[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 115 (Wednesday, September 8, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10612-S10616]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




          STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS

      By Mr. COVERDELL (for himself and Mr. Cleland):
  S. 1566. A bill to direct the Administrator of General Services to 
convey certain land to the United States Postal Service, and for other 
purposes; to the Committee on Governmental Affairs.


               THE ST. SIMONS LIGHTHOUSE PRESERVATION ACT

  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation 
that guarantees the future of a great historic treasure in my state. 
For nearly 200 years, the lighthouse at St. Simons Island, Georgia, 
stood as a sentinel at the head of St. Simons Sound and guided ships 
safely through dangerous waters and into the port of nearby Brunswick. 
Although it is no longer used for this purpose, the lighthouse remains 
an integral part of the St. Simons Island community and is part of the 
rich heritage of this region. Unfortunately, events could soon take 
place which could do irrevocable harm to this site.
  In 1961, the United States Postal Service (USPS) leased part of the 
lighthouse property and built a small post office for the community, 
which is no longer used by the USPS. The lease was signed between the 
USPS and a private citizen, who owned the property at the time. This 
agreement, which expires in 2011, gives the USPS seven options to 
purchase the land outright at a significant discount, with the next 
purchase option being in 2001.
  Since the lease was signed, many things have changed. In 1984, the 
title to the lighthouse property was transferred to the Coastal Georgia 
Historical Society, an organization dedicated

[[Page S10613]]

to preserving the lighthouse and Georgia's coastal heritage. While the 
CGHS holds the title, the lease with the USPS remains in effect.
  It is very easy to see why many in the St. Simons community have 
grave concerns about the USPS exercising its right-to-buy option. The 
USPS has expressed its intent to exercise this option and immediately 
sell the land to a commercial developer for a huge profit. Many area 
residents do not appreciate the idea of placing a highrise hotel or a 
fast food restaurant next to the historic symbol of their community.
  The bill I am introducing today seeks to rectify this situation by 
preserving the St. Simons Lighthouse without interfering with the 
profit maximization requirements placed on the USPS. The St. Simons 
Lighthouse Preservation Act states that the General Services 
Administration will locate a sufficient federal property of equal value 
to the leased property at St. Simons and deed it to the USPS. In 
exchange, the USPS will terminate its lease.
  Passage of the St. Simons Lighthouse Preservation Act will ensure 
that future generations will be able to enjoy the Lighthouse and its 
environs. I encourage my colleagues to work with me to ensure quick 
passage of this important legislation.
                                 ______
                                 
      By Mr. FEINGOLD (for himself, Mr. Reed, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Wellstone, 
        Mrs. Boxer, Mr. Kohl, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Kennedy, and Mr. 
        Torricelli):
  S. 1568. A bill imposing an immediate suspension of assistance to the 
Government of Indonesia until the results of the August 30, 1999, vote 
in East Timor have implemented, and for other purposes; to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations.


