[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 95 (Wednesday, June 30, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7962-S7964]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EISENHOWER LEADERSHIP AWARD
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, on the evening of Tuesday, May 18, 1999,
the distinguished Chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee and
my good friend, Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska, received the Eisenhower
World Affairs Institute's annual Leadership Award in recognition of his
outstanding lifetime accomplishments. This is indeed an honor Ted
richly deserves. Ted has dedicated his life to public service, and
embodies the values, commitment and integrity that were the hallmark of
former President Dwight D. Eisenhower. It is an honor to work with such
an able legislator, particularly on the Senate Appropriations
Committee, where Ted's leadership has earned him the respect of his
Senate colleagues. Ted is a great American and serves this institution
well. I was delighted to be part of the evening's festivities. I would
like to share with my Senate colleagues and all Americans, Senator Ted
Stevens' remarks upon the acceptance of the Eisenhower Leadership
Award. I ask that the full text of Senator Stevens' remarks be printed
in the Congressional Record.
The remarks follow.
Senator Ted Stevens' Remarks at the Eisenhower WordD Affairs Dinner
Upon Receiving the Eisenhower Leadership Prise, May 18, 1999
This is a very unexpected honor. Thanks to Rocco Siciliano
and to my departed friend, Al McDermott, who served as
Assistant to Ike's Secretary of Labor--a special friend who
would be pleased that his wife, Krieks, is here. Al, under
Ike's command, drove his LCT to Omaha Beach in Normandy on D-
Day.
Alaska's small population seems to be here--the effort all
Alaskans made to come so far to share this night means a lot
to me. Catherine and I are especially pleased that Lily, soon
to be on the Farm at Stanford, is here, together with
Catherine's sister, Judi.
This evening overwhelms me. Friends are here from almost
every phase of my life.
Russ Green and I met in California when we were 14. We
traveled far to be with each other for brief periods during
WWII. Russ still lives in California--he was our best man in
1952 when Ann and I were married.
George Reycraft has been a companion since 1947, when we
started law school. Catherine, Lily and I have spent
Thanksgiving with George since 1980. Roemer McPhee and Burton
Wood were with us at law school.
Bill Ewald served in the Interior Department before going
to the White House to become Ike's biographer. Donna DeVarona
and I were on President Ford's Commission on Amateur Sports--
she encouraged me and assisted me when Congress enacted my
Amateur Sports Act. Sandra Day and John O'Connor are
Arizonans from a ranching family like Catherine's mother,
Ellie. Tony Motley and Judy--Tony and I survived a Lear Jet
crash in 1978--that's a bond that is never broken.
My constant companions in Alaska--and anywhere the fishing
is good--are my brother-in-law Bill Bittner, Chuck Robinson,
Bill Allen and my long-time friend and traveling companion,
Marshall Coyne. General Joe Ralston and Dede have been close
friends since he commanded our 11th Air Force in Alaska--they
too are Alaska residents. Throughout this room are members of
the Senate staff with whom I have worked. I thank each of you
for coming.
And, I thank Senators Bennett, Inouye, Specter and Warner--
and Elizabeth Letchworth, Secretary to the Majority, who made
certain there were no votes tonight.
I am filled with awe and trepidation when the list of past
recipients of this award is read. I was a foot soldier in
Ike's battle to ``Wage Peace.'' To follow President Bush,
Colin Powell, Bob Dole, Lloyd Bentsen, and Brent Scowcroft is
an honor that takes my breath away.
Those previous recipients spoke much about Ike. George Bush
said:
``I think every person in my generation, certainly every
product of WWII, who witnessed his dedication to duty and the
devotion with which he undertook his many weighty
responsibilities, feels exactly the same way I do. In a
sense, Eisenhower was like a guardian to us. Certainly, he
was a hero figure before he became President of the United
States.''
Bob Dole remembered that of ``the four federal balanced
budgets in the last half of this century, Ike gave us three
of them''.
Colin Powell told us of the Eisenhower Corridor in the
Pentagon where, among the President's treasures, is his
portrait and as Colin said the ``simple, but oh so eloquent,
final words Ike spoke before his death, `I've always loved my
wife. I've always loved my children. I've always loved my
grandchildren. I've always loved my country.' ''
I have made many statements on the Senate Floor about
President Eisenhower. After Ike died in 1969, my comments as
a freshman Senator reminded Americans the President held a
special place in the hearts of Alaskans. To our 34th
President, statehood for Alaska was a matter of simple
justice. And, when he listed the accomplishments of his
administration, statehood for Alaska and Hawaii appeared
first. Alaska first sought statehood in 1913. Two world wars
interrupted our quest. After WWII, Hawaii joined the fight.
Congress considered Hawaii's bill first, but proponents of
Alaska amended their bill and added Alaska, resulting in the
defeat of both.
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Democrats in Congress were certain Alaska would be a solid
state for them; Republicans knew Hawaii was certain to be
solidly for them. Neither state has followed such
predictions.
In 1950, General Eisenhower said, ``. . . quick admission
of Alaska and Hawaii to statehood would show the world that
America practices what it preaches.''
