[Congressional Record Volume 146, Number 6 (Tuesday, February 1, 2000)]
[House]
[Pages H103-H121]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TAIWAN SECURITY ENHANCEMENT ACT
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules,
I call up House Resolution 408 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 408
Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it
shall be in order without intervention of any point of order
to consider in the House the bill (H.R. 1838) to assist in
the enhancement of the security of Taiwan, and for other
purposes. The bill shall be considered as read for amendment.
The amendment
[[Page H104]]
recommended by the Committee on International Relations now
printed in the bill shall be considered as adopted. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill,
as amended, and on any further amendment thereto to final
passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of
debate on the bill, as amended, equally divided and
controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the
Committee on International Relations; (2) an amendment
printed in the Congressional Record pursuant to clause 8 of
rule XVIII, if offered by the Minority Leader or a designee,
which shall be considered as read and shall be separately
debatable for one hour equally divided and controlled by the
proponent and an opponent; and (3) one motion to recommit
with or without instructions.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart)
is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms.
Slaughter); pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for
purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 408 is a modified closed rule providing
for the consideration of the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, H.R.
1838.
House Resolution 408 provides for 1 hour of debate in the House,
equally divided between the chairman and the ranking minority member of
the Committee on International Relations.
The rule waives all points of order against consideration of the bill
and, further, the rule provides that the amendment recommended by the
Committee on International Relations now printed in the bill be
considered as adopted.
The rule provides for consideration of the amendment printed in the
Congressional Record, if offered by the minority leader or his
designee, which shall be considered as read and shall be separately
debatable for 1 hour, equally divided and controlled by the proponent
and an opponent.
And, finally, the rule provides for one motion to recommit with or
without instructions.
H.R. 1838, Mr. Speaker, seeks to enhance the security of Taiwan. I am
pleased to be an original cosponsor of this legislation, which the
majority whip, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), introduced in
large part to respond to increasing concern with the threat to the
peace and stability of Taiwan in light of the actions of the People's
Republic of China toward Taiwan.
Both the chairman and the ranking minority member of the committee of
primary jurisdiction are cosponsors, along with four of my colleagues
on the Committee on Rules. I believe that this legislation enjoys
widespread bipartisan support in the House.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act increases military cooperation
with and establishes direct military communication between forces in
Taiwan and in the United States in an effort to help Taiwan protect
itself from potential threats from China. The legislation increases the
number of Taiwanese military officers and officials to be trained at
U.S. military academies and the National Defense University and
increases the technical staff at the American Institute in Taiwan.
In addition, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act requires the
President to justify any rejection of a Taiwanese defense request and
requires annual reports by the defense secretary on Taiwan's security
situation.
I believe that it is entirely appropriate for Congress to express
itself strongly on the important matter of the security of Taiwan.
Since the nationalist escape to the island after the Communist victory
on the mainland of China in 1949, the close relationship between the
United States and Taiwan, I think, has been mutually beneficial to both
peoples.
The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 established on the part of the
United States a concern for Taiwan and its people, at a time when
diplomatic relations switched on the part of the United States from
Taiwan to the People's Republic of China. The Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act clarifies and reiterates the commitments made in the
Taiwan Relations Act.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), the ranking minority
member on the Committee on International Relations, stated in his
testimony to the Committee on Rules that he was aware of no amendments
to this legislation, and he was supportive of the request for a
modified closed rule. As a firm supporter of this legislation, Mr.
Speaker, I believe that the Committee on Rules has crafted a fair rule
to provide for its consideration, and I would strongly urge the
adoption of both the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Gilman), and the ranking member, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr.
Gejdenson), along with the majority whip, the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
DeLay), and the many others who have worked on this legislation for
their efforts in bringing forward this important piece of legislation.
I believe House Resolution 408 is a necessarily structured rule, a fair
rule, and I urge its adoption.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume, and I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding me the
customary 30 minutes.
(Ms. SLAUGHTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend
her remarks.)
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, the underlying bill, the Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act, H.R. 1838, is a bill designed to reaffirm the Nation's
commitment to Taiwan's security. It is my understanding that the bill
was substantially modified in the Committee on International Relations
and demonstrates a bipartisan effort to show some congressional support
for maintaining Taiwan's ability to defend itself.
I have received numerous letters and petitions from Taiwanese
Americans in my district urging passage of the bill. As Professor Ken
Hsu of Pittsford, New York, notes, ``This act will help maintain the
peace and security of the Taiwan Strait.'' Over the past decade, Taiwan
has become a full-fledged, multiparty democracy. Presidential elections
are scheduled for March of this year. Taiwan fully respects human
rights and civil liberties and is often touted as a model for democracy
in East Asia.
Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China continues to jail citizens
who simply want to express their views and represses the people of
Tibet and other regions who long for freedom. Most importantly, China
has spent the past few years actively building up its military
capabilities. This buildup has included further development of advanced
ballistic and cruise missiles and a significant increase in the size of
China's missile force. That is a worry.
Mr. Speaker, this is a closed rule, with the possibility of a
substitute amendment. And while I support a more open amendment
process, in this case I am not aware of any amendments on our side and
will not call for a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Goss), the distinguished chairman of the Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence and my colleague on the Committee on Rules.
(Mr. GOSS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GOSS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Florida for yielding
me this time, and I rise in support of this appropriately crafted and,
I believe, noncontroversial rule. This is obviously an extremely
important and serious matter, and I believe a structured rule was
necessary to ensure that the various views are aired in a productive
way out here today.
Mr. Speaker, I come to this debate primarily focused on national
security, obviously as chairman of the Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence, with very high hopes but also with some deep underlying
concerns. I have high hopes that the United States can and will step up
to the challenge of engaging the Asia-Pacific region while protecting
U.S. interests and the interests of our friends and allies in that area
and elsewhere.
I do remain concerned that we lack sufficient and sustained
leadership on this issue from the Clinton-Gore administration, while at
the same time we do have a wide range of vigorously conflicted, highly
visible viewpoints on how we should proceed even within this
[[Page H105]]
Congress. As a result, we run the risk of sending mixed signals that
could weaken rather than reinforce the message of resolve that we need
to send to the Chinese leadership about our priorities. That is what we
are here about, resolve.
Mr. Speaker I have just returned from leading the Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence on a trip to the South Pacific. I want to
report that, without fail, what we heard over and over is that the area
of greatest focus for U.S. officials and their counterparts in the
region is the need for careful management of the explosive flash-point
that exists in the Taiwan Strait. The Chinese hierarchy knows this and
has demonstrated its willingness to capitalize on it by engineering
provocations in order to promote its own agenda, including, apparently,
gaining unfettered entry into world markets and trade organizations.
Let me state that I am certainly supportive of the substance of this
legislation, inasmuch as it emphasizes and clarifies our defense
posture when it comes to assisting the people of Taiwan and protecting
their security. But I am also mindful of the larger picture, and I
recognize that, as contorted as U.S. policy toward Taiwan and, by
inference, China, has become, it is a policy that of necessity must
find balance on an extremely narrow tightrope.
Our discussions here must not be misinterpreted to be our pushing the
envelope on behalf of Taiwan. The issue is the defense and security of
Taiwan. Proponents of today's legislation point out that the existing
statutory foundation for our relationship with Taiwan is in need of
greater elucidation. They seek to send a message to Beijing. But we
must make sure that in the process of adding detail, specificity, and
clarity to our current policy, we do not also generate the unintended
consequences of provocation and perhaps dangerous escalation in our
complicated and delicate diplomatic relations with China.
This matter is of vital significance to regional security and to
global security, and it affects U.S. interests directly. Without doubt
the Chinese leadership, as well as the people of Taiwan and our friends
and enemies around the world, will be watching this debate and gauging
our willingness to approach these tough issues with thoughtful,
farsighted leadership, and unity of purpose.
As my colleagues know, one of the areas of jurisdiction of the
Committee on Intelligence is to monitor and prepare capabilities for
potential security crises around the world, and that certainly includes
a careful eye toward China and Taiwan. I think I can say that the
danger of miscalculation in the Taiwan Straits is at the top of the
list of the gravest threat to today's world peace.
Our challenge in this debate is to ensure that it promotes solutions
rather than contributing to a deadly miscalculation. I urge support for
the rule.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend and colleague from
New York for yielding me this time.
I will rise in the strongest possible opposition to this legislation
when it is offered, and I would like to ask my colleagues to pay
careful attention to this legislation, which, while well-intentioned,
will be wholly counterproductive and will dramatically enhance
instability in the region.
Let me first say that during the course of the many years that we
have debated the China issue, I am proud to have been one who has
uniformly fought for human rights in China; who has uniformly fought
for the right of the people of Tibet; who has uniformly rejected Most
Favored Nation treatment for China, and will continue to do so.
What is at stake here is the unintended unraveling of a carefully
crafted ambivalence in U.S. foreign policy towards China and Taiwan, a
foreign policy which under Republican and Democratic administrations
has succeeded in making Taiwan a strong, prosperous, and democratic
society. What this legislation will do, it will enhance instability and
uncertainty in the region, and it will not contribute one iota to the
security of Taiwan.
{time} 1215
Let me elaborate. When the question of an invitation to the
distinguished President of Taiwan from his alma mater, Cornell
University, came before our body, and the administration was committed
to denying him a visa because that was part of our agreement with the
government in Beijing, I introduced a resolution compelling the
Department of State to issue a visa to the democratically elected
President of Taiwan to go to Cornell to receive his honorary doctorate.
My legislation passed this body on May 2, 1995, by a vote of 390-0
and the Senate by a vote of 97-1. When the question of Chinese
application to host the Olympic Games in the year 2000 came before our
body, it was my pleasure to introduce a resolution expressing the
strong view that this Congress will not countenance the holding of the
Olympic Games in China as long as human rights violations are as
widespread, as long as the denial to religious freedom are as
widespread, as long as the practice of forced abortions are as
widespread as they are in China. And this body and the Senate approved
my legislation.
A short while before we left for our Christmas break, I had the
privilege of speaking on behalf of a religious movement, global in
nature, called Falun Gong that the Chinese Communist Government is
persecuting, harassing, and imprisoning its leaders.
So I come to this debate as one whose opposition to the odious
practices of the Chinese Communist regime have been on display for two
decades. But I also come to this debate as one who has supported the
Taiwan Relations Act, passed in 1979, which for the past 20 years has
facilitated Taiwan's development as one of the most prosperous,
advanced, and democratic societies on the face of this planet.
As a matter of fact, one of the few great achievements on a
bipartisan basis of the administrations during the course of the last
20 years has been the tremendous development in Taiwan. Taiwan today is
a powerful, prosperous, and democratic society.
Our relationship with Taiwan and China is predicated on the carefully
crafted fiction that there is only one China; and this fiction, which
we pay tribute to on a daily basis, has an ambassador in Beijing but no
ambassador but somebody who acts like an ambassador in Taipei.
The Chinese Government in Beijing sends an ambassador here to
represent China; and the Government of Taiwan sends someone who, while
not with the rank of ambassador, ably and effectively represents the
interest of Taiwan. When he visits me in my office, I refer to him as
``Mr. Ambassador.''
Now, this carefully crafted ambivalence and ambiguity has allowed us
to support Taiwan's defense needs to the fullest possible extent.
Taiwan today is stronger than it has ever been in its history. Speaking
for myself, I will be voting for whatever defense requirements Taiwan
comes to us with insofar as these requirements will be necessary for
the defense of that island.
This piece of legislation, well-intentioned but totally
counterproductive, will add nothing to the security of Taiwan. What it
will do, it will stir up a hornet's nest in the region. It will enhance
instability, anxiety, and uncertainty.
While the crafters of this legislation had good intentions, they
clearly did not take into account that, in public diplomacy,
ambivalence and ambiguity have a long established and distinguished
place.
It is that ambiguity and ambivalence which the presence of our
peculiar relationship with Taiwan so ably demonstrates which will be
undermined and destroyed by this piece of legislation.
Now, this is not a partisan issue, Mr. Speaker. As was mentioned
earlier, the chairman of the Committee on International Relations and
the Ranking Member, both good friends of mine, are supporting this
legislation. Some of the most distinguished Republicans on the
Committee on International Relations joined me in opposing this
legislation. So the issue has no partisan element. It has no partisan
component.
The issue before us is very simple: Do we wish to enhance the
stability of the region or do we wish to add to the periodic outbursts
of instability that the passage of this legislation will surely bring
about.
[[Page H106]]
It is my considered judgment that it is in the national security
interest of the United States to see this legislation defeated.
The President has indicated and his top foreign policy advisors have
indicated that if the legislation is approved in its present form, they
will recommend a veto. I hope the President will veto, and I will vote
to sustain that veto.
It is unnecessary, it is counterproductive, it is nonsensical to
bring into our complex relationship with China yet another divisive
matter, the only consequence of which is to diminish the security of
Taiwan, the exact opposite, the exact opposite that the crafters of
this legislation intend.
Now, when my legislation was passed, Mr. Speaker, allowing the
President of Taiwan to go to Cornell, the Chinese in Beijing went
ballistic. They went ballistic to the point of engaging in military
action in the waters around Taiwan. The invitation to President Lee was
a matter of principle. This is not. This is a matter of bad policy
judgment. But the reaction is predictable. It will create horrendous
tensions in the Taiwan Straits. It will dramatically diminish the
chances of cross-straits dialogue.
What every Member of this body wants is to see the China-Taiwan
conflict resolved without military means, peacefully, constructively.
This piece of legislation torpedoes that objective. When we will
discuss this legislation, I will strongly urge my colleagues to vote
against it.
I have nothing against the rule. The rule is not the issue in this
instance, Mr. Speaker. But what is at issue is a fundamental bipartisan
foreign policy successfully pursued by Republican and Democratic
administrations for 21 years under President Carter, President Reagan,
President Bush, and President Clinton.
Taiwan has thrived given our existing legislative framework vis-a-vis
that country. This legislation will undermine that stability. It will
threaten the stability and peace in the Taiwan Straits. And we shall
rue the day if we were to pass this legislation as we see the
consequences unfold.
We will have plenty of China issues to discuss in the next few
months. Some in this body will be advocating Most Favored Nation
treatment on a permanent basis to mainland China. I hope there will be
enough of us to oppose that legislation when it comes to this floor.
