[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 118 (Monday, September 13, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10771-S10773]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT,
2000--Continued
CLOTURE MOTION
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the cloture motion
having been presented under rule XXII, the Chair directs the clerk to
read the motion.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
Cloture Motion
We the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the
provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate,
do hereby move to bring to a close debate on amendment No.
1603 to Calendar No. 210, H.R. 2466, the Interior
appropriations bill.
Trent Lott, Kay Bailey Hutchison, Gordon Smith of OR,
Thad Cochran,
[[Page S10772]]
Larry E. Craig, Bill Frist, Michael Crapo, Don Nickles,
Craig Thomas, Chuck Hagel, Christopher Bond, Jon Kyl,
Peter Fitzgerald, Pete V. Domenici, Phil Gramm, and
Slade Gorton.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Madam President, in view of the fact that seven of
our Members are missing, I ask unanimous consent to move the cloture
vote to tomorrow following the votes at 10:30.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mrs. BOXER. I object. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard. Under the previous order,
there will now be 5 minutes of debate equally divided between the
Senator from Texas and the Senator from California.
Mrs. BOXER. Madam President, I ask if Senator Hutchison would like to
go first?
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Madam President, I prefer to reserve my time and
close.
Mrs. BOXER. Madam President, may we have order in the Chamber,
please.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The point is well taken. Senators will take
their conversations to the Cloakroom, please.
The Senator from California.
Mrs. BOXER. Madam President, I have taken the Senate's time on this
matter. Here is why: I simply care about the Senate too much to see it
be a party to a deliberate scheme by just 5 percent of the oil
companies to underpay their royalty payments to our constituents. The
Hutchison amendment allows the situation to continue by stopping the
Interior Department from fixing it.
How do we know taxpayers are being cheated? First, there are many
whistleblowers, former oil executives, who say under oath they
undervalued the oil from Federal lands in order to pay less.
Second, settlements are occurring all over the country whereby these
oil companies are paying billions of dollars in back royalties to keep
their cases out of court.
Senator Hutchison has said the Interior Department wants to raise
taxes on the oil companies. Royalties are not taxes; they are legal
agreements just as your mortgage or rent is. As USA Today says:
Imagine if one day you decided to lower your rent by 10
percent. No individual could do that. And yet the oil
companies are.
You may hear all we need is more time, but this is the fourth rider
this Senate has passed, although we have never had a vote on it before.
This is the first vote. We have already lost $88 million from the
Department of the Interior because of it. These companies should do
what 95 percent of them are already doing, base their royalty payments
on fair market value.
Senator Hutchison has said the oil companies are suffering now and it
is bad timing to fix this. I voted, and most of us did, for a bill to
help the oil companies. That is fine. But royalty payments must be
collected and because they are based on fair market value, they do go
down when oil prices are depressed. That is a better deal than most
Americans get on their mortgages or their rent.
You may hear about a court case in California that the oil companies
won. But that had nothing to do with Federal oil royalties; it was
about State royalties.
Finally, the Hutchison amendment is not in the House bill because
this is an appropriations bill, and the Hutchison amendment will strip
another $66 million out of the Land and Water Conservation Fund. We
need those funds very much. Senator Hutchison says it is just $10
million. Interior and OMB say $66 million. Regardless, it is a bad
rider. I hope you will not vote for cloture.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. The
Senator from Texas.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I yield 1 minute to the Senator from Louisiana, Mr.
Breaux.
Mr. BREAUX. Madam President, I thank the Senator for yielding. In
just 60 seconds, it is unfortunate we are voting with a number of
Senators absent. I guess we will have to do that.
The question is, How do we value oil? The law says the companies owe
the Federal Government, taxpayers, one-sixth to one-eighth of the value
of the oil. The problem is, how do you determine the value? It is a
very complicated rulemaking procedure that is ongoing to try to
determine what are the legitimate deductions and transportation costs,
in particular, determining what the fair market value of oil is. We can
rush this thing through. It will result in years of litigation. Or we
can pause for a few moments, which is what we are asking to be done, to
try to negotiate out something to which both sides can agree. I think
it makes more sense to pause for a few moments, get the groups together
and work it out, rather than run the risk of years and years of
litigation. We know what is going to happen then. Nobody is going to
win. The American public is not going to win.
I urge we support the Hutchison amendment and get it done in a more
realistic and fair fashion.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. I yield 30 seconds to the Senator from New Mexico.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
Mr. DOMENICI. I rise in support of the Hutchison-Domenici amendment
because the MMS's procedures are flawed. Department of the Interior
employees involved in the writing of the regulations received $300,000
each from a group that had interests contrary to those of the oil and
gas firms.
It is wrong on substance. I will just give one example showing it is
flawed. A producer from one oil well producing one kind of oil would be
forced to value his oil ten different ways under this MMS proposal.
Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I strongly support Senator Hutchison's
amendment to keep the Department of Interior from spending additional
money for one year to implement their flawed oil valuation regulation.
I am a cosponsor of the amendment.
Our amendment does two things: First, it puts the Senate on record
opposing a Value-added Tax proposed by the executive branch. Second, it
prevents MMS from implementing a rule that is so corrupt the Interior
Department's inspector general and the Department of Justice are
currently investigating $700,000 in payoffs to federal employees
involved in the rule.
The CBO scored the impact of this amendment at $11 million. This is
the apparent cost of standing up for Congress' constitutional
prerogative to raise revenues.
The domestic oil and gas industry is being driven from our shores.
During the oil embargo in 1973, we imported 36 percent of our oil.