However, in ``Eisenhower the President,'' Bill Ewald
reported, ``One day in Ike's first term, Orme Lewis,
Assistant Secretary of the Interior, cautiously entered the
Oval Office with Secretary Douglas McKay. `What do you want
to talk to me about?' The President asked. `Statehood for
Alaska,' McKay replied. `Well, it better be goddamn good,'
the President shot back.''
Ike was under Department of Defense pressure to oppose
Alaska statehood. Explaining that his 1950 statement
endorsing Alaska statehood was made before he had
Presidential responsibility, in his first term Ike urged that
Hawaii be admitted, but not Alaska.
This was at the height of the Cold War. Many WWII veterans
went north to find a new life, including my wife Ann and me.
Only 206,000 people, including military, lived in our
Territory. Anyone could enter Alaska without a passport, but
when we went to the ``South 48,'' our own Immigration Service
demanded a passport from everyone, or at least a birth
certificate and we, like Americans before us, found taxation
without representation downright un-American! It was
demeaning to those of us who had fought WWII. We wanted
Congress to listen to Ike and show America does practice what
it preaches.
Alaskans called a Constitutional Convention; we adopted a
Constitution for a new state and we also adopted the
``Tennessee Plan.'' Tennessee, when it sought statehood,
elected two Senators and a Congressman, then sent them to
Washington, D.C. to demand statehood.
In mid-1956, I arrived back in Washington, D.C. to become
Legislative Counsel at the Interior Department. President
Eisenhower had just appointed as Secretary of the Interior
Fred Seaton, Publisher of the Hastings Tribune, who had
served briefly as one of Nebraska's Senators.
Alaska's newspaper publishers, particularly my friends Bill
Snedden of the Fairbanks News-Miner and Bob Atwood of the
Anchorage Times, knew Fred well and urged me to accept the
appointment.
In many ways, statehood for Alaska and Hawaii was a triumph
for newspaper publishers. Snedden and Atwood visited almost
every news entity in the United States from Bill Hearst to
Henry R. Luce of Time, Inc. From hundreds of daily, weekly
and monthly newspapers and magazines, editorial and even
financial support poured in. Seaton's own Western Farm Life,
plus his papers, radio and television stations in Wyoming,
Colorado and Nebraska, were all active in this endeavor.
Alaskans found their national champion for statehood in
Fred Seaton. His maiden speech on the Senate Floor was an
impassioned plea for immediate action on the Alaska bill.
(I've always believed it was ghostwritten by Bill Snedden.)
At Interior, I joined friends with whom I had worked here
in D.C. as a volunteer in Ike's 1952 campaign, preparing
position papers on natural resource and western issues.
Later, at the 1956 Republican Convention, working behind the
scenes with Fred Seaton, Alaskans and Hawaiians obtained a
provision in our Platform pledging action on both statehood
bills.
During the campaign, on September 11, 1956, the President
said:
``Now, Alaska is a very great area, there are few people in
it, and they are confined almost exclusively in the southeast
corner.
``Could there be a way worked out where the areas necessary
for defense requirements could be retained under Federal
control in the great outlying regions and a State made out of
that portion in which the population is concentrated, it
would seem to be a good solution to the problem.
``But, the great and vast area is completely dependent upon
the United States for protection, and it is necessary to us
in our defense arrangements.''
That statement led Secretary Seaton and me to meet in 1957
in Fred's hospital room with General Nate Twining, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, one of Ike's favorite military
advisors. With Twining was Jack Stempler, then in charge of
legislation for DoD. Jack told me just this past week,
``Legislation is spawned in many places in D.C., but I wonder
how many legislative solutions came from a hospital room?''
Secretary Seaton was in traction because of a bad back. We
showed him and General Twining the map upon which Ike had
drawn a rough line, North and West of which Ike believed
there were special defense problems. Twining, who had
commanded in Alaska, explained the military reasons for
Eisenhower's reservations, particularly the need for
unfettered access along the Northern and Western shores of
Alaska, obviously defense strategy for opposing the Soviets.
The General pointed out Ike remembered that part of
Alaska's Aleutian Islands were occupied by the Japanese in
World War II and that Alaska's Little Diomede Island in the
North Pacific was just two miles from the Soviet's Big
Diomede Island.
We developed a concept to meet Ike's military concerns,
while at the same time admitting the whole territory as a
state, drafting a provision to give the President power to
make defense withdrawals, in essence creating martial law,
taking over all aspects of government in the area North or
West of Ike's line. No such power exists in any other state.
The Tennessee Plan members--Bill Egan, Ernest Gruening, and
Ralph Rivers--later agreed, and Bob Bartlett presented the
concept in the House. This was not an easy decision. House
Rules Chairman Howard Smith was a dedicated opponent of
Alaska. Alaska's statehood bill bypassed his Rules Committee
under an old, seldom-used House Rule, which allowed statehood
bills to be taken directly to the House Floor. The strategy
worked. Alaska's bill passed the House despite repeated
attacks from Republicans and Southern Democrats.
Senate strategy was to avoid amendments. Had an amendment
been adopted, the bill would be returned to the House where
Chairman Smith would bury it.
