[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 117 (Friday, September 10, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10735-S10736]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

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                               EAST TIMOR

 Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, the current situation in East Timor 
is spiraling dangerously out of control. Members of the international 
community are meeting to discuss this issue in New Zealand as I speak, 
while violence is escalating in East Timor and uncertainty is rising in 
the minds of many about the future of Indonesia as a whole. Indonesia's 
strategic position in South East Asia, as well as its economic and 
political stability, are of utmost importance, not only to the United 
States, but to the international community which has an interest in 
securing a stable and democratic future for South East Asia and a 
lasting peace for East Timor.
  The Indonesian government holds the primary responsibility for 
restoring peace and stability to East Timor. I concur wholeheartedly 
with U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan that the Indonesian government 
has so far failed to take adequate steps towards that end. The 
Indonesian government must move immediately to restore the portion of 
its credibility that was lost for not preparing adequately for the 
onslaught of civil strife that was predicted after the August 30 vote. 
The government must reign in the military factions, disarm the 
militias, restore law and order on the ground in East Timor, and 
provide for humanitarian assistance to the thousands of East Timorese 
who have been displaced from their homes and are fleeing the region. If 
it cannot, or is unwilling to, then the Indonesian government must 
accept the international community's offer to send in a peacekeeping 
force.
  To his credit, President Habibie took an important step forward by 
allowing East Timor's political future to be decided democratically. It 
truly was significant that for the first time in twenty four years, the 
Indonesian government made a ballot in East Timor possible. I have long 
believed that the government should take this action and I have 
supported numerous pieces of legislation urging the Indonesian 
government to that effect. However, the Habibie government, once having 
made the decision to hold a consultation on the future status of East 
Timor, assumed responsibility for the security of its people during and 
after the ballot was held.
  The international community was watching closely as the May 5, 1999 
agreement detailing how the ballot was to be conducted--was signed by 
the governments of Indonesia and Portugal and the U.N. This agreement 
held great promise that the future of East Timor could be determined 
peacefully. However, anti-independence militia leaders refused to sign 
and refused to disarm, vowing to oppose violently any steps to give the 
East Timorese their independence. The militia groups have followed

[[Page S10736]]

through on their commitments, regrettably. The Indonesian government, I 
fear, has not.
  The Indonesian government, in no uncertain terms, has the 
responsibility to curb the violence now and work to create a peaceful 
atmosphere so that the results of the ballot can be implemented. It 
must also protect the humanitarian missions that remain in East Timor 
and secure the safe passage of humanitarian aid to the region. No 
reasonable justification exists for the Indonesian military cutting off 
the water supply and electricity inside the U.N. Compound. That only 
leaves us with the question, who is really calling the shots?
  Indeed, the history of the Indonesian military is far too bleak to 
have given it free reign to operate under martial law. We have already 
seen evidence of the military directly firing on civilians, forcibly 
removing them from their homes, or just turning a blind eye to the 
havoc being unleashed on them by the paramilitary forces. I do not 
believe that martial law--which establishes curfews, enables the 
military to shoot violators of the curfews on sight, and provides for 
unwarranted searches--is the step that the Indonesian government should 
have taken if it wanted to stop the violence and re-establish 
credibility for itself in the international community. Martial law has 
only succeeded in unleashing more violence and greater terror. It is 
especially problematic since many members of the Indonesian military 
remain inextricably linked to the militia forces or have joined radical 
military splinter groups.

  I do not believe that the Indonesian government has taken adequate 
steps, if any at all, to disassociate itself from the civilian militias 
and to dismantle and disarm them when it became apparent that these 
groups would not work to bring peace to the region. The human rights 
abuses they have committed over the years was only a prologue to the 
devastation they are orchestrating today. The alarm bells were ringing 
months ago, but was anyone listening?
  The Indonesian military's direct involvement in committing human 
rights abuses and perpetuating violence in Indonesia led me to support 
a restriction on U.S. arms sales and International Military Education 
Training (IMET) aid to Indonesia, which Congress initiated in 1993. I 
believe it is crucial to suspend all of the remaining U.S. military 
contacts with the Indonesian armed forces and all arms sales to 
Indonesia.
  The outcome of this crisis will have implications not only for East 
Timor but for Indonesia as a whole. We need to be responsive to the 
crisis in East Timor, but we must carefully consider the implications 
of any action on the larger political, economic and social climate in 
Indonesia.
  I believe it is vital for the Indonesian government to accept the 
international community's offer to send an international peacekeeping 
force to East Timor and that force must be robust, with the capacity to 
restore law and order on the ground. The U.S. must continue to work 
with its allies in the region in order to urge the Indonesian 
government to invite this force in. I am pleased that the Australian 
government has taken the lead in this effort by offering up to 7,000 
peacekeepers to operate in such a force and has sent war ships to the 
waters off East Timor as a message to the Indonesian government that 
the global community is serious.
  The East Timor crisis will be, and indeed should be, the top priority 
for discussion at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Forum 
this weekend. There is no issue of greater importance to the region at 
the moment. I believe that the U.S. must play a strong role in 
coordinating the efforts of all APEC nations in order to formulate a 
strong, multilateral response to the crisis. All members of APEC have a 
direct interest in preventing the further escalation of violence and 
political instability.
  I urge the Administration to continue to work aggressively with APEC 
nations to make it clear to the Indonesian government that the clock is 
ticking on a resolution of this issue. In addition to the diplomatic 
efforts, we must take some steps to demonstrate our own disapproval of 
the government's response to the situation to date. I support the 
Administration's decision to cease our direct military-to-military 
contacts with Indonesia. I believe we also should offer to send 
humanitarian aid to both East Timor and governments in the region that 
accept refugees. There are other steps that we can take as well.
  That is why I have joined my colleague Senator Russ Feingold in 
introducing a bill to suspend international financial assistance to 
Indonesia pending resolution of the crisis in East Timor. Specifically, 
this bill would suspend the remaining U.S. military assistance to 
Indonesia, require the United States to oppose the extension of 
financial support to Indonesia by international financial institutions 
such as the IMF, and require Congressional approval before any FY 2000 
bilateral assistance to Indonesia may be allocated. I see the 
introduction of this bill as a way to send a signal--not only to 
President Habibie, but to all of the players in Jakarta--that we regard 
this issue very seriously.
  Mr. President, I appreciate the opportunity to talk about East Timor 
and I yield the remainder of my time.

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