friday Agreement. As the Agreement states:
``all participants accordingly reaffirm their commitment to the total
disarmament of all paramilitary organizations'' and to ``use any
influence they may have, to achieve the decommissioning of all
paramilitary arms within two years'', which is May 22 of this year.
Now, Sinn Fein's leader Gerry Adams has said that his organization
``has no further room to move'', which I find quite interesting,
considering that members of his party were allowed to participate in
the local governing structures established by the Good Friday Agreement
(but do not seem to be willing to convince the IRA it must fulfill its
obligations as well).
I suggest that Mr. Adams be advised that he cannot have it both ways.
And to those whose excuse is that the deadline for decommissioning is
still three months off (May 22, 2000), I would remind them that there
is an established body designed to manage this process and that the IRA
refused to make any commitment or offer any timetable for
decommissioning to this institution. It is difficult to believe that on
May 21, 2000, the IRA would have, in any event, turned over its
hundreds of guns, its tons of Semtex, which it maintains as a veto on
peace.
We are at a critical point: due to lack of commitment by the IRA on
decommissioning, the British government had no choice but to suspend
the indigenous institutions of Northern Ireland. Why? Let me merely
recite the obvious: Why should Sinn Fein be allowed to participate in
legitimate, elected governing bodies when the IRA refuses to disarm?
How can we expect the unionist community to deal with Sinn Fein
officials in this capacity when the IRA has turned its back on this
crucial part of the peace process?
Sinn Fein and the IRA continue to raise the bar; after demanding that
the Northern Ireland Executive and Northern Ireland Assembly be
established before beginning decommissioning, they now state that if
the British withdraw their troops from bases in Northern Ireland, they
might consider handing in their weapons. I would remind them that there
is an agreement, there is a process that they have signed onto--from
which they have benefitted. Their prisoners have been released. Plans
for a drastic overhaul of the Royal Ulster
[[Page S824]]
Constabulary have been put forth. Cross border institutions have been
established and are functioning.
They must abide by their obligations as well. Mr. President, Sinn
Fein and the IRA must understand that if they do not, they will not
have the support of the United States.
Today I am offering a resolution stressing the importance of
decommissioning to the success of the peace in Northern Ireland and
calling on the IRA to commit to the process and to offer a timetable as
to when they will turn in their arms and explosives. And although the
loyalist paramilitary organizations have significantly fewer weapons in
their possession, they must fulfill their promise to disarm as well.
The two main loyalist paramilitaries have stated that they will disarm
when the IRA begins to do so. If the IRA moves on decommissioning,
these organizations should respond immediately.
This is an historic moment in Northern Ireland--the best chance for
peace in a quarter of a century. Let us not waste it. We must encourage
those who are working for peace. But more importantly, we must make
clear to those who want to destroy this opportunity by clinging to old
and violent means, they can not succeed.
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