This is a piece of legislation that is counterproductive, poorly
thought through, and hostile to the security interests of both Taiwan
and the United States, and I strongly urge my colleagues to reject it.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to my good friend,
the gentleman from Southern California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart) for permitting me to speak in support of the
rule; and I appreciate the remarks of my good friend, the gentleman
from California (Mr. Lantos) who has just finished another of his
eloquent presentations before this body, however, a presentation that I
must disagree with respectfully.
I stand in strong support of this rule and in strong support of the
bipartisan Taiwan security enhancement act. I congratulate the House
leadership of both parties for bringing this bill to the floor at this
critical period while the people of Taiwan and the Republic of China on
Taiwan are entering into the final month of their democratic
presidential campaign.
There should be no doubt that the requirements in this bill to
strengthen Taiwan's ability to defend its own people against air and
missile attack is essential to maintaining peace and, yes, stability in
the Taiwan Straits. It sends an undeniable message to the communist
strongmen in Beijing and to our friends throughout the Pacific region
that the American people are stalwart in defending democracy and
honoring our treaty commitments.
With all due respect to my friend, the gentleman from California (Mr.
Lantos), ambiguity and ambivalence in the face of tyrants does not
bring about the result the people would like to achieve. Seeking
stability through ambiguity and ambivalence will lead not to stability
but, instead, to conflict and war through miscalculation. Stability
without regard to moral commitment and to liberty and justice is not a
worthy goal and leads in the end to conflict.
We must give a specific message, we must not be ambiguous, to the
people in Beijing so they will not miscalculate, so they will know what
our commitment is and how far they can push us in the free world. This
is the way to peace. It is not through ambiguity.
Specifically, we are today reaffirming the Taiwan Relations Act of
1979. The Act clearly authorizes the United States or any other country
to provide defensive weapon systems to the Republic of China and Taiwan
and restricts Beijing from using force against the people of Taiwan.
This is a legal understanding. We should not in any way hint to the
strong men in Beijing that that understanding and that agreement has
been altered or has evolved into something else than what it was
whether that agreement was made. That is the way to have peace in the
Taiwan Straits and to have stability in the Pacific, let people know we
are holding them to their commitments and that we are strong and
forceful in demanding our rights under agreements with those that we
have made before.
The upcoming election in Taiwan marks an historic milestone. It is
the first time in a thousand years of recorded Chinese history that a
democratically elected Chinese leader, President Lee, will be
peacefully handing over power to an elected successor.
The upcoming election and post-election periods present a very real
danger of intimidation or even violent aggression by the communist
regime in Beijing.
I recently returned from Taiwan where I visited the political and
military leaders there, and I also visited their air national and
missile defense centers as well as frontline bases in the Taiwan
straits.
All the leaders in Taiwan that I met, the military leaders and
political leaders, as well as people there who live there and are
confronted with this challenge, expressed concern about the potential
aggression from the PRC in the upcoming months.
{time} 1230
The threat from Communist China was underscored during the past few
days with new public threats for the use of force against Taiwan by the
government in Beijing.
I am submitting for the Record a copy of the January 31 report out of
Hong Kong detailing exercises to be conducted immediately prior to the
election in Taiwan by the People's Liberation Army Missile Command in
Fujian Province, directly across from Taiwan.
Beijing needs to know that we are standing by the agreement we made
with Beijing and that we will ensure Taiwan the defensive systems that
we are permitted through that understanding to provide Taiwan. This is
what will lead to more peace, not leaving Taiwan vulnerable, not being
ambiguous but providing them the missile defense systems and the
aircraft defense systems they need to deter aggression and to make a
solid statement as this Congress is doing today in this debate that we
are not ambiguous and not ambivalent in our commitment to Taiwan's
security and the Taiwan Relations Act.
Mr. Speaker, I include the following material for the Record:
PRC To Stage Anti-Air Military Exercise in Late February
(By special correspondent Hsiao Peng)
According to Jiang Zemin's requirements outlined at a
recent meeting of the Central Leading Group for Taiwan
Affairs on ``preparations for both eventualities,'' the
People's Liberation Army [PLA] is to stage a large-scale
antiair exercise in Fujian in late February. Massive antiair
missile forces and various types of warplanes recently have
arrived in Fujian. For the first time, a newly established
reserve missile brigade will participate in the military
exercise.
conducting defense exercise to prevent giving us excuse
A source pointed out that the mainland will conduct a
completely defensive military exercise in the run-up to
Taiwan's presidential elections. The antiair live-ammunition
exercise involving a large number of antiair missiles and
warplanes can put pressure on Taiwan independence forces.
Because it is a ``defensive exercise,'' it will not serve as
an excuse for the United States and other countries to
intervene in the mainland maneuver. The war game also in
China's direct military response to Taiwan Vice President
[[Page H107]]
Lien Chan's clamor for the development of long-range missiles
against the mainland. At the recent meeting of the Central
Leading Group for Taiwan Affairs, Jiang Zemin reportedly
decided that preparations for both eventualities--peaceful
reunification and retaking Taiwan by force--should be taken
as the mainland's basic principle on future Taiwan affairs.
Meanwhile, the top Chinese leadership has made a clear-cut
decision not to allow Taiwan authorities to indefinitely
stall the Taiwan issue, and has set a timetable for the
settlement of the Taiwan issue. Should new Taiwan leaders
refuse to accept the principles of ``one country, two systems
and peaceful reunification'' and pursue Taiwan independence
by incorporating the ``two-state theory'' into the
constitution and the law, the mainland is prepared to use
force to resolve the Taiwan issue by means of ``one country,
two systems.''
large number of advanced anti-aircraft missiles to be showcased
The antiair exercise will involve the live firing of
massive advanced PLA antiair missiles in Fujian. In addition
to Taiwan warplanes, such as F-16, Ching-kuo, and Mirage 2000
fighters, the military exercise will take US F-117 and B-1
stealth bombers and cruise missiles as the main targets of
attack in order to prevent US military intervention in
mainland operations against Taiwan. It is understood that
since Lien Chan, Liu Taiying, and other senior Taiwan
officials threatened to countercheck the mainland, the top
mainland leadership has attached great importance to its air
defense against Taiwan. To strengthen Fujian's antiair
capability against Taiwan, the mainland recently not only has
deployed a large number of antiaircraft and ground-to-ground
missiles in Fujian, but for the first time it also has
established a reserve missile brigade to arm reserve units
with various antiaircraft missiles, which have considerably
enhanced Fujian's antiair capability. The brigade is Fujian's
second air defense reserve unit since its reserves
established an antiaircraft artillery division. It also is
the first reserve unit armed with missiles. The upcoming
military exercise will serve as a warning to Taiwan's arms
expansion and is the first military maneuver intended to put
pressure on Taiwan in the run-up to its presidential
elections this year.
____
China Warns Against More U.S.-Taiwan Military Cooperation
A Chinese government spokesman today (Jan. 31) warned that
passage of a law to improve U.S.-Taiwan military cooperation
could threaten ``peace and stability'' in the region and
damage relations with the U.S. The Clinton Administration
should take ``effective measures'' to prevent adoption of the
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, according to Chinese embassy
spokesman Yu Shuning.
The bill, HR 1838, is scheduled for a House vote on Feb. 1
or the following day. A Senate companion bill, S. 693,
sponsored by the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee is pending before the panel after a hearing in
August.
``If the U.S. restores its military ties with Taiwan . . .
it will have a very serious consequences to our
relationship,'' Yu told reporters in a briefing at the
Chinese Embassy, ``It could trigger another round of arms
race and enhance the chance of military confrontation.''
Yu called the act a ``very serious infringement'' of
Chinese sovereignty and an encouragement of Taiwanese
``separatists'' who seek independence from China.
He identified passage of the bill as one of three problems
facing the U.S.-China relationship. The second is the impact
of any sale of advanced weaponry to Taiwan and the third is
the U.S. sponsorship this year of a resolution in the United
Nations Convention on Human Rights.
House International Committee Chairman Benjamin Gilman (R-
NY) said last November that Clinton Administration pressure
had prevented the bill from coming to a vote for fear it
would damage negotiations for China's entry into the World
Trade Organization.
____
Missionaries: Clerics Kidnapped, Churches Burned in China
Vatican City (AP)--China has burned and blown up churches
and taken dozens of clerics into custody in an intensified
campaign against the underground Catholic church, the
Vatican's missionary news service said Monday.
Some of the arrests cited by Fides were reported earlier by
Catholics within China.
The alleged crackdown implements a plan outlined by the
government in August to force Catholics worshipping illegally
into the official state-registered church system, Fides said.
Officially atheist China limits worship to state-registered
churches.
Millions of Chinese Roman Catholics worship secretly,
illicitly recognizing the Vatican as their religious
authority rather than the government.
China insists that its people have full freedom of
religion; the parliament issued a statement Monday denying
the existence of the underground Catholic church.
Religious meeting places are required to be registered with
authorities only ``to ensure that the religions can conduct
their normal and lawful activities,'' the lawmakers'
statement said.
Fides said Catholics are under increasing pressure to
accept only the authority of the state-sanctioned church, the
China Patriotic Catholic Association.
Children of families in underground churches are being
barred from school, the news service said.
Two churches, built without government permit, were blown
up at mid-December in the Wenzhou diocese, Fides said.
Other churches were burned; three were destroyed in the
same northern diocese in April, Fides said.
``The diocese of Wenzhou is being subjected to pressure and
violence,'' it said.
Authorities have taken away seven priests and the diocese's
archbishop since September, Fides said.
Since early January, officials have forced at least 2,000
Roman Catholics in the region to register, some after days of
detention. Other Catholics have fled rather than be forced
into the state church, it claimed.
In all, at least six clerics have disappeared since their
arrests, over a period of three years to a few months, it
said.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Guam (Mr. Underwood).
(Mr. UNDERWOOD asked and was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. UNDERWOOD. I thank my friend from New York for yielding me the
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the rule on H.R. 1838, the
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. This bill as modified by the Committee
on International Relations represents a concerted effort by a
bipartisan group of Members who remain concerned about the longstanding
tensions that exist between Taiwan and the PRC.
It is well known that since the inception of the PRC, the PRC has
considered Taiwan a renegade province. The government in Beijing has
long heralded the ``one China'' policy to reemphasize its claims to
Taiwan and insist that foreign governments adhere to it as well.
Officially, we support the ``one China'' policy while at the same time
we insist that China relinquish the use of force in any reunification
effort. Despite assurances by China to the world community to
peacefully settle this sovereignty dispute, China refuses to disavow
the use of force. To this end, China has often resorted to bullying
tactics and demonstrative military exercises in a game of deadly
brinksmanship.
The now infamous Chinese ballistic missile strike in the Straits of
Taiwan during the 1996 presidential campaign in Taiwan has become a
watershed event that underscores the calculated risk which Beijing is
willing to make in order to intimidate Taiwan. So intent is China's
concern over any display or mention of independence that it is willing
to unleash a torrent of destruction in the Western Pacific. This
sentiment was further acknowledged by the Chinese Premier, Zhu Rongji,
who recently noted that the PRC considers violence an acceptable means
to ``discuss'' the reunification of Taiwan.
In furtherance of their strategy of intimidation, the Chinese have
conducted amphibious landing exercises near the straits, deployed
theater missile launch sites adjacent to Taiwan, acquired long-range
Su-30 bombers and is currently acquiring former Soviet naval
destroyers. These efforts are meant to intimidate democracy's allies in
Taiwan and around the world in light of the upcoming presidential
elections in Taiwan.
Previously, the distinguished gentleman from California indicated
that we should be ambiguous and ambivalent. We may be forced to be
ambiguous in our diplomatic relations, but we should not be ambivalent
in the message that we send to the PRC. We must pass this new Taiwan
Relations Act.
The bill before the House today further refines and supplements the
underlying relations act. This legislative supplement by Congress
unambiguously and without ambivalence gives notice to Beijing that the
United States is indeed committed to the security of Taiwan and will
not tolerate an act of aggression to settle the sovereignty dispute.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), chairman of the
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International
Relations.
(Mr. BEREUTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. BEREUTER. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
[[Page H108]]
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the rule and the underlying
legislation that will be made in order. There are two preliminary
points I would like to make. First of all, I think all or nearly all
Members approaching this issue on both sides of the aisle and both
sides of the issue, do approach this debate with due gravity and
concern and are attempting to do so with appropriate sensitivity to the
delicate situation between the PRC and Taiwan.
I want to call attention, however, to my colleague from Florida's
remarks. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Goss), the chairman of the
House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, I think made a very
thoughtful and incisive statement. He said Members that vote for this
upcoming legislation, H.R. 1838, should not be deemed to be doing
things that are intentionally provocative. That should not be our
intent. Indeed it is not, I think, the supporters' intent that we are
taking a provocative action. But, on the other hand, we need to, where
appropriate, eliminate ambiguity; and we need to recognize that this is
a sensitive area. The Taiwanese-Chinese and the Sino-American
relationships are the most complicated issues that come before my
subcommittee and we should not under-estimate the reaction to the
legislative vote on H.R. 1838.
One of my first votes as a Member in 1979 was cast in support of the
Taiwan Relations Act, the TRA. This Member is a strong supporter of the
TRA, for it introduced a very significant measure of coherence,
consistency, and commitment to our security relationship with Taiwan.
Under the TRA, the U.S. provides Taiwan with the defensive weaponry and
technical expertise to defend itself. It is not a treaty relationship,
but it does recognize that the military might of the People's Republic
of China should not determine, simply by brutal force, the final status
of the governance of Taiwan.
The second preliminary point I would like to make today for my
colleagues who may have some questions about the timing of any action
on H.R. 1838, and I have had those thoughts and concerns myself. There
is never a perfect time; but, this is the issue that has been addressed
or considered in the House International Relations Committee. The
legislation we have before us today, after the Rule, H.R. 1838 is
dramatically different than the bill introduced in the other body and
the original content of this legislation. For example, Congress Daily's
edition today is still in error. There are no specific references to
weapons systems in this legislation as amended. The International
Relations Committee, on a bipartisan basis, as the gentleman from Guam
has indicated, has worked its will and made this legislation that I
think should have strong support.
Today, H.R. 1838, expands upon the Taiwan Relations Act. It seeks to
ensure that training and educational opportunities are available to
military officers from Taiwan. It requires the executive branch of our
government to report on the nature of the threat to Taiwan and to
explain arms sales considered and the rationale of decisions. The
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act delivers, I believe, a strong message
that clarity, not ambiguity, is important in expressing our support for
Taiwan and Taiwan policy.