        suspension of assistance to the government of indonesia

  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, I rise today, along with a number of my 
colleagues, to introduce a bill in response to the ongoing violence in 
East Timor.
  I am outraged at what is going on in East Timor today. The Indonesian 
government clearly has not lived up to its commitment to maintain 
security following the recent referendum. In fact it is openly 
supporting the militia violence against the majority of East Timorese, 
who have made clear their desire for an independent East Timor. If the 
Indonesian government cannot, or will not, maintain peace, I believe an 
international peacekeeping mission is the best option. The United 
States and the rest of the international community must exercise any 
and all leverage it has with the Indonesians to allow for this 
contingency. In addition, the United States provides a great deal of 
economic and military assistance to Indonesia. If the Indonesian 
government does not take steps to stop the violence occurring in East 
Timor, we should suspend these benefits.
  For that reason, I am today introducing a bill which cuts off all 
military and most economic assistance to the government of Indonesia 
until the President determines and certifies to the Congress that a 
safe and secure environment exists in East Timor which will allow the 
East Timorese who have fled the militia-led violence to return to their 
homes, allow the United Nations Assistance Mission to East Timor, 
UNAMET, to resume its mandate, and allow the results of the August 30, 
1999, referendum on East Timor's political status to be fully 
implemented.
  At long last, on August 30, the people of East Timor went to the 
polls to express their will about the future of their homeland, 
choosing between a future as an autonomous part of Indonesia, or as an 
independent nation. The approximately 99 percent voter turnout in the 
face of intimidation from the pro-Jakarta militias is a credit to the 
dedication and courage of the East Timorese people to determine once 
and for all their own political status.
  Ironically, the day of the ballot was relatively free of violence. 
But that was the calm before the storm. After the polls closed, the 
militias began a rampage throughout the territory that continues today. 
At least for UNAMET workers have been killed and at least six other are 
missing. Thousands of East Timorese have fled their homes, which are 
being looted and burned at will by the militias.
  According to some estimates, in the past week alone, several hundred 
people have been killed, and more than 30,000 have been forced to flee 
their homes. Television news reports have shown desperate East Timorese 
citizens scaling the razor-sharp barbed wire fence surrounding the 
UNAMET mission in order to escape the automatic weapons of the 
advancing militias. There have been reports of beheadings. Nobel 
Laureate Bishop Carlos Belo and about six thousand East Timorese who 
sought refuge in his home in Dili were forced to flee when his home was 
burned to the ground. Bishop Belo, who has endured years of 
intimidation and countless threats on his life, has since fled to 
Australia. The United Nations is evacuating many of its workers and 
international observers.
  The result of the ballot, which was announced on September 4, was 
overwhelming--78.5 percent of East Timorese voted for independence. 
This crushing defeat for the pro-Jakarta militias and their supporters 
sparked even more violence.
  Unfortunately, this is just the latest in a wave of violence that has 
plagued East Timor for almost a quarter of a century. At this point, I 
would like to recount some of East Timor's history--the events that 
have brought the people of that territory to the horrific violence that 
is being unleashed upon them as I speak these words.
  The East Timorese people have a long history of foreign domination. 
The Portuguese ruled there for four centuries. In 1975, less than a 
year after the Portuguese colonial rulers left East Timor, the 
Indonesian army occupied East Timor, and it remains there today. For 24 
years, the people of East Timor have been subjugated by the Indonesian 
government and harassed by the Indonesian military.
  The November 1991 massacre of non-violent demonstrators in the East 
Timorese capital of Dili is but one example of Indonesia's repressive 
occupation of East Timor. Despite the harsh rule of the Suharto 
regime--or maybe in spite of it--the people of East Timor held on to 
their hope for self-determination. This dream is personified by people 
such as Nobel Peace Prize winners Jose Ramos Horta and Bishop Carlos 
Belo, who have worked tirelessly, and at great personal risk, for the 
liberation of the people of East Timor.
  Following Suharto's resignation in 1998, it appeared that some 
positive changes were on the horizon for the people of East Timor. This 
comes after January 27, 1999, President B.J. Habibie announced that the 
government of Indonesia was finally willing to learn--and respect--the 
wishes of the people in that territory. On May 5, 1999, the governments 
of Indonesia and Portugal signed an agreement to hold a United Nations-
supervised ``consultation'' on the future of East Timor.
  Before the ink was even dry on this agreement, proJakarta militia 
groups--better described as lawless thugs--began a campaign of terror 
and intimidation against the East Timorese people aimed at quashing the 
independence movement. And these thugs operated freely while the 
Indonesian military looked the other way, and in some cases, helped 
them.
  In the weeks leading up to the historic referendum, the militias 
targeted supporters of East Timorese independence, and members of the 
UNAMET who were in the territory preparing for the vote.
  And now, the implementation of the results of this ballot, an effort 
which has already been paid for by the blood of more than 200,000 East 
Timorese who have been killed since 1975, is being delayed by more 
violence from criminals who cannot accept the defeat they received at 
the polls.
  Despite his promise to respect the wishes of the East Timorese 
people, President Habibie has done little to stop the violence. 
Yesterday, he imposed martial law in East Timor, but this announcement 
has not ended the militia rampage, and the Indonesian military has done 
nothing to halt the violence. I am concerned that martial law will only 
embolden the militias.
  The bill which I am introducing today calls on the Indonesian 
government to foster an environment in which the result of the August 
30 referendum can be fully implemented. And if the Indonesian 
government does not take steps to that end, all U.S. military and most 
economic assistance to Indonesia will be cut off. Period.

