[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 102 (Monday, July 19, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8797-S8798]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




          THE TRADE ADJUSTMENT ASSISTANCE REAUTHORIZATION ACT

  Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I rise today in support of the Trade 
Adjustment Assistance Reauthorization Act, a bill that has been 
reported from the Finance Committee and was filed on July 16th. I 
believe this bill is critical for American workers, companies and their 
communities. The bill as written would extend authorization for trade 
adjustment assistance for two years, and would allow workers and 
companies that are negatively impacted by international trade to 
receive the assistance currently allowed by law. If we do not pass this 
legislation, trade adjustment assistance will expire this October, and 
workers and companies that are presently receiving benefits will be 
completely cut off from government support. In specific terms, this

[[Page S8798]]

means over 340,000 workers across the country, and several thousand 
workers in my state of New Mexico, will be without support needed to 
maintain their lives and re-train for the future. These are real people 
and real lives we are talking about, and we simply can't let this 
happen. We must act now to ensure the programs continue.
  Let me briefly explain what this legislation is about. In 1962, when 
the Trade Expansion Act was under consideration, the Kennedy 
Administration came up with a very straightforward proposition 
concerning international trade and American workers and companies: if 
and when Americans lose their jobs as a result of trade agreements 
entered into by the U.S. government, then the U.S. government should 
assist these Americans in finding new employment. If you lose a job 
because of U.S. trade policy, you should have some help from the 
federal government in re-training to get a job.
  I find this a reasonable and fair proposition. It suggests that the 
U.S. government supports a open trading system, but recognizes that it 
is responsible to repair the negative impacts this policy has on its 
citizens. It suggests that the U.S. government believes that an open 
trading system provides long-term advantages for the United States and 
its people, but that the short-terms costs must be addressed if the 
policy is to continue and the United States is to remain competitive. 
It suggests that there is a collective interest that must be pursued, 
but that individual interests must be protected for the greater good.
  This commitment to American workers and companies has continued over 
the years, and should not be ended now. The reason for continuity is 
obvious: globalization is only moving at a faster pace, with the 
potential for ever more significant impacts on our country. In my 
opinion, the process of globalization is inevitable. It is not going to 
stop. Therefore, the question for us in this chamber is not whether we 
can stop it, but how we can manage it to benefit the national interest 
of the United States.
  The picture we see of globalization is that of a double-edged sword, 
with some individuals and companies gaining and others losing. The 
gains are clear-cut. Exports now generate over one-third of all 
economic growth in the United States. Export jobs pay ten to fifteen 
percent more than the average wage. Depending upon who you listen to, 
it has generated anywhere from two to eleven million jobs over the last 
ten years. For those who dislike globalization, I say look in your 
kitchen, your living room, your driveway, your office, and see the 
products that are there as a result of a more open and interdependent 
trading system. Without expanded trade brought on as a result of 
globalization we will end up fighting over an ever-decreasing domestic 
economic pie.
  But in spite of these obvious benefits we cannot ignore the problems 
involved with globalization. Every day we hear disturbing stories about 
what this has meant for people across the country. In my state we have 
seen over the last year a large number of lay-offs and closings in 
small rural towns that cannot afford to have this happen. The closing 
of three plants in Roswell, Las Cruces, and Albuquerque meant 1,600 
people lost their jobs. Next came lay-offs in the copper mines in my 
home town of Silver City. These people cannot simply go across the 
street and look for new work. They are people who have been dedicated 
to their companies and have played by the rules over the years. What 
they deserve when they lose their job is an opportunity to get income 
support and re-training to rebuild their lives. What they deserve is a 
program that creates skills that are needed, that moves them into new 
jobs faster, that provides opportunities for the future, that keeps 
families and communities intact.
  TAA offers the potential for this outcome. Although in need of 
revision in several key areas--and I am focusing on these areas at this 
time--it has over the years consistently helped individuals and 
companies in communities across the United States deal with the 
transitions that are an inevitable part of a changing international 
economic system. It helps people that can work and want to work to 
continue to work in productive jobs that contribute to the economic 
welfare of our country. We have made this promise to workers in every 
administration, both Democrat and Republican, and we should continue to 
do so. Although TAA is not without its flaws, it remains the only 
program that allows workers and companies to adjust and remain 
competitive. Without it, in my opinion we are saying unequivocally that 
we don't care what happens to you, that we bear no responsibility for 
the position that you are in, that you are on your own.
  Senators Roth, Moynihan, and others think otherwise, and I agree 
wholeheartedly with them. I believe that this commitment to individuals 
and companies and communities must be kept. I urge all my colleagues to 
support the passage of this bill when it comes to a vote on the floor.

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