Mr. Speaker, I believe it is important to emphasize again that
legislation to be before us today has been heavily amended by the House
International Relations Committee. The changes are primarily because of
the efforts of these members and other members of my subcommittee but
also due to other members of the full committee, and to the support and
cooperation of the chairman, the gentleman from New York, Mr. Gilman,
and the ranking Democrat, Mr. Gejdenson. They have all worked at
perfecting legislation which we bring to the body today with some
confidence.
Mr. Speaker, it is true that the executive branch had voiced great
concerns about this legislation before these significant changes and
still opposes the legislation. I think they do in part because they
have not carefully examined the changes that have been made by the
Committee. For example, the initial legislation listed the sale of
specific weapons systems that were to be sold to Taiwan. Some of these
systems are appropriate for sale. Some may not be appropriate for sale
and some already have been provided very effectively in one way or
another. Some weapons systems have, in fact, been made available but do
not fit the priorities of the government of Taiwan themselves. Those
facts were brought to the attention of Members in classified briefings,
including the primary sponsors of the legislation or their staff.
Except in unusual circumstances, it admittedly is not an appropriate
role for the legislative branch to dictate to the executive branch
which weapons to sell to a friend. My colleagues should be reminded
that we do not do this in this legislation and that President Reagan
and President Bush, of course, would not have liked that kind of
specific requirement. Neither will the next President of the United
States. But we have taken the proper, responsible course by removing
references to specific legislation and several other questionable or
unnecessary directions.
Similarly, this legislation, which we are about to consider after
approval of the Rule, as introduced, would require the allocation of
additional military training positions over and above Taiwan's current
generous quota at U.S. military academies and schools. The issue is not
whether or not officers from Taiwan are permitted to train in the
United States, for clearly they are permitted to do so and are being
educated here. Rather, the legislation seeks to give additional
emphasis to such training slots wherever it is possible. We must and do
recognize that our own officers in fact have to have these courses, and
we also need to provide this kind of training in our academies and in
the defense training programs to a whole array of friends and allies
across the world. It is a zero sum game, to some extent, and in H.R.
1838 we are not mandating any particular additional number.
Mr. Speaker, in summary, this Member would note that this legislation
about to be considered has been significantly altered in numerous
significant ways to address legitimate concerns. It would perhaps
benefit from additional review and modifications, and this Member fully
expects such modifications to occur as if this legislation moves
forward to a conference. However, my colleagues can feel comfortable
with H.R. 1838, and I hope for and recommend their positive vote. I
thank the original introducers and especially all the colleagues in the
International Relations Committee who have helped to perfect it.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, if I could take 30 seconds out of order,
I would like to wish a happy birthday on behalf of the House to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Deutsch).
Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act reported from the Committee on International Relations
with 82 bipartisan cosponsors. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act will
advance our obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act and maintain
stability within the region. According to the Pentagon report submitted
to Congress earlier this year, China is currently engaged in a major
buildup of ballistic missiles on its coast directly across the strait
from Taiwan. Beijing is simultaneously increasing pressure on the U.S.
to limit or decrease our sales of defensive weaponry to Taiwan.
Both of these factors represent a substantial threat to the balance
of power and, therefore, the stability of the area. The United States
must remain steadfast in our commitment to fulfilling our obligations
under the Taiwan Relations Act in which the U.S. promises to provide
Taiwan with the means to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.
Taiwan's defense capabilities are central to maintaining the balance of
power in the region.
This bill is a necessary bipartisan step towards fulfilling our
promise to Taiwan. It would increase Taiwan's defense capabilities
while at the same time addressing any remaining deficiencies through
establishment of direct communications between our militaries. This
bill would reiterate the fundamental truth of democracy, that any
determination of the ultimate status of Taiwan must have the express
consent of the people of Taiwan.
Finally, the bill would require the President to submit an annual
report to Congress on Taiwan's defense needs.
[[Page H109]]
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
I would finally, just in closing, talk to my colleagues about the
original purpose of the Taiwan Relations Act and really to have an
overall view of the region, because this bill is really tied into that
perception of what is going on. I think all of us are unanimous, both
supporters and opponents of this legislation, that the ultimate status
really is self-determination of the people in the various locales in
that region, on the island of Taiwan itself and in fact ultimately in
China itself as well.
How can we expect that to occur if we do not provide defensive means,
especially with the intentions that are there? We are not committing
American troops by any stretch of the imagination, but we are hopefully
giving the Taiwanese the tools to determine their own self-
determination, which is a commitment that we have made and a commitment
that they deserve in terms of their own future and their own system of
government as well.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Gilman), the distinguished chairman of the Committee
on International Relations.
(Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILMAN. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 408, the proposed rule to
govern debate on the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, H.R. 1838. It is
an appropriate rule for what will be a very important debate. The fact
is that Taiwan's security is threatened by the aggressive policies and
the military modernization program of the People's Republic of China.
For almost 50 years, our Nation has maintained its commitment to
Taiwan's defensive military capabilities. Ever since we have enacted
the Taiwan Relations Act over 20 years ago, our Nation has been morally
committed to assuring the security of the free people of Taiwan. In
1996, our Nation was called on to back up that commitment.
With the strong encouragement of both houses of Congress, President
Clinton deployed two aircraft carrier battle groups to the Taiwan
Strait in response to Beijing's efforts to coerce the outcome in the
election that Taiwan was holding that year.
{time} 1245
Beijing's program is clear: they want to increase their ability to
coerce Taiwan with threats of military force, and they are determined
to ensure that Taiwan will be helpless in the face of such threats. Our
Nation, along with our allies, must stand firm in confronting that
threat.
It was to underscore our refusal to be intimidated that, along with
other bipartisan cosponsors of H.R. 1838, we introduced the Taiwan
Security Enhancement Act last May. This legislation, H.R. 1838, as
reported by our Committee on International Relations, is delicately
balanced. It reflects a compromise worked out by two of our
distinguished Members in this body with years of experience in Asian
security matters, the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the
chairman of our Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, and the gentleman
from California (Mr. Cox), the chairman of our House Republican Policy
Committee. They labored diligently for many weeks to work out language
that they believe appropriately addressed the very sensitive security
situation.
This is a fair and balanced rule deserving of our support.
Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to vote in favor of the rule.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from New York (Mr. Sweeney).
Mr. SWEENEY. Mr. Speaker, I think it is important that we speak very
clearly and distinctly to ensure that we protect stability and peace
throughout the world, and that is why I rise today in support of this
rule and the underlying legislation.
The Republic of China has proven itself to be a strong, independent
democracy, in stark contrast from Mainland China's campaign of military
and psychological intimidation.
We can take great comfort in our present state of affairs. However,
we must realize that peace is difficult to achieve and its maintenance
is fragile; and one of the greatest threats to that that exists
anywhere in the world is no more so in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan is a
country that deserves our continuing support, especially during these
critical times.
In 1979 the United States made an obligation to this nation to
provide defensive arms ``in such a quantity as may be necessary to
enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.'' That
was a direct quote and what should be a continuing commitment.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act continues to strengthen this
commitment. As China continues its drive for military modernization and
intensifies its efforts to procure weapons of mass destruction, cross-
straight stability is at direct risk.
It is a known fact that China is using U.S. satellite and space
technology to enhance its national defense economy and national
prestige and thus poses a tremendous threat to Taiwan.
Mr. Speaker, today we have an opportunity to do something positive to
counter such aggression. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act is an
excellent vehicle through which the United States can begin to rectify
this growing imbalance.
Make no mistake, Mr. Speaker, China, Asia, and the rest of the world
is watching to see our resolve in standing up for democracy in Taiwan.
Our commitments today will have enormous implication on the future
leadership role in Asia. China is counting on a reduced military
presence in Asia while they are continuing their improvements. I urge
all my colleagues to support this act.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Hoeffel).
Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me
time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in favor of this rule and in favor of this bill.
This legislation is a response to a number of events that have happened
over the last 5 years that have shaped the current United States-Taiwan
relationship. The live-fire missile exercises in the Taiwan Strait by
China and the strong U.S. response reinforced the fact that Taiwan must
be strong militarily.
This legislation is an attempt to address these concerns and clarify
some of the ambiguity that exists in the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. I
commend the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman) and the ranking
member, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for improving
this bill in the Committee on International Relations.
This bill would improve communications between the United States
military and the Taiwan military, it would improve the sharing of data,
it would improve training, it would improve our relations. And that is
a very good thing to accomplish. It is my hope that House passage of
this legislation would send a clear signal to China about the strong
U.S. commitment to Taiwanese security.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Schaffer).
Mr. SCHAFFER. Mr. Speaker, just 3 days ago I had the opportunity to
meet in Los Angeles with Governor Annette Lu, who is one of the
regional governors in Taiwan and also a vice-presidential candidate
under the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan. The election that she
is involved in will be concluded on March 18th.
We had about a half hour of conversation about this very issue. In
that conversation, she was very direct in pointing out the importance
of this Congress, speaking forcefully and boldly with respect to our
relationship with Taiwan and our support for self-determination in
Taiwan.
Mr. Speaker, from the perspective of this Congress, we really have
not been ambivalent over the years about where we stand, where the
people of the United States stand. That position, however, has been
obscured somewhat by various diplomatic decisions that have been made,
statements coming out of the White House and others. So it is
important, I submit, to restate with further clarity and further
definition our alliance with the people of Taiwan, our unification and
our belief
[[Page H110]]
that democracy works, that freedom is always better than the tyranny of
an oppressive political form of government, and, particularly at this
time, where the people of Taiwan are poised to make a decision of
paramount importance about their own individual future, their own
individual liberty.
At this time there should be no confusion among those in Taiwan as to
where we stand, which is shoulder to shoulder with the people of
Taiwan. That is a policy that I, once again, Mr. Speaker, say has been
clearly defined by this Congress, clearly defined by the people of the
United States. It is one that needs to be restated right now at an
important time, not only for ourselves, but for Taiwan as well. It is
an important message to convey, not just to Beijing; it is an important
message to convey here in Congress and on Capitol Hill, because we have
seen the record in the past.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
New Jersey, (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from New York for
yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the cause of freedom, in
strong support of a strong foreign policy for our country, in support
of this rule and support of this bill. I congratulate and thank the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), the gentleman from Connecticut
(Mr. Gejdenson), and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and his
Democratic colleagues for bringing this important legislation forward.
I believe we have an emerging consensus about U.S. foreign policy
that has two points. The first point is that we should use our military
and diplomatic might to challenge those who would use brute force over
the rule of law, which is why we successfully interceded in Kosovo,
which is why we have been willing to exert that force in Bosnia, which
is why we protected the people of the Persian Gulf against the tyranny
of Saddam Hussein. It is a wise and judicious use of the global power
that we have accumulated through the courage and conviction of our
military leaders, our men and women in uniform, and our diplomats.
The second aspect of our foreign policy consensus is that we will
reward and incentivise democracy, respect for human rights and the free
flow of goods and services in the economic realm. I think that is a
very wise and prudent course for us to follow.
Now, we have our disagreements as to how to apply those principles,
and we will have those disagreements as the year goes on, but I believe
that there is no piece of legislation more representative of that
principle than the one that will be before us very shortly.
Mr. Speaker, the freedom-loving people of Taiwan deserve not only our
commendation, but our support. The economic miracle over which they
preside every day, the powerhouse of freedom and dynamism that their
efforts represent, should receive our continuing support. But, more
importantly, when they are menaced by the threat of being overwhelmed
military, when there are nuclear weapons exercises, when there are
hostile words spoken by the People's Republic of China, I believe we
have a responsibility to act forcefully.
Acting forcefully means being prepared militarily. The essence of the
bill that is before us is to enhance the preparedness of freedom-loving
people in Taiwan and to support that preparedness here in the United
States. Military training, the sharing of technology, the reaffirmation
of principles that were enacted in the 1979 law are all very, very
appropriate here.
The relationship between two countries is a complex phenomena. The
relationship between us and the People's Republic of China is a
relationship that will receive great attention on this floor this year.
But I believe that one aspect of that relationship that needs to be
reaffirmed with great clarity, that I would ask us to affirm with great
clarity here today, is that freedom is not negotiable where we stand,
and we do stand with the freedom-loving people of Taiwan.
Mr. Speaker, I urge the support and passage of this rule and this
bill.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Cox).
(Mr. COX asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. COX. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to follow my colleague, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews). I agree entirely with what he
said and with what speakers before him have said on both sides of the
aisle, both on the subject of this rule and on the underlying bill.
The passage of this rule, which, as by now it is abundantly clear has
won bipartisan support, will permit us to debate the Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act, which will reaffirm America's long-standing Taiwan
policy, in place since President Eisenhower.
In 1979 Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, and what we are
doing today is making clear that we wish to see that act enforced in
full. Today, even more than in 1979 when that law was passed, Taiwanese
security is critical to America's interests. Taiwan is now America's
seventh largest trading partner. Taiwan buys far more from the United
States than does the People's Republic of China; the sea lanes
surrounding Taiwan are vital to the economic health of Asia and to the
sustained growth of U.S. exports to Asia; and, most important of all, a
democratic Taiwan stands as a living example to all the people of China
that they too can build a prosperous peaceful democracy.
Taiwan does not in any way pose a threat to the People's Republic of
China; but Taiwanese example of democracy, freedom of speech and
freedom of thought, do pose a threat to the Communist government in
Beijing.
Fundamentally, this bill will allow our military to have relations
with Taiwanese forces, as close as what the Clinton-Gore administration
is already pursuing with the People's Liberation Army. This upgrading
of our military relations with Taiwan must occur now, in a time of
relative stability. It would be too late, if not too provocative, to
accomplish these changes in a time of actual crisis. But the State
Department currently bars senior U.S. military officers from meeting
with their Taiwan counterparts, while, meanwhile, enhanced contacts
between United States and People's Liberation Army officers of all
ranks has been a priority for the Clinton-Gore administration.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act provides that our field rank
officers can have the same level of relations with the friendly
defensive force as they currently have with the Communist People's
Liberation Army.
This rule and this bill are, as I said, hugely bipartisan. The vote
in committee was 32 to 6. The vote today, I expect, on this rule and on
the underlying bill will be similarly overwhelmingly bipartisan for one
simple reason: this Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike, are
committed to freedom and democracy for the people of Taiwan, for the
people of Taiwan and for the people of all the world.
