[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 118 (Monday, September 13, 1999)]
[House]
[Pages H8132-H8133]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                          CRISIS IN EAST TIMOR

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega) is recognized for 5 
minutes.
  Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, the House Committee on 
International Relations Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, of which 
I am a member, held a joint hearing with the Senate Subcommittee on 
East Asian and Pacific Affairs to review the current crisis in East 
Timor and the implications on the overall future of Indonesia. I 
certainly want to commend the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) 
and the Senator from Wyoming (Mr. Thomas) for jointly addressing this 
compelling crisis now confronting the international community.
  Mr. Speaker, I recall some 38 years ago right outside this Chamber at 
his inaugural address, I believe it was in 1961, that President John F. 
Kennedy made this profound statement to the world, and I quote: ``Let 
every Nation know that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet 
any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival 
and the success of liberty.''
  Mr. Speaker, like many of my colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and 
saddened by the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and 
Indonesian military to the overwhelming vote for independence 
demonstrated by the courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not 
at all surprised at the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the 
Indonesian military has routinely used violence as a tool of repression 
as it is doing now and for the past 30 years.
  Mr. Speaker, although the Timorese struggle for self-determination 
has received much publicity, scant attention has been paid to the 
people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian 
Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. Mr. Speaker, one 
cannot talk about the crisis in East Timor and ignore the same crisis 
in West Papua New Guinea or it is now known as Irian Jaya. As in East 
Timor, Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by military force in 1963 
in a pathetic episode, Mr. Speaker, that the United Nations in 1969 
sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates were 
hand-picked and paid off by the Indonesian government, permitted to 
participate in a so-called plebiscite, and at the point of guns on 
their heads and with threats on their lives, these 1,025 individuals 
voted obviously for Indonesian rule. At the same

[[Page H8133]]

time, the rest of West Papua New Guinea, well over 800,000 strong 
Indonesians, had absolutely no voice in this undemocratic process.
  Mr. Speaker, since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the 
native Papuan people have suffered under one of the most repressive and 
unjust systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East 
Timor where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the 
Indonesian military has been just as brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports 
estimate that between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papua New Guineans have 
died or simply vanished at the hands of the Indonesian military. While 
we search for justice and peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should 
not forget the violent tragedy that continues to this day to play out 
in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge my colleagues and my fellow 
Americans and the international community to revisit the status of West 
Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is also achieved there.
  Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week in East 
Timor, the Indonesian government should be condemned in the strongest 
terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the 
innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton 
for terminating all assistance to and ties with the military of 
Indonesian. The latest United Nations estimates are that up to 300,000 
East Timorese, over a third of the population of East Timor, have been 
displaced and it remains to be seen how many hundreds more, if not 
thousands, have been killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war 
crimes tribunal as called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson is necessary 
to punish those responsible for the atrocities.
  Mr. Speaker, I further commend the decision of the United Nations to 
maintain its presence in Delhi, even if only with a skeletal staff. It 
was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the 
United Nations, not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide 
against the Timorese people would have substantially increased.
  It is clear the United Nations must also commit to a peacekeeping 
force and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in 
supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe 
America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of 
ground troops which by its presence, Mr. Speaker, an international 
peacekeeping force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing 
not just that island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs 
that country.
  Mr. Speaker, with Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the 
largest Muslim country in the world which sits astride major sea lanes 
of communication and trade, I urge my colleagues that we do something 
about this, raising the question about the instability of that country 
but more importantly make the will of the East Timorese people become a 
reality.
  Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, the House International Relations 
Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, of which I am a member, held a 
joint hearing with the Senate Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific 
Affairs to review the current crisis in East Timor, and the 
implications on the overall future of Indonesia. I commend the 
gentleman from Nebraska, Chairman Doug Bereuter, and the gentleman from 
Wyoming, Senate Chairman Craig Thomas for jointly addressing this 
urgent and compelling crisis now confronting the international 
community.
  Like many of our colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by 
the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian 
military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the 
courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at 
the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the Indonesian military has 
routinely used violence as a tool of repression now, and for the past 
thirty years.
  Although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received 
much publicity, Mr. Speaker, scant attention has been paid to the 
people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian 
Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. Mr. Speaker, one 
cannot talk about the crisis in East Timor, and then ignore the same 
crisis in West Papua New Guinea or Irian Jaya. As in East Timor, 
Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by military force in 1963. In a 
pathetic episode, Mr. Speaker, that the United Nations in 1969 
sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates were 
handpicked and paid off by the Indonesian government were permitted to 
participate in a so-called plebiscite, and at the point of guns on 
their heads and with threats on their lives, these 1,025 individuals 
voted for Indonesia. The rest of the West Papuan people, over 800,000 
strong, had absolutely no voice in this undemocratic process.
  And, Mr. Speaker, recent media reports indicate even Australia and 
our own country were parties to this fraudulent plebiscite.
  Since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan 
people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust 
systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor 
where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesia 
military has been just as brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that 
between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papuans have died or simply vanished at 
the hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and 
peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent 
tragedy that continues to play out today in West Papua New Guinea. I 
would urge my colleagues, my fellow Americans, and the international 
community to revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that 
justice is also achieved there.
  Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week in East 
Timor, the Indonesian Government should be condemned in the strongest 
terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the 
innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton 
for terminating all assistance to and ties with the Indonesian 
military. The latest U.N. estimates are that up to 300,000 Timorese, 
over a third of the population of East Timor, have been displaced and 
it remains to be seen how many hundreds, if not thousands, have been 
killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war crimes tribunal, as 
called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson, is necessary to punish those 
responsible for the atrocities.
  I further commend the decision of the United Nations to maintain its 
UNAMET operations in Dili, even if only with a skeletal staff. It 
was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the 
U.N., not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide against the 
Timorese people would have substantially increased.

  As to the issue of a U.N. or international peacekeeping force, I 
strongly support such an intervention in East Timor and commend 
Indonesian President Habibie for his decision this weekend to authorize 
entry. While Australia and new Zealand may take the lead in the 
formation of such a peacekeeping force, it is crucial that Southeast 
Asian nations, such as the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand, 
contribute significant troops to the effort, and I applaud the 
cooperation and commitment of these countries. Jakarta, however, should 
not be permitted to dictate which countries shall comprise and 
contribute to the international peacekeeping force.
  It is clear the United States must also commit to this peacekeeping 
effort and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in 
supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe 
America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of 
ground troops, which could easily be drawn from our substantial forces 
of U.S. Marines based in Okinawa.
  With Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the largest Muslim 
country in the world, which sits astride major sealanes of 
communication and trade--certainly we have substantial national 
interests in preserving stability in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, as 
well as preventing a U.N. initiative from turning into a catastrophic 
humanitarian disaster.
  Moreover, Mr. Speaker, I believe that what has happened in East 
Timor--where the Indonesian military forces played a major role in the 
horrific violence--holds prophetic ramifications for the future of 
Indonesia as a whole. In front of the world, President Habibie has been 
humiliated by the inability to control his own military while Defense 
Minister General Wiranto's hand in the unfolding events in East Timor 
is still being questioned. It raises the question as to who is actually 
in control in Jakarta, and whether a civilian democratic government or 
military regime holds the reigns of power to Indonesia--now and for the 
future.
  By its simple presence, Mr. Speaker, an international peacekeeping 
force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that 
island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs Indonesia.

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