[[Page S10614]]

  For too long, the Congress has allowed military and economic 
assistance to be awarded to the government of Indonesia, with few 
conditions, despite its miserable human rights record and its 
deplorable treatment of the people of East Timor. It is high time that 
the Indonesian government learns that the U.S. will not tolerate the 
violent suppression of the legitimate democratic aspiration of the 
people of East Timor.
  Earlier this week, President Habibie asked the Indonesian people to 
remain calm in the face of the referendum results. It is past time for 
him to direct the Indonesian army to stop the militias and to 
discipline those army personnel who are in collusion with the militias 
in their rampage through East Timor.
  It is imperative that President Habibie and his government understand 
that the United States Congress will not sit idly by while bands of 
thugs continue to loot and burn East Timor, kill innocent civilians, 
and drive people from their homes.
  President Habibie said earlier this year that he would respect the 
wishes of the people of East Timor. His government also promised the 
World Bank that it would live up to its commitments to the United 
Nations. It is time he shows that these statements were more than just 
political rhetoric. He must stop the violence, and he must allow 
international peacekeepers to enter East Timor without the threat of 
attack from militias or members of the Indonesian army.
  I hope the Senate will act on this important legislation at the 
earliest possible date. We must not allow the Indonesian government to 
continue to receive U.S. military and economic assistance so long as it 
is condoning the terror in East Timor.
  So, Mr. President, I send a bill to the desk. Because of the urgency 
of the situation in East Timor, I ask that it be considered as soon as 
possible.
  Mr. President, I am delighted that the next speaker will be a person 
who has devoted an incredible energy to this issue; in fact, who 
recently had the willingness and courage to go to East Timor, Senator 
Reed of Rhode Island.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of the legislation 
introduced by my colleague, Senator Feingold of Wisconsin. I do so 
because of the gravity of the situation and also because of the fact 
that just 2 weeks ago I had the opportunity to travel, along with 
Senator Harkin of Iowa and Congressman McGovern of Massachusetts, to 
East Timor.
  We visited the town of Dili, the capital. Then we went into the 
countryside. We saw the bravery and courage of people who are willing, 
quite literally, to risk their lives to vote to determine their own 
future. We went to a town called Suai, which was a small village in the 
western part of East Timor. There we found 2,000 displaced persons 
huddled in the shadow of a half built Catholic church being protected 
from roving bands of militia, basically armed thugs, supported, 
encouraged, and, at times, directed by the Indonesian military 
authority. They were there not only for protection but also because 
they wanted to vote. They knew if they went back into the countryside, 
they might lose their chance to physically be present to vote.
  As I stood before those thousands of poor people who have been denied 
water and food by the authorities, who literally were being starved 
away from their right to vote, I told them that the vote is more 
powerful than the army. They believed that. A few days later, with 
great courage, they went to the polls, and, in overwhelming numbers, 
they voted overwhelmingly for independence.
  That vote now is being undermined systematically and deliberately by 
the military authority within Indonesia. Regretfully, we have just 
learned that the priest, Father Hilario, who was providing sanctuary in 
Swai, has been reported to have been killed by those violent militia 
bands.
  This is an issue that should trouble every person of conscience 
throughout the world. It should particularly trouble the United States, 
because for many years we have maintained a relationship with the 
Government of Indonesia in an attempt to provide the kind of support 
that would allow them to evolve into a democratic country that would 
fulfill its promises.
  The Government of Indonesia has pretensions of being a great power, 
but a great power keeps its word. The Government of Indonesia has not 
kept its word. It promised the United Nations that it would provide 
security and protection for the election. It promised it would respect 
the results of the election. It promised it would protect the lives and 
the property of the people of East Timor, and it has failed utterly and 
miserably in doing that.
  The military of Indonesia has pretensions of being a professional 
military force, but a professional military force always follows 
legitimate orders of its civilian and military commanders. This army is 
failing miserably in doing that.
  There is only one choice. They must either restore order, stability, 
and safety in East Timor, allow people to live freely and safely, 
respect the results of the election, or cooperate with the introduction 
of international peacekeepers.
  At the heart of the bill Senator Feingold, myself, and Senator Leahy 
are introducing is a very clear message to the government and the 
military of Indonesia: Unless you restore order immediately or allow 
international peacekeepers to enter East Timor, we will cut off all 
multilateral assistance. We will cut off all bilateral assistance. We 
will cut off all military cooperation. Essentially, the future 
relationship of Indonesia with the world community depends 
fundamentally on whether or not they will respect their own agreement 
to provide safety and security for the people of East Timor and respect 
the results of this election.
  I hope they do. If there is cooperation, if a United Nations 
peacekeeping force can enter that country, it is fortunate that our 
allies, the Australians and other countries, are ready, willing, and 
able at this moment to send personnel forward in this peacekeeping 
force. We should be able to assist this force with some of the unique 
capacities and capabilities we have: intelligence capabilities, 
satellite observation, air lifts, sea lift. I don't think it is 
necessary to commit our forces on the ground, but we should be part of 
this effort to secure the peace and stability and reaffirm the validity 
of this election.