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I agree fully with the premise of this legislation.
There must be clarity and certainty in our commitment to the security
of Taiwan, and the reunification of China can only occur peacefully. It
must occur peacefully. Thus, we stand firmly with the security of our
friends on Taiwan.
{time} 1300
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The resolution was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the provisions of House
Resolution 408, I call up the bill (H.R. 1838) to assist in the
enhancement of the security of Taiwan, and for other purposes.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LaHood). Pursuant to House Resolution
408, the bill is considered read for amendment.
The text of H.R. 1838 is as follows:
H.R. 1838
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
[[Page H111]]
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Taiwan Security Enhancement
Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) Since 1949, the close relationship between the United
States and Taiwan has been of enormous benefit to both
societies.
(2) In recent years, Taiwan has undergone a major political
transformation, and Taiwan is today a true multiparty
democracy with a political system separate from and totally
unlike that of the People's Republic of China.
(3) The economy of Taiwan is based upon free market
principles and is separate and distinct from the People's
Republic of China.
(4) Although on January 1, 1979, the United States
Government withdrew diplomatic recognition of the government
on Taiwan as the legitimate government of China, neither at
that time nor since has the United States Government adopted
a formal position as to the ultimate status of Taiwan other
than to state that status must be decided by peaceful means.
Any determination of the ultimate status of Taiwan must have
the express consent of the people on Taiwan.
(5) The government on Taiwan no longer claims to be the
sole legitimate government of all of China.
(6) The Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8) states
that--
(A) peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait area are in
the political, security, and economic interests of the United
States and are of international concern;
(B) the decision of the United States to establish
diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China
rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be
determined by peaceful means;
(C) the United States would consider any effort to
determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means,
including boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and
security of the Western Pacific region and of grave concern
to the United States;
(D) the United States will maintain the capacity to resist
any form of coercion that jeopardizes the security, or the
social or the economic system, of the people on Taiwan; and
(E) the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of
all the people on Taiwan are objectives of the United States.
(7) On the basis of these provisions, the Taiwan Relations
Act establishes on the part of the United States a continuing
connection with and concern for Taiwan, its people, and their
ability to maintain themselves free of coercion and free of
the use of force against them. The maintenance by Taiwan of
forces adequate for defense and deterrence is in the interest
of the United States in that it helps to maintain peace in
the Taiwan Strait area.
(8) Since 1954, when the United States and Taiwan signed
the Mutual Defense Treaty, the United States and Taiwan have
maintained a defense and security relationship that has
contributed greatly to freedom, peace, and stability in
Taiwan and the East Asia and Pacific regions.
(9) The United States and Taiwan no longer conduct joint
training missions, have no direct military lines of
communication, and have only limited military-to-military
contacts. This lack of communication and interoperation
between the United States and Taiwan hinders planning for the
defense of Taiwan and could prove detrimental in the event of
future aggression against Taiwan.
(10) Since 1979, the United States has continued to sell
defensive weapons to Taiwan in accordance with the Taiwan
Relations Act, and such sales have helped Taiwan maintain its
autonomy and freedom in the face of persistent hostility from
the People's Republic of China. However, pressures to delay,
deny, and reduce arms sales to Taiwan have been prevalent
since the signing of the August 17, 1982, communique with
the People's Republic of China. Over time, such delays,
denials, and reductions could prevent Taiwan from
maintaining a sufficient capability for self-defense.
(11) As has been affirmed on several occasions by the
executive branch of Government, the provisions of the Taiwan
Relations Act take legal precedence over any communique with
the People's Republic of China.
(12) The People's Republic of China has consistently
refused to renounce the use of force against Taiwan and has
repeatedly threatened force against Taiwan, including implied
threats by unnamed People's Republic of China officials on
January 10, 1999, who warned Taiwan not to participate in the
development of theater missile defense capabilities with the
United States.
(13) The missile firings by the People's Republic of China
near Taiwan in August 1995 and March 1996 clearly demonstrate
the willingness of the People's Republic of China to use
forceful tactics to limit the freedom of the people on
Taiwan.
(14) As most nations in East Asia reduce military spending,
the People's Republic of China continues a major and
comprehensive military buildup.
(15)(A) This military buildup includes the development of
advanced ballistic and cruise missiles that will incorporate
precision guidance capability and the construction of new
imaging, radar, navigation, and electronic intelligence
satellites that will help target and guide ballistic and
cruise missiles.
(B) According to the Department of Defense report entitled
``The Security Situation in the Taiwan Strait'', submitted to
Congress in February 1999, the size of the missile force of
the People's Republic of China is expected to grow
substantially and, by 2005, the People's Republic of China
will possess an ``overwhelming advantage'' in offensive
missiles vis-a-vis Taiwan.
(C) The Department of Defense has also noted that the
People's Republic of China may already possess the capability
to damage satellite optical sensors with lasers, is
researching advanced anti-satellite lasers that could blind
United States intelligence satellites, and is procuring radio
frequency weapons that disable electronic equipment.
(D) These missile and anti-satellite capabilities pose a
grave threat to Taiwan.
(16) This military buildup also includes the construction
or procurement from abroad of advanced naval systems,
including Russian Kilo submarines that are difficult to
detect, Russian technology to assist the development of new
nuclear-powered attack submarines, Russian Sovremenny class
destroyers armed with supersonic SS-N-22 Sunburn anti-ship
missiles, a new long-range, all-weather naval attack aircraft
called the JH-7, and new indigenous land-attack cruise
missiles that could be launched from submarines, ships, and
naval attack aircraft. These naval capabilities pose a grave
threat of blockade to Taiwan.
(17) This military buildup also includes the improvement of
air combat capabilities by procuring and co-producing
hundreds of Russian Sukhoi Su-27 fighters, seeking to
purchase Russian Su-30 all-weather attack aircraft, arming
these aircraft with advanced air-to-air missiles such as the
Russian R-77 missile and other precision guided munitions,
constructing the indigenously designed J-10 fighter, and
seeking advanced airborne warning and control systems from
abroad. These capabilities pose a grave airborne threat to
Taiwan.
(18) Because of the introduction of advanced submarines
into the Taiwan Strait area by the People's Republic of China
and the increasing capability of the People's Republic of
China to blockade Taiwan, Taiwan needs to acquire diesel-
powered submarines in order to maintain a capability to
counter a blockade, to conduct antisubmarine warfare
training, and for other purposes.
(19) Because of the democratic form of government on Taiwan
and the historically nonaggressive foreign policy of Taiwan,
it is highly unlikely that Taiwan would use submarines in an
offensive manner.
(20) The current defense relationship between the United
States and Taiwan is deficient in terms of its capacity over
the long term to counter and deter potential aggression
against Taiwan by the People's Republic of China.
SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
(a) Training of Taiwan Military Officers.--It is the sense
of Congress that the Secretary of Defense and the Secretaries
of the military departments should make every effort to
reserve additional positions for Taiwan military officers at
the National Defense University and other professional
military education schools specified in section 2162(d) of
title 10, United States Code, and for prospective Taiwan
military officers at the United States Military Academy, the
United States Naval Academy, and the Air Force Academy.
(b) Foreign Military Sales.--It is the sense of Congress
that the Secretary of State should, when considering foreign
military sales to Taiwan--
(1) take into account the special status of Taiwan; and
(2) make every effort to ensure that Taiwan has full and
timely access to price and availability data for defense
articles and defense services.
SEC. 4. DETERMINATIONS OF DEFENSE NEEDS OF TAIWAN.
(a) Increase in Technical Staff of the American Institute
in Taiwan.--Upon the request of the Defense Security
Cooperation Agency, the President shall use funds available
to the Department of Defense under the Arms Export Control
Act for the assignment or detail of additional technical
staff to the American Institute in Taiwan.
(b) Annual Reports.--Beginning 60 days after the next round
of arms talks between the United States and Taiwan, and
annually thereafter, the President shall submit a report to
Congress--
(1) detailing each of Taiwan's requests for purchase of
defense articles and defense services during the one-year
period ending on the date of the report;
(2) describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan as
justification for those requests; and
(3) describing any decision to reject, postpone, or modify
any such request that was made during the one-year period
ending on the date of the report, the level at which the
final decision was made, and a justification for the
decision.
SEC. 5. STRENGTHENING THE DEFENSE OF TAIWAN.
(a) Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense Capabilities of
Taiwan.--Congress finds that any determination of the nature
or quantity of defense articles or defense services to be
made available to Taiwan that is made on any basis other than
the defense needs of Taiwan, whether pursuant to the August
17, 1982, Communique signed with the People's Republic of
China, or any similar executive agreement, order, or policy
would violate the intent of Congress in the enactment of
section 3(b) of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3302(b)).
[[Page H112]]
(b) Plan Regarding Combined Training and Personnel Exchange
Programs.--
(1) Development.--The Secretary of Defense, in consultation
with the Secretary of State, shall develop a plan for the
enhancement of programs and arrangements for operational
training and exchanges of personnel between the Armed Forces
of the United States and the armed forces of Taiwan for work
in threat analysis, doctrine, force planning, operational
methods, and other areas. The plan shall provide for
exchanges of officers up to and including general and flag
officers in the grade of O-10.
(2) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall submit
a report to Congress, in classified or unclassified form,
containing the plan required under paragraph (1).
(3) Implementation.--Not later than 210 days after the date
of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall
implement the plan required under paragraph (1).
(c) Communications Between United States and Taiwan
Military Commands.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall
establish secure direct communications between the United
States Pacific military command and the Taiwan military
command.
(d) Missile Defense Equipment.--Subject to subsection (h),
the President is authorized to make available for sale to
Taiwan, at reasonable cost, theater missile defense equipment
and related items, including--
(1) ground-based and naval-based missile defense systems;
and
(2) reconnaissance and communications systems, as may be
necessary to target and cue missile defense systems sold to
Taiwan.
(e) Satellite Early Warning Data.--Subject to subsection
(h), the President is authorized to make available for sale
to Taiwan, at reasonable cost, satellite early warning data.
(f) Air Defense Equipment.--Subject to subsection (h), the
President is authorized to make available for sale to Taiwan,
at reasonable cost, modern air-defense equipment, including
the following:
(1) AIM-120 AMRAAM air-to-air missiles.
(2) Additional advanced fighters and airborne warning and
control systems (AWACS).
(3) Equipment to better defend airfields from air and
missile attack.
(4) Communications infrastructure that enables coordinated
joint-force air defense of Taiwan.
(g) Naval Defense Systems.--Subject to subsection (h), the
President is authorized to make available for sale to Taiwan,
at reasonable cost, defensive systems that counter the
development by the People's Republic of China of new naval
capabilities, including defense systems such as--
(1) diesel-powered submarines;
(2) anti-submarine systems, including airborne systems,
capable of detecting new Kilo and advanced Chinese nuclear
submarines;
(3) naval anti-missile systems, including Aegis destroyers,
capable of defeating foreign supersonic anti-ship missiles;
and
(4) communications systems that better enable Taiwan to
conduct joint-force naval defense operations.
(h) Relation to Arms Export Control Act.--Nothing in this
section supersedes or modifies the application of section 36
of the Arms Export Control Act to the sale of any defense
article or defense service under this section.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The amendment printed in the bill is
adopted.
The text of H.R. 1838, as amended, is as follows:
H.R. 1838
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Taiwan Security Enhancement
Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
The Congress finds the following:
(1) Since 1949, the close relationship between the United
States and Taiwan has been of enormous benefit to both
societies.
(2) In recent years, Taiwan has undergone a major political
transformation, and Taiwan is today a true multiparty
democracy with a political system separate from and totally
unlike that of the People's Republic of China.
(3) The economy of Taiwan is based upon free market
principles and is separate and distinct from the People's
Republic of China.
(4) Although on January 1, 1979, the United States
Government withdrew diplomatic recognition of the government
on Taiwan as the legitimate government of China, neither at
that time nor since has the United States Government adopted
a formal position as to the ultimate status of Taiwan other
than to state that status must be decided by peaceful means.
Any determination of the ultimate status of Taiwan must have
the express consent of the people on Taiwan.
(5) The People's Republic of China refuses to renounce the
use of force against democratic Taiwan.
(6) The Taiwan Relations Act has been instrumental in
maintaining peace, security, and stability in the Taiwan
Strait and the Western Pacific since its enactment in 1979.
(7) The Taiwan Relations Act (Public Law 96-8) states
that--
(A) peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait area are in
the political, security, and economic interests of the United
States and are of international concern;
(B) the decision of the United States to establish
diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China
rests upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be
determined by peaceful means;
(C) the United States would consider any effort to
determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means,
including boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and
security of the Western Pacific region and of grave concern
to the United States;
(D) the United States will maintain the capacity to resist
any form of coercion that jeopardizes the security, or the
social or economic system, of the people of Taiwan; and
(E) the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of
all people on Taiwan are objectives of the United States.
(8) The Taiwan Relations Act establishes on the part of the
United States a continuing connection with and concern for
Taiwan and its people. Continued adherence to the Act will
help Taiwan to maintain its democracy free of coercion and to
safeguard its people from the use of force against them.
Furthermore, the maintenance by Taiwan of forces adequate for
its defense is in the interest of the United States in that
it helps to maintain peace in the Western Pacific region.
(9) The military modernization and weapons procurement
efforts by the People's Republic of China, as documented in
the February 1, 1999, report by the Secretary of Defense on
``The Security Situation in the Taiwan Strait'', could
threaten cross-Strait stability and United States interests
in the Asia-Pacific region.
(10) The Taiwan Relations Act provides explicit guarantees
that the United States will make available defense articles
and services necessary in such quantity as may be necessary
to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense
capability.
(11) The Taiwan Relations Act requires timely reviews by
United States military authorities of Taiwan's defense needs
in connection with recommendations to the President and the
Congress.
(12) Congress and the President are committed by the Taiwan
Relations Act to determine the nature and quantity of
Taiwan's legitimate self-defense needs.
(13) It is the policy of the United States to reject any
attempt to curb the provision by the United States of defense
articles and services legitimately needed for Taiwan's self-
defense.
(14) In accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act, the
United States has, since 1979, sold defensive weapons to
Taiwan, and such sales have helped Taiwan maintain its
autonomy and freedom. The Congress supports the continued
provision of additional defense articles and defense services
in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act.
