[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 118 (Monday, September 13, 1999)]
[House]
[Pages H8132-H8133]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CRISIS IN EAST TIMOR
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega) is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, the House Committee on
International Relations Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, of which
I am a member, held a joint hearing with the Senate Subcommittee on
East Asian and Pacific Affairs to review the current crisis in East
Timor and the implications on the overall future of Indonesia. I
certainly want to commend the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter)
and the Senator from Wyoming (Mr. Thomas) for jointly addressing this
compelling crisis now confronting the international community.
Mr. Speaker, I recall some 38 years ago right outside this Chamber at
his inaugural address, I believe it was in 1961, that President John F.
Kennedy made this profound statement to the world, and I quote: ``Let
every Nation know that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet
any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival
and the success of liberty.''
Mr. Speaker, like many of my colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and
saddened by the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and
Indonesian military to the overwhelming vote for independence
demonstrated by the courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not
at all surprised at the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the
Indonesian military has routinely used violence as a tool of repression
as it is doing now and for the past 30 years.
Mr. Speaker, although the Timorese struggle for self-determination
has received much publicity, scant attention has been paid to the
people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian
Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. Mr. Speaker, one
cannot talk about the crisis in East Timor and ignore the same crisis
in West Papua New Guinea or it is now known as Irian Jaya. As in East
Timor, Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by military force in 1963
in a pathetic episode, Mr. Speaker, that the United Nations in 1969
sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates were
hand-picked and paid off by the Indonesian government, permitted to
participate in a so-called plebiscite, and at the point of guns on
their heads and with threats on their lives, these 1,025 individuals
voted obviously for Indonesian rule. At the same
[[Page H8133]]
time, the rest of West Papua New Guinea, well over 800,000 strong
Indonesians, had absolutely no voice in this undemocratic process.
Mr. Speaker, since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the
native Papuan people have suffered under one of the most repressive and
unjust systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East
Timor where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the
Indonesian military has been just as brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports
estimate that between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papua New Guineans have
died or simply vanished at the hands of the Indonesian military. While
we search for justice and peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should
not forget the violent tragedy that continues to this day to play out
in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge my colleagues and my fellow
Americans and the international community to revisit the status of West
Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is also achieved there.
Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week in East
Timor, the Indonesian government should be condemned in the strongest
terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the
innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton
for terminating all assistance to and ties with the military of
Indonesian. The latest United Nations estimates are that up to 300,000
East Timorese, over a third of the population of East Timor, have been
displaced and it remains to be seen how many hundreds more, if not
thousands, have been killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war
crimes tribunal as called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson is necessary
to punish those responsible for the atrocities.
Mr. Speaker, I further commend the decision of the United Nations to
maintain its presence in Delhi, even if only with a skeletal staff. It
was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the
United Nations, not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide
against the Timorese people would have substantially increased.
It is clear the United Nations must also commit to a peacekeeping
force and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in
supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe
America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of
ground troops which by its presence, Mr. Speaker, an international
peacekeeping force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing
not just that island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs
that country.
Mr. Speaker, with Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the
largest Muslim country in the world which sits astride major sea lanes
of communication and trade, I urge my colleagues that we do something
about this, raising the question about the instability of that country
but more importantly make the will of the East Timorese people become a
reality.
Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, the House International Relations
Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, of which I am a member, held a
joint hearing with the Senate Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific
Affairs to review the current crisis in East Timor, and the
implications on the overall future of Indonesia. I commend the
gentleman from Nebraska, Chairman Doug Bereuter, and the gentleman from
Wyoming, Senate Chairman Craig Thomas for jointly addressing this
urgent and compelling crisis now confronting the international
community.
Like many of our colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by
the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian
military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the
courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at
the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the Indonesian military has
routinely used violence as a tool of repression now, and for the past
thirty years.
Although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received
much publicity, Mr. Speaker, scant attention has been paid to the
people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian
Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. Mr. Speaker, one
cannot talk about the crisis in East Timor, and then ignore the same
crisis in West Papua New Guinea or Irian Jaya. As in East Timor,
Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by military force in 1963. In a
pathetic episode, Mr. Speaker, that the United Nations in 1969
sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates were
handpicked and paid off by the Indonesian government were permitted to
participate in a so-called plebiscite, and at the point of guns on
their heads and with threats on their lives, these 1,025 individuals
voted for Indonesia. The rest of the West Papuan people, over 800,000
strong, had absolutely no voice in this undemocratic process.
And, Mr. Speaker, recent media reports indicate even Australia and
our own country were parties to this fraudulent plebiscite.
Since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan
people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust
systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor
where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesia
military has been just as brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that
between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papuans have died or simply vanished at
the hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and
peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent
tragedy that continues to play out today in West Papua New Guinea. I
would urge my colleagues, my fellow Americans, and the international
community to revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that
justice is also achieved there.
Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week in East
Timor, the Indonesian Government should be condemned in the strongest
terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the
innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton
for terminating all assistance to and ties with the Indonesian
military. The latest U.N. estimates are that up to 300,000 Timorese,
over a third of the population of East Timor, have been displaced and
it remains to be seen how many hundreds, if not thousands, have been
killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war crimes tribunal, as
called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson, is necessary to punish those
responsible for the atrocities.
I further commend the decision of the United Nations to maintain its
UNAMET operations in Dili, even if only with a skeletal staff. It
was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the
U.N., not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide against the
Timorese people would have substantially increased.
As to the issue of a U.N. or international peacekeeping force, I
strongly support such an intervention in East Timor and commend
Indonesian President Habibie for his decision this weekend to authorize
entry. While Australia and new Zealand may take the lead in the
formation of such a peacekeeping force, it is crucial that Southeast
Asian nations, such as the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand,
contribute significant troops to the effort, and I applaud the
cooperation and commitment of these countries. Jakarta, however, should
not be permitted to dictate which countries shall comprise and
contribute to the international peacekeeping force.
It is clear the United States must also commit to this peacekeeping
effort and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in
supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe
America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of
ground troops, which could easily be drawn from our substantial forces
of U.S. Marines based in Okinawa.
With Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the largest Muslim
country in the world, which sits astride major sealanes of
communication and trade--certainly we have substantial national
interests in preserving stability in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, as
well as preventing a U.N. initiative from turning into a catastrophic
humanitarian disaster.
Moreover, Mr. Speaker, I believe that what has happened in East
Timor--where the Indonesian military forces played a major role in the
horrific violence--holds prophetic ramifications for the future of
Indonesia as a whole. In front of the world, President Habibie has been
humiliated by the inability to control his own military while Defense
Minister General Wiranto's hand in the unfolding events in East Timor
is still being questioned. It raises the question as to who is actually
in control in Jakarta, and whether a civilian democratic government or
military regime holds the reigns of power to Indonesia--now and for the
future.
By its simple presence, Mr. Speaker, an international peacekeeping
force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that
island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs Indonesia.
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