  While we were in East Timor, we had occasion to visit with Bishop 
Belo, the Nobel prize winner. We had supper with him, very humble fare 
from a very humble and saintly person. His house has already been 
destroyed by roving mobs. East Timorese who took sanctuary there have 
been scattered and slaughtered. Mercifully, Bishop Belo has been able 
to escape to Australia.
  These scenes of carnage and mayhem and madness are convulsing East 
Timor. It is the responsibility of the Government of Indonesia to stop 
the violence or to allow international forces to enter at the soonest 
possible time to stop this violence. As I indicated initially, this 
referendum was not foisted upon the Government of Indonesia. It was 
agreed to by the Government of Indonesia. They made solemn pledges to 
the United Nations to respect the results of the vote, to conduct the 
vote fairly without intimidation. Now they must live up to their word 
or allow the United Nations and the world community to see that this 
vote is respected.
  A final image I have of our time in East Timor is going to a polling 
place. This was days before the election. We were talking to these very 
brave international volunteers from many nations who have risked their 
lives, literally, to be in these small towns to take the registration. 
There was a young man who had come to make sure his name was on the 
rolls so he could vote. We spoke with him. We asked him if he was 
afraid.
  He said: Yes, very much so, but I will vote. My friends will vote. We 
want to determine the future of our country. We want to determine the 
future of our families and our communities.
  They did that. We have to respect that courage and that faith in 
democracy and the power of the vote. We have to, internationally and 
individually as a nation, prove that the vote is more powerful than the 
army.
  I am pleased and proud to join my colleagues in this resolution. I 
urge its speedy consideration and passage.
  I yield the floor.

[[Page S10615]]

  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is a privilege to join Senator 
Feingold on this legislation to prohibit assistance to the Government 
of Indonesia until that nation permits the peaceful implementation of 
the results of the August 30 referendum, in which the people of East 
Timor overwhelmingly voted in favor of independence from Indonesia. 
This bill sends a clear and strong message to the Government of 
Indonesia that the United States will hold it responsible for the fate 
of the East Timorese people.
  Tragically, we are now faced with a crisis of alarming proportions as 
a result of the Indonesian government's failure to disarm the militias 
and to guarantee the security of the East Timorese people. The 
militias, together with Indonesian military and security personnel, are 
committing gross violations of human rights. Hundreds of East Timorese 
have been killed and tens of thousands have been forced to flee their 
homes, seeking refuge in West Timor. Hundreds have sought asylum in the 
UN compound in the East Timorese capital of Dili. Bishop Belo's home 
was burned and he was forced to seek asylum in Australia. UN personnel 
have been attacked and two were killed. Journalists have been 
threatened and forced to leave East Timor. The militias and the 
Indonesian military and security personnel perpetrating this violence 
must be stopped.
  All of us are deeply concerned over the violence and the likelihood 
of further bloodshed in the coming days. The Indonesian Government must 
take responsibility for the actions of its military and security 
personnel. If the Government of Indonesia cannot or will not stop the 
violence, it must permit the international community to do so. I 
strongly support the call for an international peacekeeping force, 
authorized by the United Nations Security Council, to intervene to 
restore security in East Timor and to implement the results of the 
referendum.
  By stopping all U.S. assistance to Indonesia, this legislation will 
encourage the Indonesian government to meet its international 
commitments and to ensure that its military and security forces abide 
by international law. The United States and the international community 
must use their economic leverage to encourage the Indonesian government 
to stop the violence in East Timor and permit a peaceful transition to 
independence. As long as this crisis continues, international financial 
institutions must not permit additional resources to flow to the 
Indonesian government--resources which could be used by military and 
security forces to continue the violence. In particular, the 
International Monetary Fund should not approve the disbursement of the 
remaining $2 billion of an already-approved $12 billion loan.
  The Indonesian government must know that these sanctions will remain 
in effect until it ensures the safety of the East Timorese people, 
permits the United Nations Assistance Mission in East Timor to 
implement the transition to independence, and ensures that its armed 
forces abide by the principles of international law.
  The people of East Timor need our help. Despite grave threats, they 
demonstrated great courage and great faith in the democratic process by 
going to the polls and voting overwhelmingly in favor of independence. 
The Government of Indonesia has an obligation to respect that verdict 
and see that it is implemented peacefully. The international community 
should do all it can to stop the violence and facilitate the peaceful 
transition to independence.
                                 ______
                                 