(15) It is in the national interest of the United States to
eliminate ambiguity and convey with clarity continued United
States support for Taiwan, its people, and their ability to
maintain their democracy free from coercion and their society
free from the use of force against them. Lack of clarity
could lead to unnecessary misunderstandings or confrontations
between the United States and the People's Republic of China,
with grave consequences for the security of the Western
Pacific region.
(16) A possible consequence of such ambiguity and lack of
clarity was the People's Republic of China's decision to
conduct military exercises and live fire missile tests in the
Taiwan Strait in March 1996, necessitating House Concurrent
Resolution 148, approved by the House of Representatives by a
vote of 369-14 on March 19, 1996, and by the Senate by a vote
of 97-0 on March 21, 1996, which stated that ``the United
States, in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and the
constitutional process of the United States, and consistent
with its friendship with and commitment to the democratic
government and people of Taiwan, should assist in defending
them against invasion, missile attack, or blockade by the
People's Republic of China.''. Immediately following
Congressional passage of House Concurrent Resolution 148, the
United States deployed on an emergency basis two aircraft
carrier battle groups to the Taiwan Strait, after which the
People's Republic of China ceased further planned military
exercises.
(17) An earlier consequence of such ambiguity and lack of
clarity was the expressed surprise by the People's Republic
of China that Congress and the American people fully
supported President Lee Teng-hui's private visit to his alma
mater, Cornell University, necessitating House Concurrent
Resolution 53, approved by the House of Representatives by a
vote of 390-0 on May 2, 1995, and by the Senate by a vote of
97-1 on May 9, 1995, which stated such support explicitly.
SEC. 3. TRAINING OF MILITARY OFFICERS AND SALE OF DEFENSE
ARTICLES AND SERVICES TO TAIWAN.
(a) Training of Taiwan Military Officers.--The Secretary of
Defense and the Secretaries of the military departments shall
make every effort to reserve additional positions for Taiwan
military officers at the National Defense University and
other professional military education schools specified in
section 2162(d) of title 10, United States Code, and for
prospective Taiwan military officers at the United States
Military Academy, the United States Naval Academy, and the
Air Force Academy.
(b) Foreign Military Sales.--The Secretary of State shall,
when considering foreign military sales to Taiwan--
[[Page H113]]
(1) take into account the special status of Taiwan,
including the defense needs of Taiwan in response to the
military modernization and weapons procurement efforts by the
People's Republic of China; and
(2) make every effort to ensure that Taiwan has full and
timely access to price and availability data for defense
articles and defense services.
SEC. 4. DETERMINATIONS OF DEFENSE NEEDS OF TAIWAN.
(a) Increase in Technical Staff of the American Institute
in Taiwan.--Upon the request of the Defense Security
Cooperation Agency, the President shall use funds available
to the Department of Defense under the Arms Export Control
Act for the employment of additional technical staff at the
American Institute in Taiwan.
(b) Annual Reports.--Beginning 60 days after the next round
of arms talks between the United States and Taiwan, and
annually thereafter, the President shall submit a report to
Congress, in classified and unclassified form--
(1) detailing each of Taiwan's requests for purchase of
defense articles and defense services during the one-year
period ending on the date of the report;
(2) describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan as
justification for those requests; and
(3) describing the decision-making process used to reject,
postpone, or modify any such request.
SEC. 5. STRENGTHENING THE DEFENSE OF TAIWAN.
(a) Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense Capabilities of
Taiwan.--Congress finds that any determination of the nature
or quantity of defense articles or defense services to be
made available to Taiwan that is made on any basis other than
section 3(b) of the Taiwan Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3302(b)),
whether such alternative basis is the August 17, 1982,
communique signed with the People's Republic of China, or any
similar executive agreement, order, or policy, would violate
the intent of Congress in the enactment of such Act.
(b) Combined Training and Personnel Exchange Programs.--Not
later than 210 days after the date of enactment of this Act,
the Secretary of Defense shall implement a plan for the
enhancement of programs and arrangements for operational
training and exchanges of senior officers between the Armed
Forces of the United States and the armed forces of Taiwan
for work in threat analysis, doctrine, force planning,
operational methods, and other areas. At least 30 days prior
to such implementation, the Secretary of Defense shall submit
the plan to Congress, in classified and unclassified form.
(c) Report Regarding Maintenance of Sufficient Self-Defense
Capabilities.--Not later than 45 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter, the Secretary
of Defense shall submit to the Congress, in classified and
unclassified form, an annual report on the security situation
in the Taiwan Strait. Such report shall include an analysis
of the military forces facing Taiwan from the People's
Republic of China, evaluating recent additions to the
offensive military capability of the People's Republic of
China. The report shall include, but not be limited to, an
analysis of the surface and subsurface naval threats, the
ballistic missile threat, the air threat, and the threat to
the military and civilian communications links in Taiwan. The
report shall include a review of the steps taken by the armed
forces of Taiwan to address its security situation.
(d) Communications Between United States and Taiwan
Military Commands.--Not later than 180 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Defense shall
certify to the Committee on International Relations and the
Committee on Armed Services of the House of Representatives
and the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on
Armed Services of the Senate that direct secure
communications exist between the armed forces of the United
States and the armed forces of Taiwan.
(e) Relation to Arms Export Control Act.--Nothing in this
section supersedes or modifies the application of section 36
of the Arms Export Control Act to the sale of any defense
article or defense service under this section.
SEC. 6. REPORT REGARDING THE ABILITY OF THE UNITED STATES TO
RESPOND IN ASIA-PACIFIC CONTINGENCIES THAT
INCLUDE TAIWAN.
(a) Report.--Not later than 180 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, and updated as appropriate, the
Secretary of Defense shall prepare and submit to the chairmen
and ranking minority members of the Committee on
International Relations and the Committee on Armed Services
of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign
Relations and the Committee on Armed Services of the Senate a
report in classified and unclassified form on the ability of
the United States to successfully respond to a major
contingency in the Asia-Pacific region where United States
interests on Taiwan are at risk.
(b) Contents.--The report described in subsection (a) shall
include--
(1) a description of planning on the national, operational,
and tactical levels to respond to, prosecute, and achieve
United States strategic objectives with respect to a major
contingency described in subsection (a); and
(2) a description of the confidence level of the Secretary
of Defense in United States military capabilities to
successfully respond to such a contingency.
(c) Preparation of Report.--In preparing the report under
subsection (a), the Secretary of Defense shall use the
resources and expertise of the relevant unified commands,
military departments, the combat support agencies, and the
defense components of the intelligence community, as
required, and other such entities within the Department of
Defense as the Secretary considers necessary.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) and
the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) each will control 30
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).
General Leave
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks
on the bill under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1838, the
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act introduced in the House by the Majority
Whip, gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), which I am pleased to
cosponsor.
Along with other Members on both sides of the aisle, I am
increasingly concerned that the People's Republic of China, their
security policy, and their unprecedented military modernization
efforts, especially as it affects peace and stability across the Taiwan
Strait, is deserving of our attention.
In fact, in September 1999, Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji warned that
sooner or later the PRC would have to use force against Taiwan to unify
it with the Mainland, and I quote, ``because the Chinese people will
become impatient,'' closed quote.
The reality is that China's military power is growing and the
modernization of the People's Liberation Army, the PLA, is an important
goal of the Chinese leadership and part of its game plan in regard to
Taiwan. Reported plans to a transition from a defensive-oriented force
to an offensive one, with power projection capabilities, should not be
viewed as benign, as seen by some, but as part of Beijing's efforts to
expand China's ability to address the Taiwan question militarily.
The PRC's conventional military buildup is evidenced by a growing
short-range ballistic missile arsenal; the development of airborne
warning and control systems and a variety of cruise missiles; and the
purchases of advanced Russian fighters, destroyers and antiship
missiles, air defense systems and submarines.
These military developments are further aggravated by Beijing's
outright refusal to renounce the use of force against Taiwan and its
increasingly aggressive rhetoric toward Taipei.
Regrettably, the policy of the PRC may ultimately force our Nation to
undertake serious national security policy decisions involving the
employment of American military forces in that region.
In response, our Nation has steadfastly met its security commitments
to Taipei as stipulated in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, the TRA. This
means insisting Taiwan maintain the military balance of power across
the Taiwan Strait in the face of the PRC's unprecedented military
buildup. A failure to meet Taiwan's legitimate defensive needs will
make China's military dominance in the Taiwan Strait a reality and
could encourage Beijing to seek the military solution to the Taiwan
question.
Mr. Speaker, our Nation has security commitments to Taiwan. The TRA
states that peace and stability in the area are in our Nation's
interest. The future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means and
any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful
means will be considered a threat to the peace and security of the
western Pacific and of grave concern to our Nation. The United States
will provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character while
maintaining
[[Page H114]]
the capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion
that would jeopardize the people of Taiwan.
An unwillingness to provide for Taiwan's legitimate defensive
requirements, including anti-submarine warfare capacity, naval service
combatants, missile and air defense systems, could lead to a
miscalculation by Beijing and could lead to a conflict with Taiwan or
even with our own Nation.
It is my belief, therefore, Mr. Speaker, that ensuring and enhancing
Taiwan's ability to defend itself increases the prospects for continued
peace and stability in northeast Asia and supports our own national
interest. The Congress must act to make clear to Beijing that our
Nation will continue its long-standing commitment to a peaceful
resolution of the Taiwan issue. I, therefore, support this
legislation's efforts to enhance Taiwan's self-defense capability and
to strengthen American foreign policy in the Pacific.
Accordingly, I call upon the administration to develop a mechanism
for consultation with Congress on arms sales to Taiwan as called for in
this fiscal year's omnibus appropriations bill and the Taiwan Relations
Act. The administration's refusal to consult with the Congress on this
issue is unconscionable and stands in violation of the TRA.
Mr. Speaker, deterring conflict and promoting peace across the Taiwan
Strait is an important American national interest. This bill supports
those principles. I am proud to cosponsor this legislation. It has an
impressive array of cosponsors from both sides of the aisle, and I want
to remind our colleagues that it was a former Member of Congress, the
chairman of our Committee on Rules, Mr. Solomon, that urged this many
years ago. I urge my colleagues to strongly support this measure and to
send a signal to the region that our Nation is engaged and committed to
a peaceful resolution of Taiwan's future.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Chairman
Gilman) on the work he has done to make this a better piece of
legislation. I think the committee's effort frankly created a product
that the majority of Congress can be proud of.
What we have here in 1838, as it was reported from the Committee on
International Relations, is a piece of legislation that clearly states
the recognition that the United States Congress feels it is important
for the United States to continue, as the Clinton administration has
done and previous administrations have done, to maintain our
relationship with a democratic government in Taiwan.
Taiwan is a country with full democratic institutions. It deserves to
have a full measure of support from the United States Congress.
The People's Republic of China would have one believe that if the
United States speaks clearly here, that somehow that is destabilizing.
I would hope that the people in Beijing recognize that America's
commitment to the independent political system that now exists on
Taiwan is not an argument against some future mutually-agreed upon
union, but we certainly oppose any militarily-imposed program.
We see the present situation as this: A clear statement for the
United States about Taiwan's right to continue its political operations
is critical to the whole world. We are particularly troubled by the
Chinese Government and its recent repressive acts, as we see what has
happened in China with a number of groups, attacks on the Internet; in
Tibet, the situation there continues to worsen. We feel that this
legislation is a clear statement of the commitment of the United States
Congress to the Taiwan Relations Act and to strengthening relations
between Congress and Taiwan.
Rather than worrying about this increasing tensions between the
United States and the Mainland, it should clearly delineate our
interests and our concerns. Where there is less confusion and less
uncertainty, it should actually create a more stable situation.
China itself, the Mainland, has further developed its ballistic and
cruise missiles. It has increased the size of its missile force. It has
acquired and constructed advanced naval systems. It is in the process
of, frankly, improving its air capabilities and has been a significant
proliferator in a number of dangerous technologies around the planet,
including in Asia and elsewhere, where Chinese military proliferation
and technology has been quite destabilizing.
I believe the Clinton administration already fully complies with much
of what is in this legislation. Under the Clinton administration, the
U.S. has concluded nearly $2 billion in arms sales with Taiwan, which
has consistently ranked among the top recipients of U.S. military
equipment, and the Clinton administration is now in the process of
looking at additional military transfers to Taiwan, as well as
assistance in the training of the military personnel.
Communication between Taiwan and the United States will again,
frankly, I think, create a more stable situation. The People's Republic
of China continues to jail its citizens simply because they want to
express their views. Whether they are Christians or in Tibet, whether
they are part of the Falun Gong or other organizations, the Chinese
Mainland has to end these restrictions against its own people if it
wants to become a member of the wider world community.
The U.S. and the U.S. Congress has often been the first institution
to speak out for democratic values and democratic countries around the
world, and democratic aspirations. I think what we do here today sends
a very clear signal that we continue to believe and speak strongly for
those democratic values as they exist in Taiwan in the hope that we
will see similar institutions develop on the Mainland.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the ranking minority Member,
the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for his supporting
remarks.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr.
Salmon), a member of our committee.
Mr. SALMON. Mr. Speaker, since I lived in Taiwan in the 1970s, I have
seen the Republic of China emerge as a leading economic and political
force throughout the world. The people of Taiwan have experienced
unprecedented prosperity and freedom, liberties that we as Americans
hold so dear. However, I am strongly opposed to this legislation.
I just led a congressional delegation to China with five of my
colleagues, a bipartisan delegation, where we personally met with
President Jiang Zemin and President Lee Teng-hui. I discussed the
importance of constructive engagement between the United States and
China and also stressed the significance of continued dialogue between
Mainland China and Taiwan.
Specifically, I raised the issue of Mr. Song Yongyi, a Dickinson
College librarian who was detained last August for allegedly trying to
smuggle secret documents out of China.
After discussing very openly and honestly the facts surrounding Mr.
Song's case, I appealed to President Jiang for his release.
On Friday, Mr. Song was released and returned to Pennsylvania where
he was reunited with his wife. I greeted him Saturday at the airport in
Philadelphia. I believe this gesture by the Chinese government speaks
volumes.
Mr. Song's release is testimony that engagement, not isolationism, is
the best course of action for U.S.-Sino relations.
While I know the intention of this legislation is to ease tensions
and lessen ambiguity, I believe it will have the exact opposite effect.
I believe the Taiwan relations Act has effectively communicated the
position of the United States regarding Taiwan.