In the Senate debate, our provision, known as Section 10,
was the principal target of statehood opponents. Senator
Eastland, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, led the charge
saying:
``I submit that the reservation contained in section 10 is
such a condition imposed upon the new State of Alaska as a
price for admission in of the Union of States that it does
violence to the equal footing doctrine, whereby all the
preceding states entering into this Union all entered on
equal footing.
``The President of the United States is authorized without
a declaration of martial law, to withdraw sovereignty from
over half of the area of the State of Alaska.''
Senators Thurmond and Russell spoke at length, leaving
Majority Leader Mansfield to wonder out loud if there was a
filibuster going on.
Senator Thurmond objected to any unanimous consent
agreement. I remember loud sighs then from Alaskans in the
Senate gallery, knowing as we did Strom's capability for long
debate. And Strom did speak extremely long and eloquently.
Senators Monroney, Fulbright, and Stennis each made motions;
all failed. Then Senator Russell, an absolute powerhouse in
the Senate, joined Stennis in seeking to refer the bill to
the Armed Services Committee. This also failed. Thurmond
moved to eliminate a portion of the land in Alaska subject to
section 10. That failed by a vote of 16-67. That vote showed
enough votes to cut off debate. Soon thereafter, our bill
passed, unamended, by a vote of 64-20.
I later served in the Senate with those Senators who
opposed Alaska vigorously. Each was not only a good friend,
but worked hard to help me and our new state.
Bill Ewald, when commenting on the passage of the Alaska
bill in ``Eisenhower the President,'' rightfully concluded
Seaton was a zealot on the subject--and I was a fanatic.
Bill also said:
``. . . in the end . . . the greatest glory must go to
Eisenhower. He chose his lieutenants, gave them the freedom
to think and to innovate, backed them to the hilt despite his
qualms, and thus produced an outcome that, in retrospect,
remains a triumph of his administration.
``They worked in his name; and history will, and should,
honor him for what they did.''
The privilege of being near Ike in those days is hard to
describe. It wasn't just a battle for Alaska--ten years after
Ike approved our Statehood Act, oil was discovered in Alaska.
Now 25 percent of all oil produced in the U.S. comes from our
North Slope and Cook Inlet. Over 50 percent of all fish
landed in the U.S. comes from waters off our shores.
Alaska has the highest educated population in this nation.
Air Force pilots train above our vast tundra, and our
joint Army/Air Force exercises give our defense forces the
finest training in the world.
Bryce Harlow, the President's assistant for legislative
affairs, held weekly meetings every Saturday for the liaison
assistants from every Department, reviewing the past week,
and planning strategy for the week ahead. Ed McCabe and
Roemer McPhee attended some of those meetings. General Jerry
Pearson joined us once in a while. Ike often stopped by
Harlow's meetings; he'd joke a little, take time to clearly
and simply explain what his priorities were, and would always
end with a plea to get our work done and go home to our
families. Once he told us, ``If you are ever at a dinner here
in Washington that lasts beyond ten p.m., go to your hostess
and tell her the President needs to see you!'' Ike firmly
believed in ``early to bed and early to rise.''
I'm sure you join me in saying how happy we are to be with
members of the Eisenhower family again--David and Julie, Mary
Jean and Susan. Ike's legacy of family love is obviously a
code for each of them.
In 1982, on the Senate Floor, I discussed Bill Ewald's
speech to the Eisenhower Old Guard dinner that year. Bill
commented about Ike's calm as the President discussed his
decision to send troops into Lebanon just eight days after he
signed the Alaska Statehood Bill.
Ike told Bill, ``Look, when you appeal to the force,
there's just one thing you must never do--that's lose.
There's no such thing as a little force. When you use it, you
use it overwhelmingly.''
Bill closed that speech with a comment with which we all
agree:
``Not often in the story of mankind does a man arrive on
earth of steel and velvet. Peace unspeakable and perfect.
``Something like that resided in the mind and heart and
soul of Dwight Eisenhower. In
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the midst of many threatening clouds it brought us a
beautiful golden season of Eisenhower weather.
``For what he did, and above all for what he was, we thank
God from the bottom of our hearts tonight.''
President Eisenhower's Covenant for Total Peace is known to
many of you. It was read by Charlton Heston on the
anniversary of D-Day, June 6th 1998, in Philadelphia.
Americans who didn't know Ike personally should read it--and
know what he did for us, and for the world.
I enlisted in General Eisenhower's crusade 50 years ago.
And as a member of the Eisenhower Administration, I joined
the President in the battle for Alaska statehood. His
admonition that ``there is one thing you must never do--
lose'' is a principle which continues to guide my public
life.
Ike will always be my Supreme Commander. His devotion to
duty, country, honor have shaped my nearly 50 years of public
service. I view the world and my responsibility to it through
his prism. Whether it's continuing the battle to ensure the
promises of statehood are kept or working side by side with
my partner, Dan Inouye, to maintain the strong national
defense that Ike helped build, I am honored to continue as a
foot soldier in his battle to ``wage peace.''
The Crusade I want to join is obvious: In my mind Dwight
David Eisenhower must be named the Person of the Twentieth
Century. My question is: where do I enlist?
____________________