Today, we import 56 percent of our oil. We will continue to burn oil--
in fact, we burn a bit more now than we did in 1973. But our own
industry is in a death spiral, caused in part by government actions
like this. Over 50,000 American families have lost their jobs in the
last two years as companies leave the U.S. for foreign shores--foreign
shores where it's cheaper to drill and governments encourage domestic
energy production.
Without adoption of the Hutchison amendment, we will be saying: ``Go
ahead. Raise royalties and taxes. We, the U.S. Senate, yield our power
to the Executive.'' This Senator cannot stand by and watch all power
flow to the Executive.
``Rent-A-Rule''--POGO, etc.
Neither can this Senator stand aside when there are serious
allegations of payoffs to government employees involved in the rule.
In May of this year, the press began to report that two federal
employees--one at the Department of Interior; the other, retired from
the Department of energy--had taken $700,000 from a self-described
``public interest group'' as an ``award'' for their work in the federal
government on the rule to raise royalty rates on domestic oil
producers. This group, the project on Government Oversight, or POGO,
has not been very effective in its membership drive--it has only about
200 subscribers--but it has been very successful attracting trial
lawyers as board members. In fact, the trial lawyers on its board have
spent years litigating the very cases on oil value that the proposed
DOI rule would benefit if the Boxer Amendment is adopted.
The inspector general and the U.S. Department of Justice public
Integrity Section are investigating these payments.
In two letters to the Secretary of Interior, Senators Domenici,
Nickles, and I have asked the Department to withdraw the proposed rule
pending the outcome of the investigations into
[[Page S10773]]
whether the employees can take money for ``fixing'' a rule. The
Department has declined to do so twice.
In answering our first letter, DOI said the two had nothing to do
with the rule. Senators Domenici, Nickles, and I wrote back, this time
providing public documents proving their involvement, and asking them,
based upon the evidence, to withdraw the rule.
The response to our second letter was to acknowledge that the two
apparently did have some involvement in the rule, but the decision to
change the rule was made prior to their official involvement.
The Department's argument is misleading. The two federal employees
worked hand-in-glove with POGO to convince the Department to craft a
rule to POGO's liking. According to POGO's Executive Director, POGO
even arranged for the employees to be specifically requested to testify
before a House subcommittee to put pressure on the Department to start
a rulemaking.
All the facts suggest that these employees were influential, if not
instrumental, in the decision to issue the rule and the content of the
rule. After influencing the decision to issue the rule, the employees
took part in the public comment phase of the rulemaking. In other
words, they were up to their elbows in this issue from start to finish.
A skeptic could conclude that the employees, working with POGO and
the trial attorneys who stood to gain from out-of-court settlements,
earned their ``rewards.'' POGO, after all, admits they paid them
$350,000 each. The Department's position appears to be that POGO paid
the wrong bureaucrats.
The public integrity of the public rulemaking process is at stake,
even if Secretary Babbitt fails to see it.
In our nation, federal employees are not paid to push rule changes
which benefit one party in a lawsuit. This is a dangerous precedent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Madam President, we directed the MMS to simplify the
oil royalty payments so that companies would know what their fair share
is. This is what MMS has come forward with as a simplification.
Companies still do not know what they will owe. They want to pay
their fair share. I want them to pay their fair share. Whether they
have in the past is not an issue. We are trying to have a fair setting
of taxes.
The question is: Who makes tax policy in this country? Is it Congress
or is it unelected bureaucrats who are not accountable to the people?
We are talking about a 1-year moratorium so that this can be worked out
in a way that is acceptable to Congress.
The Senator from California says this only affects 5 percent of the
producers. I have a letter from the California Independent Petroleum
Association, representing 450 independent oil and gas producers, which
says:
It is false to claim that this rulemaking only affects the
top 5 percent of all oil producers. It affects every
California producer on Federal land.
Madam President, I urge a vote for cloture so we can have a fair up-
or-down vote on this amendment so that Congress will set the policy of
this country.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time has expired. By unanimous consent,
the mandatory quorum call has been waived. The question is, Is it the
sense of the Senate that debate on amendment No. 1603 to H.R. 2466, the
Interior appropriations bill, shall be brought to a close? The yeas and
nays are required under the rule. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Utah (Mr. Bennett), the
Senator from Utah (Mr. Hatch), the Senator from North Carolina (Mr.
Helms), and the Senator from Alabama (Mr. Sessions) are necessarily
absent.
Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Florida (Mr. Graham) is
necessarily absent.
The yeas and nays resulted--yeas 55, nays 40, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 271 Leg.]
YEAS--55
Abraham
Allard
Ashcroft
Bingaman
Bond
Breaux
Brownback
Bunning
Burns
Campbell
Chafee
Cochran
Collins
Coverdell
Craig
Crapo
DeWine
Domenici
Enzi
Fitzgerald
Frist
Gorton
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Jeffords
Kyl
Landrieu
Lincoln
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Roberts
Roth
Santorum
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Voinovich
Warner
NAYS--40
Akaka
Baucus
Bayh
Biden
Boxer
Bryan
Byrd
Cleland
Conrad
Daschle
Dodd
Dorgan
Durbin
Edwards
Feingold
Feinstein
Harkin
Hollings
Johnson
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lott
Mikulski
Moynihan
Murray
Reed
Reid
Robb
Rockefeller
Sarbanes
Schumer
Torricelli
Wellstone
Wyden
NOT VOTING--5
Bennett
Graham
Hatch
Helms
Sessions
The PRESIDING OFFICER. On this vote the yeas are 55, the nays 40.
Three-fifths of the Senators duly chosen and sworn not having voted in
the affirmative, the motion is rejected.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I enter a motion to reconsider the vote by
which the Senate failed to invoke cloture on the pending Hutchison
amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The motion is entered.
____________________