Furthermore, I have reiterated our position to the Chinese Government
that provocation of Taiwan is something we take very seriously and our
support of Taiwan is unequivocal. If they attack Taiwan, we would
defend her.
In fact, on my recent visit to China, I expressed my concern about
China's position toward Taiwan to the chairman of the Association for
Cross Strait Relations, Mr. Wang Daohan. He assured me that a one-China
policy could mean many things and that they were very flexible on how
to get there.
I can understand the rationale for bringing this legislation to the
floor
[[Page H115]]
but there are far more productive ways to promote peace and security in
the nation.
In summation, I would just like to say I think this will have the
opposite of the intended effect. It will stifle dialogue between Taiwan
and China. It will hurt Taiwan. I am pro-Taiwan. I know the gentleman
from California (Mr. Lantos) is pro-Taiwan, but we believe this is
wrong.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, the gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, this is a fascinating debate because on many issues we
clearly agree. We certainly agree that the United States is absolutely
committed to the safety and security of Taiwan. As a matter of fact, it
was the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International
Relations who reminded us a few minutes ago that when the government in
Beijing was making hostile moves, this administration sent two aircraft
carrier battle groups to the Straits of Taiwan to underscore our
unshakable commitment to the security of Taiwan.
We all agree on this. We all rejoice in the democracy that Taiwan has
built and in the prosperity that its people have created.
This legislation, Mr. Speaker, will not add one single missile to
Taiwan's defense capability and it will not take away one single
missile from China's military capabilities.
{time} 1315
It will do nothing, repeat, nothing to enhance the military security
of Taiwan.
Many years ago, when I was a young faculty member at the University
of Washington in Seattle, I had two friends, distinguished senior
members of the faculty, both of whom hated smoking. One of them, who
had considerable gravitas and enjoyed great respect, had a sign in his
office which said ``no smoking.'' Nobody ever smoked in that office. My
other friend, much more easygoing, in some ways less respected, had a
sign which said ``positively no smoking.'' Every time you went into his
office, you could barely see him because the smoke was so dense.
What we are doing now, we are saying the sign ``no smoking'' does not
do the job, so we are going to say ``positively no smoking,'' and we
think that this will have a salutary impact.
Teddy Roosevelt reminded us a long time ago that for a superpower to
be effective, it should talk softly and carry a big stick. It has been
good advice since Teddy Roosevelt's day, and it is equally good advice
in this instance.
I have not heard one of my colleagues make one single observation
critical of the Taiwan Relations Act, under which we and Taiwan have
functioned for over 20 years. The Taiwan Relations Act, which we all
support, which has been on the books for more than two decades, was
sufficient to provide Taiwan all the conceivable military equipment
Taiwan needed. It provided a framework for Taiwan to develop one of the
most prosperous economies, one of the most technologically advanced
economies, on the face of this planet. And, to top it all, it allowed
Taiwan to develop a full-fledged functioning political democracy, all
this under the Taiwan Relations Act.
If my colleagues had been able to indicate that we need something
new, something special which is not taking place today, I could see
some reason for this legislation. Even on the issue of providing more
space at our military academies for young, qualified Taiwanese
officers, there is zero guarantee in this legislation that a single
Taiwanese will be able to attend West Point or Annapolis or the Air
Force Academy as a result of this legislation.
The legislation does no good. The question is, does it do any harm. I
am convinced, Mr. Speaker, it does a great deal of harm. It exacerbates
the already tenuous relationship across the Taiwan Straits. It
physically provides nothing new for Taiwan except enhanced anxiety, and
postpones the day when the cross-channel dialogue, the cross-straits
dialogue, will bring about an amicable resolution of the Taiwan-China
conflict.
We are equally committed, all of us in this Chamber, to Taiwan's
physical security, economic prosperity, and political democracy. This
measure is not only redundant, it is counterproductive. It will
undermine and erode the stability, however tenuous, in the region
without adding a single component which could be pointed to as
positive, either in Taiwan-China relations or in U.S.-Taiwan relations
or U.S.-China relations.
Sometimes in the legislative process bills are introduced, people get
committed to them, and then it becomes embarrassing to say, well, maybe
it was not necessary. Perhaps we should drop it. That is the situation
in which we now find ourselves.
I have listened to this debate with great care. There has not been a
single item advanced by any of my good friends on other side of the
aisle that would persuade me in the slightest that this piece of
legislation is needed.
Taiwan has received every single military item that it would be able
to receive under this proposed new legislation. Our commitment has been
steadfast. The President ordered two aircraft carrier battle groups to
the Taiwan Straits when there was trouble. Should there be new trouble,
this president or the next president will do the same. We know this.
The Chinese know this.
This legislation is a redundancy at best, and counterproductive at
worst. I strongly urge my colleagues to defeat it.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Buyer).
Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Taiwan
Security Enhancement Act. This legislation represents a significant
step to clearing up any ambiguities with regard to the United States'
policies. It is the government of the Republic of China, not the
Communist regime of the Peoples' Republic, that has free elections and
a capitalistic system.
The Republic of China is America's ally. It is our strategic partner
that supports America's goals in the Pacific region. In essence, we are
partners in liberty. Both of our countries subscribe to the principles
of freedom, the rule of law, human rights, peace, and economic
prosperity. Our commitment to strengthening this partnership should be
a priority.
Repeated Red Chinese military exercises in the Taiwan Straits and its
pursuit to project military power beyond its own border continues to
threaten Taiwan. These aggressive actions only serve to undermine the
balance of security in the Pacific Rim and around the world.
Let me be very clear. The Communist regime of the People's Republic
of China is actively working to undermine America's national security
interests, not only in the Taiwan Straits but around the world. One
only has to read the book ``Unrestricted War.'' It was recently
published by the Red Chinese military, and it outlines a strategy of
how to undermine and defeat America's interests.
The tenets of this strategy include nontraditional methods of
warfare, such as terrorism, drug trafficking, environmental
degradation, computer virus propagation, as well as proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction.
Chinese espionage activity and its continued pursuit of a combined
arms warfare capability, missile launches in the Taiwan Straits, as
well as Beijing's repeated rhetoric of political threats towards
Taiwan, only serve to support the strategy.
Passage of this bill endorses and supports Taiwan and its hope for
liberty and the pursuit of a freely elected and one democratic China. I
urge my colleagues to adopt this resolution.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez).
(Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. I believe that once again the time has
come for Congress to stand up for a democratic Taiwan, to reconfirm our
commitment to Taiwan's security, and to act in such a way that we
ensure the continuation of peace, stability, and security in the Taiwan
Straits and the Pacific Rim.
Since the passage of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, the Congress
has
[[Page H116]]
sought to strengthen U.S.-Taiwanese relations and ensure stability in
the region by establishing that an attack against Taiwan is inimical to
the security interests of the United States and will compel an American
response.
China's true intentions towards Taiwan are clear. China is engaged in
a military buildup in the Taiwan Straits. It is quite likely that the
only deterrent to a Chinese invasion of Taiwan is the strong security
commitment of the United States for its defense. I believe we must
balance the desire by those in this House to trade with China with the
resolve to send a clear message that that does not mean abandoning the
Taiwanese.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act builds on a policy that has
served American and Taiwanese interests well and fulfills our
commitments to Taiwan's security as established by the Taiwan Relations
Act. By doing several things that I believe are of consequence in terms
of military cooperation with Taiwan, in terms of direct communications,
in terms of Taiwan's military officers, in exchanges of senior
officers, and in ensuring that they have full access to defense
articles and defense services, we will uphold the detente of deterrence
that has served us since 1979.
Congress was right in 1979 to stand up for our democratic ally,
Taiwan, and we are right today to pass legislation that will ensure
another 20-plus years of peace, stability, and security in the region.
I urge every Member to support this bill. It is a reaffirmation of
our support, our support for a democratic Taiwan and the continuation
of peace in Taiwan Straits.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Houghton), a member of our Committee on
International Relations.
Mr. HOUGHTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to
me.
Mr. Speaker, I am not going to speak long, but I really am firmly
opposed to this particular amendment. I do not know why we are doing
this at this particular time. Our policy now is effective. It has
worked for 21 years. Why do we change it now, particularly with the
very sensitive elections coming up now?
It is very easy to sit back here and intellectualize on a particular
issue from our base in Washington, but if you are over in that part of
the world, it is perceived differently.
I always remember talking to one of our distinguished Secretaries of
State about his setting up an agenda between President Nixon and the
Chinese, which happened to be Chou En Lai. He had at the top of his
agenda the Taiwan issue, and at the bottom of the Chinese agenda, much
to his surprise, was the Taiwan issue. He said, I thought this was very
important to you. The answer from the Chinese, they said, it is, but in
a way, it isn't. The only thing we ask you is do not embarrass us.
This is going to embarrass the Chinese. It is not necessary. Our
policy works now. It has worked for over two decades. We ought to
continue it as it is.
I oppose the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Roemer).
(Mr. ROEMER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ROEMER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my distinguished leader, the
gentleman from Connecticut, for yielding time to me.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of a strong relationship
between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan, but
in opposition to this particular legislation. I do so reluctantly, but
I do so for three reasons: first of all, because of the timing of this
particular legislation on the House floor today, when so many important
issues are going to be coming up with Taiwan and the Peoples' Republic
of China and our international relations in the ensuing months;
secondly, because of the military aspects, that we do not need this,
that we have a very strong relationship with the people of Taiwan now.
This is articulated very clearly in both the 1979 Taiwan Relations
Act and in the subsequent Shanghai communiques. We do not need this. We
just had an arms sale a few years ago on F-16s for the people of
Taiwan. We will continue to consider their requests and probably grant
those requests in the future. So why do this now, from a military
perspective or from a timing perspective?
Thirdly, Mr. Speaker, most importantly, it very much muddles the very
important relationship that we have between the people of Taiwan and
the people of the Peoples' Republic of China. We want our message to be
one of peaceful reconciliation, and that the people of Taipei and the
people of Beijing work peacefully through this, and not that the United
States stand up on the House floor talking about military answers to
these problems in the future.
We have strong moral support for the people of Taiwan. We have
strategic advice that we give them now. We know that they will defend
themselves with the weapons that we sell them. Now is not the time for
this bill to go to the House floor.
{time} 1330
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Calvert).
Mr. CALVERT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R.
1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, which was passed out of the
Committee on International Relations with bipartisan support. I believe
that some day a peaceful Chinese nation can contribute positively to
the international community, but at this time it is difficult to place
trust in the Chinese government, given their aggressive posture toward
Taiwan.
Mr. Speaker, I have been to China; and I have been to Taiwan. As a
visitor, the first observable difference between the two is the
mainland Chinese fear of speaking freely. Taiwan, however, reveals a
different story. Free trade and travel with the global community have
led to the importation of the United States' most precious principle,
democracy.
Mainland China has never known such a freedom and has a long road to
travel. Taiwan, I believe, provides mainland China a road map for
progress. They are a shining light in a troubled region. We must make
sure that Taiwan is given the chance to continue their progressive
trek. The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act ensures that progress. This
bill helps to foster a policy towards China similar to that of
President Reagan's towards the communist Soviet Union: contain them
militarily, engage them diplomatically, and flood them with Western
goods and influence. It worked for Russia; it could work for China.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the distinguished chairman of our Subcommittee
on Asia and the Pacific.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Gilman) for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I do support the legislation, as I supported the rule.
There has been, I think, almost unanimous support expressed for the
Taiwan Relations Act of 1979. This legislation has been said to be both
extraordinarily significant or perhaps not needed at all. Both
positions are probably exaggerations, but I would like to address one
aspect of the Taiwan Relations Act that is not being implemented today
thereby providing a justification for H.R. 1838.
Now, in the legislation before us, section 4(b) requires that
beginning 60 days after the next round of arms sale talks between the
U.S. and Taiwan, and one is ongoing now, the President shall submit a
report to Congress in classified and unclassified form detailing each
of Taiwan's requests, describing the defense needs asserted by Taiwan
and its justification for these requests, and a description of the
decision-making process used to reject, postpone, or modify any such
request.
In order for Congress to play its appropriate role in foreign and
defense relationships generally, but also in respect to our TRA
commitment to Taiwan to provide them necessary defensive material, we
must have this kind of report. Why? Because in the Taiwan Relations
Act, section 3(b) provides:
That the President and the Congress shall determine the
nature and the quantity of
[[Page H117]]
such defense articles and services based solely upon their
judgment of the needs of Taiwan, in accordance with the
procedures established by law.
Mr. Speaker, that provision of the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 is
being ignored by the Administration and therefore Congress is basically
not able to determine what the Taiwanese are requesting, the nature of
the justification given, or the Administration's responses to arms sale
requests of the Taiwan government.
Now, we understand that the Administration's response and even the
nature of the weapons being requested or considered cannot be broadly
shared. But we provide them with a method of providing us this advice
on a classified basis.
Mr. Speaker, in closing, I want to reassure my colleagues, by asking
them to look at the legislation as amended. There are, for example, no
specific references to weapon types. There are many, many important
changes. I urge my colleagues that they can with assurance vote for
this legislation. There is never a perfect time to pass such
legislation in the House and I would have preferred that we act after
the Taiwanese presidential election in April, but America's commitment
to Taiwan's defense through the TRA is reinforced by this legislation.
Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Dooley).
Mr. DOOLEY of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to
H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enforcement Act. While supporters claim
that the bill will increase Taiwan's security, the opposite is true.
This legislation could have serious unintended consequences that could
potentially threaten Taiwan's security, undermine our own national
security interests, and jeopardize our relationship with China.
For more than 2 decades, under the leadership of Presidents Carter,
Reagan, Bush and Clinton, the United States has pursued an extensive
and successful military relationship with Taiwan through defensive
weapons sales and informal military assistance.
The Taiwan Relations Act passed in 1979 has been proven an effective
mechanism in helping Taiwan achieve security, prosperity, and freedom.
H.R. 1338 is simply unnecessary. Section 3 of the Taiwan Relations
Act already allows the United States to make available to Taiwan such
defense articles and defense services in ``such quantity as may be
necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense
capability.''
The act further states that a determination of Taiwan's needs ``shall
include a review by the United States military authorities in
connection with the recommendations to the President and Congress.''
So as we can see, the passage of H.R. 1838 will not improve the
existing act and provide additional security for the people of Taiwan,
as supporters of the bill maintain. H.R. 1838 will instead undermine
the principal objectives of the Taiwan Relations Act, which was to help
maintain peace, security, and stability in the American Pacific.