      By Mr. KERRY (for himself and Mr. Kennedy):
  S. 1569. A bill to amend the Wild and Scenic Rivers Act to designate 
segments of the Taunton River in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts for 
study for potential addition to the National Wild and Scenic Rivers 
System, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Energy and Natural 
Resources.


         TAUNTON RIVER WILD AND SCENIC RIVER STUDY ACT OF 1999

 Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I rise to introduce the Taunton 
River Wild and Scenic River Study Act of 1999. The bill directs the 
Secretary of the Interior to study the Taunton River in Massachusetts 
for potential addition to the National Wild and Scenic Rivers Systems. 
The Taunton River is ecologically and historically significant, and 
this legislation is supported by local officials and residents. Senator 
Kennedy is joining this bill as an original cosponsor.
                                 ______
                                 
      By Mr. LUGAR:
  S. 1570. A bill to amend the National School Lunch Act and the Child 
Nutrition Act of 1966 to promote identification of children eligible 
for benefits under, and enrollment of children in, the medicaid and 
State Children's Health Insurance programs; to the Committee on 
Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry.


                     S-CHIP IMPROVEMENT ACT OF 1999

  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Access to 
Children's Health Insurance Program Act. Joining me in this effort is 
my colleague from Indiana in the other body, Representative Julia 
Carson.
  Congress created the S-CHIP program in the Balanced Budget Act of 
1997 as a new federal-state partnership to expand health insurance 
coverage for low-income children not eligible for Medicaid. Under S-
CHIP states may cover children in families up to 200 percent of the 
federal poverty level or, in states with Medicaid income levels for 
children already at or above 200 percent of poverty, within 50 percent 
over the state's current Medicaid income eligibility limit. Congress 
provided over $4 billion annually to match state expenditures for this 
program.
  Implementation of the S-CHIP program has been slow. States have faced 
both normal start-up problems as well as other obstacles to identifying 
and enrolling eligible children. There are an estimated 11 million 
children who are uninsured with 7.5 million who could be eligible for 
the S-CHIP program. Congress envisioned that 5 million children would 
receive services under S-CHIP. As of July 1999, according to the Kaiser 
Family Foundation, only 1.3 million children were enrolled on S-CHIP, 
less than half the projected enrollment in 1999.
  The federal child nutrition programs of school lunch, child care 
feeding and WIC are important sources of information on potentially 
eligible children as well as a contact point with their parents. 
Typically these programs collect income information that can be used to 
identify eligible children, and even enroll children into federal 
health insurance programs. However there are limits on the disclosure 
of school lunch data. While state and local health programs and other 
means-tested nutrition programs may receive this data, Medicaid and S-
CHIP may not.
  Our bill will expand disclosure, subject to privacy provisions, to 
the state health agency running Medicaid and S-CHIP. As an added 
protection, both the State and local education authority must agree to 
this new disclosure.
  The bill will also expand on a demonstration basis the use of WIC 
administrative funds. With the new authority, WIC clinics will be able 
to take a more active role in the identification and enrollment of 
children onto the S-CHIP and Medicaid programs. However, since funding 
for WIC is discretionary and funds for required program activities are 
tight, the number of sites will be limited. The General Accounting 
Office will be required to determine the added cost of the program.
  Finally the bill will fund demonstration grants to states. The 
demonstration projects will integrate nutrition program grantees 
(schools, child care centers and WIC clinics) and other social service 
programs with the federal health care programs for low income children. 
States will form comprehensive informational and enrollment projects to 
be eligible for the funding.
  Mr. President, this bill removes bureaucratic barriers so that more 
poor children may receive the health care they need. It does this by 
allowing one government entity to share information it possesses with 
another government entity responsible for health care. I urge my 
colleagues to support this bill.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the 
Record, as follows:

                                S. 1570

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

[[Page S10616]]

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``SCHIP Improvement Act of 
     1999''.

     SEC. 2. LIMITED WAIVER OF CONFIDENTIALITY REQUIREMENT.

