[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 144 (Thursday, October 21, 1999)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E2163]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                 WHEN WILL CROATIA BECOME A DEMOCRACY?

                                 ______
                                 

                       HON. CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH

                             of new jersey

                    in the house of representatives

                       Thursday, October 21, 1999

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, in the decade since multi-party 
elections first began to be held in what were the one-party states of 
East-Central Europe, the political leaders and societies of many of 
these states have committed themselves to building democratic 
institutions, respecting the rule of law and tolerating social 
diversity. Some have done well; others have not. One country which 
should have done well, but so far has not, is Croatia. I ask, ``Why?''
  Many will assert, with considerable credibility, that Croatia faced 
until 1995 the added burdens of Yugoslavia's violent demise, bringing 
months of conflict in 1991, and the occupation of considerable 
territory by Serb militants. We should not minimize the sense of 
victimization felt by the people of Croatia at that time. Indeed, I was 
in Vukovar in 1991, when it was still under siege, and personally saw 
the awful things that were happening to the people there. Similarly, we 
cannot ignore the effect in Croatia of the continued presence of Croats 
from Bosnia-Herzegovina who still cannot safely return to their homes 
in what is now the entity of Republika Srpska.
  However much one may want to give Croatia the benefit of the doubt, 
in the eight years since the tragic events following the assertion of 
statehood, and four years since the occupied territories were either 
retaken or set for subsequent reintegration, Croatia has become 
accustomed to its newfound independence. Its people have increasingly 
seemed desirous of becoming a more united part of European affairs, 
including through the development of ties with the European Union and 
NATO. They are part of a sophisticated, well-educated society, feel 
more secure within their borders, and want greater freedom and 
prosperity for themselves and their children. Analysts have, for at 
least two years, viewed the country as being in a stage of real 
transition. Unfortunately, as this transition moves forward, it meets 
greater resistance from those who have become entrenched in, and 
enriched by, the power they hold. This resistance manifests itself in 
two ways, the gross manipulation of the political system to the 
advantage of the ruling party, and the continued reliance on 
nationalist passions.
  Regarding political manipulations, elections must be held within the 
next three months, yet there is no date, no new election law that 
provides a free and fair standard, no loosening of the grip on the 
media. More specifically, there continues to be a so-called 
``diaspora'' representation, which effectively is the same as giving 
almost ten percent of parliamentary seats to the ruling party up front. 
Moreover, for some time the authorities considered scheduling the 
elections within a few days of Christmas, a rather blatant attempt to 
manipulate popular sentiment and voter turnout.
  The ruling party is maintaining its control over Croatia's broadcast 
media. Defamation laws have resulted in hundreds of prosecutions, both 
criminal and civil, of journalists and publishers for critical comments 
deemed ``criminal'' for allegedly insulting the honor or dignity of 
high officials. In Croatia, it seems that alleged criminal activity by 
officials uncovered by independent journalists can be protected under a 
broad definition of ``state secrets.''
  On the nationalist front, Serbs (who once represented over ten 
percent of Croatia's population) still have difficulty returning home--
many fled in 1991 and 1995--and those who have returned face 
difficulties in getting their property back or obtaining government 
assistance. Statements by officials often create an environment which 
make individuals believe they can get away with more direct, physical 
harassment of the Serbs. While many Serbs may not be able even to 
participate in the voting for the upcoming elections, Croatian 
authorities are considering the reduction from three seats to one seat 
for Serb representation in the Croatian Parliament, or Sabor. 
Meanwhile, the ``diaspora'' vote sways the loyalties of Bosnia's 
indigenous Croat population, and Croatian President Tudjman recently 
resurrected notions of a Croat entity in Bosnia-Herzegovina. While 
Croatia's citizenship law still makes it difficult for members of the 
Serb and sometimes other minority communities to get citizenship, 
voting rights are extended to ethnic Croats abroad on the discredited 
basis of blood ties alone.
  Tudjman further claimed this last week that Croatian generals cannot 
be held accountable for the commission of war crimes and crimes against 
humanity. His resistance to cooperation with the International Tribunal 
in The Hague is reprehensible, and, if it continues, warrants a strong 
response by this Congress.
   Mr. Speaker, Croatian courts recently convicted Dinko Sakic, a 
commander of the Jasenovac concentration camp in Croatia during World 
War II. The trial and its outcome say something positive not only about 
Croatia's courts; the attention in Croatia given to this case indicates 
an ability to acknowledge a horrible period in the past. More broadly, 
Croats realize they must seek justice for the past and move forward so 
that they do not sink their personal futures in the pit of extreme 
nationalist aspirations.
  I hope, Mr. Speaker, the leaders of Croatia today will come to their 
senses, and abide by the wish of the people to live in full freedom, 
true justice and greater prosperity. Signs of this would be: (1) 
holding an election which, from the campaign period to the vote count, 
is free and fair according to both international observers and domestic 
ones who should be permitted to observe; (2) cessation of the 
relegation of ethnic Serbs to the status of second-class citizens whose 
presence, at best, will be tolerated; and (3) surrendering to The Hague 
all indicted persons, including Mladen Naletilic (aka ``Tuta'') now 
that Croatia's own courts have cleared the way, and the information and 
documents which the Tribunal may request.
  Only with progress in these areas can Croatia take its proper place 
in Europe and the world. Mr. Speaker, I ask Croatia's leaders, when 
that will be?




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