Passage of the bill would formalize a military relationship with
Taiwan and would be a significant departure from the ``one China''
policy that has been essential to maintaining stability in the region.
Not only is the bill unnecessary, but the timing of H.R. 1838 is
particularly bad. Recent public statements by Taiwan officials
concerning its relationship with China have moved closer to the concept
of sovereignty, which has escalated tensions and complicated our ``one
China'' policy. Furthermore, Taiwan will be holding a presidential
election in March and a new administration will be formed in May. We
have been urging both sides of the Taiwan Strait to avoid any actions
that could increase the risk of conflict and take advantage of possible
new opportunities for dialogue. In addition, passage of this bill could
potentially jeopardize our efforts to improve our relationships with
China.
Let me make clear that I in no way condone any aggressive actions
taken by China against Taiwan which threatens its security. But
adopting policies that will further distance us from China and
undermine opportunities for future dialogue would not be constructive
U.S. policy. Undoing any progress that has been made in negotiations on
such issues as trade and human rights will not only threaten the future
security of Taiwan, but could impede U.S. abilities to advance
democracy in the region.
Mr. Speaker, a policy of economic and political engagement is the
surest way to promote U.S. interests in China, to advance democracy and
human rights, and to secure future economic opportunities for Taiwan,
China, and the United States.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Rohrabacher), one of the senior members of the
Committee on International Relations.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1838.
I would like to congratulate the gentleman from New York (Chairman
Gilman) for the strong leadership that he has provided us. He has been
a stronger leader for peace and stability in the Pacific region than
this administration, unfortunately.
What the gentleman has been leading is a bipartisan effort on the
part of both sides of the aisle to make sure that the Communist regime
in Beijing knows full well that we stand by our commitments in the
Taiwan Relations Act and we expect Beijing to stand by its commitments
to the Taiwan Relations Act.
In that agreement, we agreed to provide Taiwan the defensive weapons
systems they needed to preserve their security and to maintain
stability and peace in the Taiwan Strait. Today, we are restating that
unambiguously so that it will be understood by friend and foe alike.
Mr. Speaker, this is the way to have peace in that region, to make
sure America stands tall, keeps its commitments. Lets people know that
we still believe in truth and justice and that as Taiwan moves forward
towards its democratic elections, and we have this threatening time
period where there are threats from communist China, that the United
States is not backing down one bit from its commitments.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Bartlett).
Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support
of H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. I believe this bill
is an extremely important tool in maintaining the balance of power in
the Pacific region. Mainland China, or the PRC, is currently engaged in
a massive buildup of ballistic missiles capable of reaching the shores
of Taiwan. When we passed the Taiwan Relations Act, the United States
made a commitment to provide Taiwan with the capability of defending
itself from aggression.
H.R. 1838 reaffirms that commitment, and I believe most importantly
requires the Secretary of Defense to develop a program to enhance
operational training exchanges between the militaries of the United
States and Taiwan concerning threat analysis, force planning, and
operational methods.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 1838 is a necessary step in fulfilling our promises
to Taiwan. By passing this legislation, the United States will make a
powerful statement that aggression toward Taiwan will not be tolerated.
I urge all of my colleagues to support this important piece of
legislation.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Cox), chairman of the Republican Policy Committee.
Mr. COX. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Gilman) for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I too rise in strong support of this resolution offered
by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), my good friend and colleague.
This bill was reported from committee with an overwhelmingly
bipartisan vote of 32 to 6. It is because this legislation strengthens
and extends the long-standing U.S. policy toward Taiwan. That policy
most recently was codified in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act.
Today, even more than in 1979, Taiwan's security is critical to
America's interests. Taiwan is now the seventh largest trading partner
of the United States. Taiwan buys far more from the United States than
does the People's Republic of China. The sea lanes surrounding Taiwan
are vital to the economic health of Asia and to the steady
[[Page H118]]
growth of U.S. exports to Asia. But most important of all, a democratic
Taiwan is a living example to all of the people of China that they too
can build for themselves a peaceful, prosperous democracy.
Taiwan does not pose any military threat to the People's Republic of
China. But Taiwan's democracy, its freedom of speech and freedom of
thought, do pose a threat to the Communist government in Beijing.
This bill will allow our military to have relations with Taiwan's
forces as close as what the administration is already putting together
with the Communist People's Liberation Army. This upgrading of our
military relations ought to occur now in a time of relative stability,
because if we were to wait for a time of crisis, it would then be too
late. Indeed, many would say then surely it was too provocative.
But the State Department currently bars senior U.S. military officers
from meeting their Taiwanese counterparts. But enhanced contacts
between the United States and People's Liberation Army officers of all
ranks has been made a priority of the Clinton-Gore administration.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act that we are about to vote upon
provides that our field rank officers can have the same level of
relations with a friendly defensive force on Taiwan that already they
have with the Communist People's Liberation Army.
Just 4 days ago, Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the People's
Liberation Army, General Xiong Guangkai said this about Taiwan. ``We,''
referring to the People's Republic of China and the People's Liberation
Army, ``we will never commit ourselves to renouncing the use of
force.'' General Xiong said this not in some obscure Communist Party
military publication. He said it here in Washington 4 days ago as a
guest of the Clinton administration.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act will codify America's long-
standing policy of peaceful cross-strait dialogue, peaceful conduct of
relations between Beijing and Taipei, peaceful resolution of the Taiwan
question. And it will codify, again, our long-standing commitments
since President Eisenhower to provide Taiwan with the defensive
military strength needs to deter the PRC.
The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act states, ``The President and the
Congress shall determine the nature and quantity of such defense
articles and services that we will sell to Taiwan based solely upon
their judgment of the needs of Taiwan.''
{time} 1345
This law calls for annual reporting to the Congress on those sales,
because the administration has not been consulting Congress on these
sales as have been required by the letter and spirit of the Taiwan
Relations Act.
Lastly, it has been argued occasionally that the United States
promised the People's Republic of China to reduce or even terminate
arms sales to Taiwan, as a consequence of our growing political
recognition of the Communists in Beijing. Nothing could be further from
the truth.
The United States has always maintained that we would support the
democracy in Taiwan; that we would support peaceful discussions; that
we would support defensive weaponry for Taiwan for its legitimate
defense needs.
At the time of the signing of the 17 August 1982 communique of U.S.
arms sales to Taiwan, President Reagan wrote a four-paragraph memo
elaborating what had been agreed to. He wrote that our policy was
premised on the clear understanding the continuity of China's declared
fundamental policy of seeking a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan
issue, quote, ``U.S. willingness to reduce its arms sales to Taiwan,''
President Reagan wrote, ``is conditioned absolutely upon the continued
commitment of China to the peaceful reunification or the peaceful
resolution of this issue.''
General Xiong's comments in Washington 4 days ago were not ambiguous;
neither should United States' policy be ambiguous. Our goal here on the
floor today is, once again, to come together as Democrats and
Republicans to state clearly the view of the legislative branch on this
subject.
The United States supports the democracy and the freedom of the
people in Taiwan. We will continue to do so. We will continue to
support their right to be free from aggression militarily by the
People's Republic of China. We wish better relations with the PRC.
Indeed, we wish for the people of China that the democracy already
exemplified by the system that is developed in Taiwan will soon be
theirs, that the freedom of speech, the freedom of thought, the freedom
of action, the freedom of movement, the freedom of conscience, the
freedom of religion that they all enjoy will also be the birthright of
every man and woman born in China in the 21st century. That is the
purpose of our vote today; that is why it is so fundamentally
bipartisan; that is why the vote will be so overwhelming.
I urge all of my colleagues to vote aye in support of this
resolution.
I congratulate the chairman and the ranking member for their hard
work, their excellent work on this bill.
Mr. GEJDENSON. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I think that we have come here fairly unified,
recognizing the need to make a clear statement about Congress'
commitment to the people of Taiwan and their democratic institutions;
that we believe any change in the relationship between Taiwan and the
mainland must occur out of a mutual agreement, not through intimidation
of force.
Traditionally, every administration would like to see the Congress
disappear, not just from foreign policy, but from domestic policy as
well. They rather not hear from us, and that is understandable.
When you are sitting in the White House, you are down at the
Secretary of State's office, you think you are doing just fine and you
do not need a lot of help; but I think one of the great things that
this institution projects globally is the importance of a legislative
body.
I can remember being on this floor year after year, cosponsoring and
speaking on behalf of the resolutions for a free and independent
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia; and oftentimes it did seem like a
futile effort. And there are many years where it seemed just one more
time we were stepping forward to restate our commitment to their
independence, and it would be to no avail.
To most of the people's surprise and to, I think, the rejoicing of
all of us, we finally saw the Baltic states free. I believe that our
actions here today, in these measured terms that the chairman and I and
the committee have worked out, simply restate the commitment of this
Congress to the democratic institutions of the people of Taiwan and to
the resolution of the differences between the mainland and Taiwan, not
through military force but through a dialogue. That is what this
legislation does. It is consistent with this administration in its
actions to date; it is consistent with every administration since the
Taiwan Relations Act has occurred.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the distinguished majority whip, and
I thank the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) for his
supportive remarks.
Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I really appreciate all the hard work that
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) has done and the gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) has done on this bill. Working
together they have done outstanding work, and I am very proud to
support this bill.
I also want to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch), the
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the gentleman from California
(Mr. Cox), and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey) for all their hard
work on this legislation. This bipartisan dedication to this cause
shows how both sides of the aisle can come together under the goal of
peace through strength.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today because Taiwan desperately needs America's
help. Throughout the 20th century, struggling democracies across this
globe knew that they could always count on America for support when
their freedom was threatened. At the dawn of a new century, the world
must be reassured that the United States will continue to stick by
their friends.
[[Page H119]]
Taiwan has a strong and vibrant economy, and in March they will hold
another free and open election. I ask all my colleagues, is this not
the kind of system we should be backing? Would it not be a tragedy for
this light to be extinguished because America had her head stuck in the
sand?
Given the volatility of the situation in the Taiwan Strait, any mixed
signals by our government can easily be read by the Communist Chinese
as complacency. This Congress must erase any doubt as to whether or not
we are fully committed to Taiwan, and that is the purpose of this bill.
Stability of the entire Asian region is predicated on a balance of
power that keeps China in check. This bill stabilizes Taiwan and the
Pacific region by strengthening U.S.-Taiwanese cooperation. It also
reassures Japan, South Korea, and all of our Asian allies that we will
not neglect their best interest under the shadow of a rapidly growing
Communist China.
Despite countless claims by supposed experts that the People's
Republic is not a threat, Chinese intentions to the contrary are very
clear. In fact, they have been saber rattling for years. A clear
message was sent when China fired missile tests off the coast of Taiwan
in 1995 and 1996. Since then a massive Chinese missile and military
logistical buildup across the Taiwan Strait has served as a constant
threat. Waiting for the next shoe to fall would be a very costly
mistake.
Ever since the annexation of Hong Kong and Macao, consuming Taiwan
has become a pressing goal for the expansionist Communist government in
Beijing. To this day the PRC refuses to denounce the use of force in
its quest to take back Taiwan. While visiting Washington, D.C. just 6
days ago, a PRC general asserted, and I quote, ``We will never commit
ourselves to renouncing the use of force.''
During the 50th anniversary celebrations of Chinese communism, held
just last October, a leading reformer in the PRC leadership warned
against U.S. support of Taiwan. ``Sooner or later it will lead to an
armed resolution of the question,'' he said. And this is from a so-
called reformer.
Make no mistake about it, this is a gravely serious situation.
Considering what is at stake, the cost of American assistance is very
minimal. The Taiwanese are not asking us to send troops. They are not
asking us to bomb anybody. They simply need strategic military advice,
technological expertise, and access to purchase American defense
systems so they can defend themselves.
Without any more hesitation, U.S. policy must support the continued
vitality and security of this thriving nation. Under the TRA, the
United States committed to providing defensive capability to Taiwan
based on their defense needs. The need is pressing. The time to act on
this promise is now.
Mr. Speaker, American prestige is on the line in the Taiwan Strait.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act honors our commitment to stability
in Taiwan by increasing cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwanese
militaries. It fulfills promises this Congress has already made to
Taiwan and reiterates our national agenda of seeking peace through
strength.
Simply put, this Congress must support democracy in Taiwan. We must
honor our commitments in the Far East. Supporting this bill
accomplishes these goals.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). The gentleman
from New York (Mr. Gilman) has 2\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey), the distinguished majority leader.
Mr. ARMEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, America is not just another country. We are the oldest
revolutionary nation in the world and the world's oldest democracy. We
have an obligation to the world, a mission, and that is to advance the
cause of freedom around the world.
Mr. Speaker, I have said it before and I will say it again: no
nation's people, ever, in the history of the world, have done as much
as the American people have done in the cause of freedom, to sacrifice
and inconvenience themselves not only for their own freedoms but, as we
have seen so many times, even for the freedoms of others. This is a
proud heritage we have, and it is a great responsibility we should
keep.
Today we are looking at the Chinese people. Mr. Speaker, the Chinese
people are a beautiful people. They are a wonderful people, and they
are divided now between two different governments. One is a beautiful
democracy, and the other one is not so grand. But the Chinese people,
whether they live in Taiwan or on the mainland, deserve and want
freedom as much as any people in the world, and we must respond to
them.
This year the House will vote on two measures that will do that in
the East Asia region. One is this bill, to strengthen our security
relationship with democrat Taiwan. The other is a resolution, which we
will vote on at our earliest possible moment, to establish permanent
normal trade relations with China. Friends of Taiwan should not have
fear of our greater trade with China, just as those who want more trade
with China should not object to us helping Taiwan. Both measures serve
exactly the same end, to advance the cause of freedom in East Asia and
the Pacific and specifically on behalf of the Chinese people.
How does more trade with China help? Because aside from religious
belief, trade is the single most powerful force of liberation in human
history. With trade comes prosperity, and with prosperity comes wider
sharing of power, a freer flow of information and the rule of law. That
is happening in China today. As China becomes more integrated into the
world economy, the Chinese leadership is finding it more and more
difficult to stifle the aspirations of their own people.
{time} 1400
Just last week the Chinese Government announced a ludicrous effort to
impose tight restrictions on the Internet. This is swimming against the
tides, Mr. Speaker. The Internet, almost by definition, is something
that defies government control. In fact, this effort is nothing but an
unwitting tribute to the liberalizing power of the modern information
age economy.