       Section 9(b)(2)(C)(iii) of the National School Lunch Act 
     (42 U.S.C. 1758(b)(2)(C)(iii)) is amended--
       (1) in subclause (II), by striking ``and'' at the end;
       (2) in subclause (III), by striking the period at the end 
     and inserting ``; and''; and
       (3) by adding at the end the following:
       ``(IV) a person directly connected with the administration 
     of a State plan under title XIX of the Social Security Act 
     (42 U.S.C. 1396 et seq.) or a State child health plan under 
     title XXI of that Act (42 U.S.C. 1397aa et seq.) for the 
     purpose of identifying children eligible for benefits under, 
     and enrolling children in, any such plan, except that this 
     subclause shall apply with respect to the agency from which 
     the information would be obtained only if the State and the 
     agency so elect.''.

     SEC. 3. DEMONSTRATION PROJECT.

       (a) In General.--Section 17 of the Child Nutrition Act of 
     1966 (42 U.S.C. 1786) is amended by adding at the end the 
     following:
       ``(q) Demonstration Project Relating to Use of WIC Funds 
     for Identification and Enrollment of Children in Certain 
     Health Programs.--
       ``(1) In general.--The Secretary shall establish a 
     demonstration project in not more than 40 local agencies in 
     not fewer than 2 States under which costs of nutrition 
     services and administration (as defined in subsection (b)(4)) 
     shall include the costs of identification of children 
     eligible for benefits under, and enrollment of children in--
       ``(A) a State plan under title XIX of the Social Security 
     Act (42 U.S.C. 1396 et seq.); and
       ``(B) a State child health plan under title XXI of that Act 
     (42 U.S.C. 1397aa et seq.).
       ``(2) Report on evaluation of costs.--Not later than 18 
     months after the date of enactment of this subsection, the 
     Comptroller General of the United States shall submit to 
     Congress a report evaluating the costs associated with 
     implementation of the demonstration project, including an 
     evaluation of the Federal and State costs per child enrolled 
     in a State plan described in paragraph (1).
       ``(3) Termination of authority.--The authority provided by 
     this subsection terminates September 30, 2003.''.
       (b) Technical Amendments.--Section 17 of the Child 
     Nutrition Act of 1966 (42 U.S.C. 1786)--
       (1) in subsection (b)(4), by striking ``(4)'' and all that 
     follows through ``means'' and inserting ``(4) `Costs of 
     nutrition services and administration' or `nutrition services 
     and administration' means''; and
       (2) in subsection (h)(1)(A), by striking ``costs incurred 
     by State and local agencies for nutrition services and 
     administration'' and inserting ``costs of nutrition services 
     and administration incurred by State and local agencies''.

     SEC. 3. GRANTS FOR IDENTIFICATION AND ENROLLMENT EFFORTS.

       Section 12 of the National School Lunch Act (42 U.S.C. 
     1760) is amended by adding at the end the following:
       ``(p) Grants for Identification and Enrollment Efforts.--
       ``(1) In general.--The Secretary shall make grants to 
     States to carry out State plans to involve eligible entities 
     described in paragraph (2) in the identification of children 
     eligible for benefits under, and enrollment of children in--
       ``(A) a State plan under title XIX of the Social Security 
     Act (42 U.S.C. 1396 et seq.); and
       ``(B) a State child health plan under title XXI of the 
     Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1397aa et seq.).
       ``(2) Eligible entities.--An eligible entity referred to in 
     paragraph (1) is--
       ``(A) a school or school food authority participating in 
     the school lunch program under this Act;
       ``(B) an institution participating in the child and adult 
     care food program under section 17;
       ``(C) a local agency participating in the special 
     supplemental nutrition program for women, infants, and 
     children under section 17 of the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 
     (42 U.S.C. 1786); or
       ``(D) any other nongovernmental social service provider.
       ``(3) Use of funds for wic demonstration project.--The 
     authorized uses of grant funds under this subsection shall 
     include carrying out the demonstration project under section 
     17(q) of the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 (42 U.S.C. 1786(q)).
       ``(4) Funding.--Out of any moneys in the Treasury not 
     otherwise appropriated, the Secretary of the Treasury shall 
     provide to the Secretary to carry out this subsection 
     $6,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2000 through 2003. The 
     Secretary shall be entitled to receive the funds and shall 
     accept the funds, without further Act of appropriation.''.

                          ____________________