They cannot be part of the world economy without the Internet, but
they cannot have the Internet without the free flow of ideas and
information, including political ideas.
As long as we continue to expand our trade with China and bring China
into the world economy, the Chinese leaders will have no choice but to
allow greater freedom. Eventually the Chinese people will insist on the
freedom to choose their own leaders. And when they do, they are not
likely to select leaders who will make war on Taiwan or anyone else.
And how does helping Taiwan further the cause of freedom throughout
the region? By strengthening our security ties with Taiwan, we make it
clear that the American people will stand by Taiwan if they are
attacked. That will discourage any country from doing anything foolish
to jeopardize peace and prosperity in the area.
We all know that wars have often started from miscalculation. One
country attacks another only after wrongly assuming that the other
countries will not come to its aid. This bill will help maintain peace
in the Taiwan straits by suggesting in advance that America will come
to the aid of democratic Taiwan. It is entirely consistent with the
Taiwan Relations Act.
Mr. Speaker, Taiwan is the first democracy in 5,000 years of Chinese
history. It stands as a shining example to all the people on the
mainland and elsewhere of how a country can be both rich and free. It
shows how a nation can emerge from decades of dictatorial rule and
create a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.
If we truly love freedom, we must protect democratic Taiwan.
I ask all our Members to support both security for Taiwan and more
trade with the Chinese people. Together, these policies will help make
Asia and the Pacific prosperous, peaceful and, above all, free.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank our majority leader, the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Armey), for his kind words of support.
Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my opposition to
H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. I am greatly troubled
by this effort to undermine the
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sound, bipartisan foreign policy of the United States. For more than 20
years, both Democratic and Republican Administrations have maintained a
policy of ``strategic ambiguity'' regarding our relations between China
and Taiwan, a policy that has served our nation well. The thrust of
this legislation abandons the long-standing and successful policy of
the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, and I oppose this misguided attempt
to impose a fundamental shift in our policy.
I firmly believe that over time, our strategic interest is best
served through increased economic ties and expanded cultural relations
with China. Efforts to promote travel and tourism to China and
encouraging additional Chinese students to attend our universities will
significantly improve our relations with China.
However, I do not want this vote to be misinterpreted. The United
States and the world community do not approve the increasingly
belligerent tone of rhetoric and actions on the part of China against
Taiwan. China must understand that the world community expects a
peaceful resolution of the China/Taiwan issue.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of H.R. 1838 the Taiwan
Security Enhancement Act. I believe this bipartisan legislation will
send a clear message that the U.S. will stand firm for democracy and
human rights. We must support the right of the Taiwanese people to
determine their future without outside military pressure.
We have good reason to be concerned about the rapid military buildup
just across the Taiwan Strait. In 1995 and 1996, the Taiwanese people
were making history by holding their first democratic presidential
election. At the same time, the Chinese government conducted missile
tests as a reminder of their true intentions. This was no coincidence.
According to a recent Pentagon report, China has continued to build
ballistic missiles just off the coast of Taiwan. As we approach the
next presidential election this March, we must be aware of the imminent
threat to the new democracy in Taiwan.
I believe this legislation would be successful in strengthening our
commitment to the Taiwanese people. First, it would enhance Taiwan's
self-defense capabilities. Second, this bill affirms that the status of
Taiwan must have the consent of the people of Taiwan.
Our goals of securing peace and human rights in China are fully
consistent with the goals of this legislation. I urge my colleagues to
vote ``yes'' on this bipartisan legislation.
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend Taiwan for embracing
democracy and striving for complete autonomy from the People's Republic
of China (PRC). Taiwan has liberated itself from the oppressive Chiang
Kai-shek regime only to be threatened by the current Chinese
government. The PRC has a history of using coercion to get what it
wants, and the recent missile tests are no different. We all know this
is wrong and yet we continue a ``strategic partnership'' with this
barbaric regime.
Today's resolution, H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act,
antagonizes the PRC. The title of the bill is misleading. Sure, it
professes the sense of Congress that we should offer them the military
might of the United States, but it will not make Taiwan any more
secure. It only raises tensions in the region.
To protect the free people of Taiwan and to help the process of
democratization in the PRC, we need a coordinated, thoughtful,
comprehensive China Policy.
This Resolution is not such a policy!
For example, China wants and needs integration into the world economy
and the WTO. It needs the cooperation of the rest of the world to
accomplish this goal. We need a concerted, comprehensive international
effort to require that as a condition for the many objectives of the
PRC, they give the world assurances of respect for international law,
for the rights of the people of Taiwan, and indeed, for the rights of
their own people.
Therefore, I will not support the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.
Mr. ORTIZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Taiwan
Security Enhancement Act. While I support this legislation, the timing
of it is no small coincidence given the fact that Congress plans to
take up unprecedented trade legislation this year involving this
region. Over the years, I have witnessed firsthand the casual working
relationship the people in both the Peoples Republic of China and the
Republic of China have shared. They each have adapted to their special
circumstances with relative ease.
I have always supported Taiwan's efforts to embrace democracy and
stability in the region. Furthermore, I truly believe that our efforts
to engage China and to bring them to the table to work and promote
trade and growth will work only to the advantage of the United States.
It is with this optimism that I ask my colleagues for the continued
support of the people of Taiwan while we also work this session to
further strengthen our relationship with China.
There are many that consider China a constant threat in the Taiwan
Straits. That said, it is my hope that any country in the world, who
moves aggressively toward another would be subject to consequences.
Engaging and protecting the interests of our trading partners in the
Far East is the single most important thing we can do for all our
trading partners there.
I remain committed to the Taiwanese people and their outlook for the
future of their citizens. I also remain committed to the economic
engagement of China through trade and the power of the market place.
Mr. BARR of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R.
1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. This bill gives Taiwan at
least some of the tools necessary to defend itself against possible
future attacks from Communist China.
When Congress enacted the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, the intent was
to ensure Taiwan's security would not be compromised, and a self-
defense capability would be maintained. The Clinton administration has
wrongly interpreted this act as a ``hands off'' policy and continues to
ignore the growing military force and threat of the Communist Chinese
Government.
The utter disregard of the Taiwan Relations Act has placed Taiwan at
a clear military disadvantage vis-s-vis mainland China. Reports
indicate the People's Republic of China has a 65 to 4 advantage in
submarines, and a 4,500 to 400 numerical advantage in aircraft. The
Department of Defense has reported that by 2005, Communist China would
have the capability to attack Taiwan with air and missile strikes,
destroying both key military facilities and the island's economic
infrastructure.
Beijing continues to maintain a large armed forces structure, with
more than 2.5 million members in the People's Liberation Army (PLA), a
million in the People's Armed Police (PAP), and a reserve-militia
component of well over 1.5 million personnel. Still, the Clinton
administration continues to assert that Communist China is not a
threat. Yet, mainland China's growing advantage in military weapons and
soldiers, and its increasingly bellicose policy statements point to the
undisputable fact that Communist China is a real and growing threat,
and continues to focus on defeating Taiwan militarily.
The United States must act. We are the only power that can provide
Taiwan with the weapons it needs to counter any future mainland Chinese
aggression. We have an obligation to re-establish oversight of arms
sales to Taiwan, and force the President to provide Taiwan with the
weapons and military training it needs. Even though Taiwan will never
be on equal footing with China in terms of numbers, we must give Taiwan
the means necessary to protect itself from attack.
The Taiwan Security Enhancement Act permits the sale of satellite
early warning data, missile defense systems, modern air equipment, and
naval defense systems. In addition, the Secretary of Defense would be
required to report on Taiwan's requests for defense and hardware needs.
By passing the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act Congress will empower
Taiwan with the mechanism to improve its self-defense capability and
protect itself from future coercion from Communist Chinese. It is a
small, but vital price to pay, not only to ensure the survival of a key
and loyal ally, but our very own survival as well.
Mr. TIAHRT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1838, the
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. This bipartisan legislation, which was
reported out of the International Relations Committee by a vote of 32-
6, reaffirms this Nation's commitment to peace through strength in the
Taiwan Strait. I congratulate the House leadership for beginning the
new session of Congress with the explicit message that the United
States will meet its obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act of
1979.
Under the Taiwan Relations Act, this nation is committed to providing
Taiwan with those defensive weapons systems necessary to protect Taiwan
from any aggressive actions by Communist China. Unfortunately, by
sending out mixed signals to the government of Taiwan while
concurrently maintaining a policy of appeasement with the People's
Republic of China, the Clinton administration has fostered the current
environment of tension in the Taiwan Strait.
With this legislation, Congress is clearing up any confusion the
Clinton administration has created regarding this Nation's commitment
to a free and democratic Taiwan. Recently, the Pentagon reported that
the People's Liberation Army of China has nearly 100 short-range
ballistic missiles targeted at Taiwan. In addition to a real increased
threat of Chinese cruise missiles and fighter-bombers, China's
dangerous rhetoric and intimidation has led Taiwan to publicly express
their concern of possible aggression in the near future. In 1996, China
performed significant military operations across the strait from Taiwan
and fired several ballistic missiles near Taiwan.
In addition to reconfirming this nation's military commitment to
Taiwan, H.R. 1838 will
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provide for increased training for Taiwan's military officers in U.S.
military schools and require the Secretary of State to make information
regarding defense services fully available to the government of Taiwan
in an expedited manner. Furthermore, this legislation will require the
President to report to Congress regarding any and all of Taiwan's
defense need requests and Administration decisions on those requests.
The best way to make sure China will take Taiwan seriously and treat
them fairly in discussions regarding reunification is to send a clear
and unmistakable message that the United States will stand by Taiwan if
China takes any aggressive action in the Taiwan Strait. Today we have
the opportunity to stand up for freedom and democracy and show our
support for the people of Taiwan.
Mr. Speaker I urge a bipartisan yes vote for the Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak on the legislation
before us, H.R. 1838, the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act, which seeks
to promote stability between Taiwan, the People's Republic of China,
and the United States.
At the outset, I would note that at the heart of the relationship
between Taiwan and the United States lies the Taiwan Relations Act,
which for over two decades has effectively laid and preserved the
foundation for peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
When the security of our friends in Taiwan was threatened by China in
spring of 1996, I joined with our colleagues in Congress in strongly
supporting the Clinton administration's decision to send the Nimitz and
Independence carrier groups to the Taiwan Strait to maintain peace.
China's missile tests, military exercises, and threatened use of force
contravened China's commitment under the 1979 and 1982 Joint
Communiques to resolve Taiwan's status by peaceful means. The joint
communiques, in concert with the Taiwan Relations Act, lay the
framework for our ``One China'' policy, which fundamentally stresses
that force shall not be used in resolution of the Taiwan question.
Mr. Speaker, the graphic response of the United States in 1996 sent
an unequivocal message to Beijing, as witnessed by the world, that
America would not stand by idly while Taiwan was threatened with
China's military might. The formidable U.S. military presence in
Taiwan's waters, along with the explicit warnings of grave consequences
for Chinese use of force against Taiwan, concretely demonstrated our
Nation's determination and resolve to aid Taiwan in the event of
attack. In my view, Mr. Speaker, our actions that were taken then
during the heat of the Taiwan Strait crisis continue to speak volumes
today about America's unquestioned and unshakeable commitment to
Taiwan's security, much more than any policy statements we might adopt
today.
Mr. Speaker, under the existing policy of the Taiwan Relations Act,
our Nation and Taiwan have formed a close partnership that already
encompasses military relations, meetings of high-level officials, and
extensive transfers of high-tech defense weaponry.
As we examine the legislation before us, I ask our colleagues to
question whether it actually enhances the security of Taiwan above and
beyond what has, what is, and will be provided to Taiwan for its
legitimate defense needs under existing policy.
Mr. Speaker, the United States is firmly and unequivocally committed
to the protection of Taiwan's people and democracy, and certainly no
nation knows this better than China. I am not persuaded that the
legislation before us is necessary nor that it serves to enhance
stability in the Taiwan Strait.
Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1838 and I
thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for their efforts to
bring this bill to the floor today.
The United States relationship with the Republic of China is vital to
our economic and national security interests. Through its financial
success and blossoming democracy Taiwan remains a model for other
countries in Asia, including China, to follow.
The story of Taiwan's economic success is now widespread. During and
after the Asian financial crisis, Taiwan's free-market economy fared
much better than its centrally controlled neighbors. Their economy, in
fact, maintained a GDP growth rate of 4.8 percent over 1998.
It is also wise for us to remember that Taiwan is the United States
7th largest trading partner and an important part of the successful
economy we enjoy today. In February 1998, Taiwan and the United States
negotiated a market access agreement as a prelude to Taiwan's entry
into the World Trade Organization.
This strong economic relationship with Taiwan and our successful
negotiations with Taipei have helped to lead China into its own
successful market access negotiations with the United States. Later
this year in fact, Congress will pass legislation to grant China
permanent normal trade relations status so that United States companies
will benefit from China's entrance into the WTO. This will also improve
our ability to provide support for the Chinese people who need our help
the most.
Unfortunately, the administration's confused policies and actions in
recent years have damaged our relationship with Taiwan and Congress
must now pass this bill to steer us back on the right course.
The United States, as the world's leading democracy, has a
responsibility to support the security of Taiwan, one of the world's
smallest yet one of the most important democracies.
Mrs. FOWLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1838, the
Taiwan Security Enhancement Act.
This legislation is necessary to reaffirm our Nation's commitments to
Taiwan, an important partner of our country in the realm of trade, and
a strong proponent of democracy.
American policies, which oppose China's use of force against Taiwan,
need reinforcement now, as Taiwan approaches presidential elections.
Four years ago, China's leadership conducted a series of missile tests
near Taiwan--a move meant to intimidate the Taiwanese people on the eve
of elections then. In response, the United States was compelled to
deploy two carrier battle groups in order to restore tranquility.
Today, China is engaged in a build-up of missile forces that again
threatens Taiwan. These unwarranted, threatening developments make this
bill's consideration today an imperative.
It is patently obvious that Taiwan poses no threat to China. Military
training or other security measures provided to Taiwan by the United
States is strictly oriented towards Taiwan's defense. As such, this
bill merits our strong support.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hastings of Washington). Pursuant to
House Resolution 408, the previous question is ordered on the bill, as
amended.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed until later today.
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